
Glass JZ/f 70^ 
Book </ 88 . 



COPYRKJHT DEPOSIT 



THE HISTORY 



OF THE 



ANCIENT Britons 



AND 



THEIR DESCENDANTS. 



THOMAS W. POWELL, 



Author of 



ANALYSIS OF AMERICAN LAW" and -THE LAW OF APPELLATE 

PROCEEDINGS." 




T. C. o'kANE, 

DELAWARE, OHIO. 

1882. 



Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1882, by 

Thomas W. Powell, 
In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. 



lo2 



PRESS OF 

Gazette Printing House, 
delaware, ohio. 



PREFATORY NOTICE. 



The author desires to notify his friends and the public that this history was written 
during the years 1875, '76 and '77; that during 1S7S and '79 he endeavored in various 
ways to procure its publication in vain; and that in 1S80 he so far lost his eye-sight 
that lie was unable to read any book or paper, and no optician or optical glass was 
able to give him any aid. Though he was still able to write letters by merely being 
able to see his paper and pen — all else was the result of habit and guess, and such let- 
ters were sent oft" without reading or correction, as of necessity. In the fall of 1880 
arrangements were made with the publishers for the printing and publication of the 
History at the responsibility of the author. Since then it has been slowly going 
through the press, and is now in the process of binding and publication. While go- 
ing through the press the author was unable, on account of his defective vision, to 
correct the proof, except what he was able to do by hearing it read. The proof sheets 
were corrected by some friends who volunteered their services to do so, to whom he 
feels himself greatly obliged. He is happy to think that the book is tolerably free 
from typographical errors, and now only wishes to notice the following: 

ist. Page 51, first column, figure 2 is omitted between the words "China" and "It 
was from," &c. 

2d. Page 116, second column, for marshes read marches 

3d. Page 130, second column, for wishes read virtues. 

4th. Page 206, first column, for Andredes Carter read Andredes Caster. 

5th. Page 330, second column, for Edward III read Edward I. 

6th. Page 461, second column, for Constantine Chlorus read Constantius Chlorus. 

Delaware, Ohio, February 22, 1882. 




Note. — The above picture is an exact 
cop3' of one I received as a frontispiece in 
a copy of Palgrave's History of the Anglo- 
Saxons, sent me from Liverpool. It is in- 
scribed, "Conflict between the Romans and 
the Saxons," while it is truly the well 
known picture of the conflict between the 
Romans and Ancient Britons, at Caesar's 
first landing in Britain, five hundred years 
before the Saxons came to Britain. It is a 
true picture ot Caesar's landing. There is 
Ca?sar on the deck of his ship directing the 



landing and conflict; there also is the 
standard bearer of the tenth legion leaping 
into the sea and calling upon his men to 
follow. I do not charge this piece of false- 
hood upon Mr. Palgrave, but it is chargea- 
ble upon some one connected with the pub- 
lication of the book. And it is in character 
with the misrepresentations constantly 
making to impress upon the rising English 
generation that there is nothing in British 
history but what is due to the Saxons. 



CONTENTS. 



BOOK I.— THE BRITISH PERIOD. 

Chap. I. The Inhabitants of Western Europe 
§1. The Cradle and Couimenceiueut of the 
Human Race 29 

2. The Races Who Settled West Europe.... 39 

3. The Cymry .^ U 

Chap. ii. The Britons as Noticed"in Ancient 

History 51 

Chap. hi. Tlie RomanJIuvasion by CiBsar 

$1. C;esar's Prior Operations in Gaul 72 

2. Ca'sar's Invasion of Britain 78 

3. Cwsar's Final Operations in Gaul 88 

4. The Period after C;esar's Invasion 95 

Chap. iy. Customs, Mauers and Civilization 

of the Britons 
$1. Who were the Ancient Britons'?... 97 

2. The Goverunieut of the Britons 100 

3. The Institution of the Druids 104 

4. The Triads 108 

5. Civilization and Character of the An- 
cient Britons 113 

BOOK II.— THE ROMAN PERIOD. 

Chap. i. The Roman Rule from the Conquest 
to the Reign of Diocletian 
$1. The Conquest to Suetonius. A. D. 43 to 

61 121 

2. Suetonius to Agricola. A. D. 61 to 78... 129 

8. Agricola to Severus. A. D. 78 to 193 134 

4. Severus to Diocletian. A. D. 193 to 284... 138 
Chap, ii . The Rule of Diocletian to the End 
of the Period. A. D. 2S4r-420 
■Jl. The Times of Diocletian to the Death of 

Constantius. A. D. 284—306 139 

2. Constantine and his Time. A. D. 306 to 

867 142 

8. Theodosius, the General, and his Time 
to the Departure of the Romans. A. D. 

367 to 420— 53 years 145 

4, The Close of the Roman Period 149 

6. The Sequel of the Roman Period 150 

Chap. hi. The Condition and Character of 

the People Daring the Roman Pe- 
riod, to the Accession of Diocle- 
tian 158 

Chap. iv. The Condition of the People from 
the Accession of Diocletian to the 
End of the Period. A. D. 284 to 
420 174 

BOOK III.— THE SAXON PERIOD. 

Chap. i. The Saxon Conquest. A. D. 449 to 
626 
$1. The Saxons' First immigration, war, 

and Settlement in Britain 195 

2. The Saxon Immigration and the Times 

of Arthur. A. D. 477—550 205 

8. The Establishment of the Saxon States 
North of the Thames A. D. 530— 600.... 211 

4. The Introduction of Christianity among 
the Saxons 216 

5. She Sequel of the Period 220 

Chap. II. The Saxon Heptarchy from the Ac- 
cession of Penda to the Death of 
Egbert. A.D. 626—836 228 

Chap. hi. The Saxon Kingdoms 

$1. From the Death of Egbert to that of 

AtheUtan. A. D. 836—940 242 

8. Fi'om the Death of Athelstan to the Nor- 
man Conquest. A. D. 940—1086 260 



CH.iP. IV. Condition of the People 
^1. The Condition of the Britons at the Ad- 
vent of the Saxons 275 

2. The Condition of the Saxons During this 

Period 280 

8. The Condition of the Britons During 
the Saxon Period 286 

4. The Condition of the Saxons at the Close 

of this Period 289 

5. Condition of the Cvmry at the Close of 
the Period 293 

BOOK IV.— THE NORMAN PERIOD. 

Chap. i. The Norman Conquest to the Ac- 
cession of Edward I. A.D. 1068 to 
1272 
$1. The Norman Conquest. A. D. 1066 297 

2. W'illiam the Conqueror, from his Coro- 
nation to his Death. A. D. 1066—1087... 306 

3. The Course of Events in English History 
from the Death of William the Con- 
queror to that of Henry HI . A, D. 1087 

to 1272 316 

4. Governmental Matters of the Cymry. 
A.D. 1066—1272 318 

Chap. ii. From the Accession of Edward I 
to the End of the Period. A. D. 
1272—1485 
§1. The Reign of Edward I and the Con- 
quest of Wales 322 

2. From the Accession of Edward II to that 

of Henry VI. A. D. 1307—1422 328 

3. Froiii the Accession of Henry VI to that 

of Henry VII. A. D. 1422-1485 334 

Chap. hi. The Condition of the People 
§1. The Condition of the Cymry from the 
Couque.st of Wales by Edward I. A.D. 
1066—1276 3,38 

2. Condition of the English from the Nor- 
man Conquest to the Conquest of Wales 

by Edward I. A. D. lo6t>-1276 346 

3. The Condition of the People from the 
Annexation of Wales to the Accession 
oftheTudors. A.D. 128S— 1485 358 

BOOK v.— THE MODERN PERIOD. 

Chap. i. The Civil and Political Changes of 
the Period 
$1. The Tudor Dynasty. A. D. 148.5-1603... 361 

2. The Stuart Dynasty. A.D. 1603— 1714... 368 

3. The Brunswick Dynasty. A. D. 1714— 
1837 374 

Chap. ii. The Condition of the People from 
the Accession of Henry VII to that 
of Victoria. A. D. 1485— 1837 
$1. The Condition of the Cymrv 379 

2. The Condition of the English 385 

3. Ethnology of the British People 387 

Chap. hi. People Constituting the United 

Kingdom 
51. The English Pejjijle 898 

2. The Cymry or Welsh 414 

3. The Scots 421 

4. The Irish 429 

Chap. IV. Conclusion or Epilogue 440 

APPENDIX 

NOTK I. Errors in History — Helena's Birth- 
place— Miss Jane Williams' Letter 
Manuscript 457 

Note ii. Errors in Dates from A. D. 378 to 

420 440 




o 

EH 
w 

I- 



~ -j-HS. ,1-1— iiH 



3 S'*-^ * ,- S S> 

dp utj uy bxi^ 

r4?'l f^ •^i« * "^ * 



NOTES AND OBSERVATIONS. 



Reference to Foregoing Map. 

Map No.' I is intended to aid tiie reader 
in tracing the routes taken by the several 
branches of the Aryan race in their migra- 
tions from their original and primitive 
home, to where we now find them located 
and fixed. This would be easier under- 
stood if it had been done on a map of a 
larger scale, with fewer names omitted. 
But this will be plain to most readers, with 
only ordinary knowledge of geography; 
and any desired assistance can almost any- 
where be obtained. 

Our history assumes to treat of this 
Aryan migration from the cradle to the sev- 
eral places where their descendants are 
now nationally located. 

Now, we have assumed that the Aryan 
race had its primitive home in the valley 
watered b}' the Euphrates and the Tigris; 
in the upper part of that interesting valley, 
while the Hamitic and Shemitic races occu- 
pied the lower part, immediately above the 
head of the Persian Gulf There the residue 
of the Aryans had been fixed for many 
centuries, until their civilization and lan- 
guage had been cultivated to that extent, 
that it is traced in their descendants to this 
day. What was the cause of their emigra- 
tion is not known to history, but it is more 
than probable that it was an attack by the 
southern people on the Aryans of the 
north. Whatever may have been the cause, 
it seems that they departed thence in three 
different streams, to settle and cultivate other 
portions of the world. The first of these 
departed directly to the west, and occupied 
Asia Minor, Greece, and Italy; and have 
been generally denominated the Javan or 
Pelagean family, and more recently, the 
Greek and Latin races. The second stream 
is that which has been denominated the 
descendants of Gomer, who went north, 
and fixed their residence on the northern 
shores of the Euxine sea, near the mouth 
of the river Tyris, now in Southern Rus- 
sia, and near the city of Odessa, where they 
were known to the Greeks as Cimmarians: 
and everywhere claimed to have been the 
progenitors of all the Celtic people; and it 
is there, on the shores of the Euxine or 
Black sea, we will leave them for the pres- 
ent. 

The tJiird stream passed off to the east, 
along the northern declivity of the moun- 
tains which separate the valley of the Cas- 
pian sea from those of the great valley of 



Persia, until they arrived in Bactria, where 

they fixed their residence, for a considerable 
time. But, sometime in early history, we 
know not when, these residents of Bactria 
separated into two divisions; the one to the 
south, and the other to the northwest. 
That which went to the south passed over 
that extremely eUvated pass, known as 
liindoo-Koosh, to tne valley at the head- 
waters of tiie Indus, in which Cabul now 
stands. Here they ag;iin divided, and one 
division went west, asid became known as 
the Persians; while the other went to the 
v.dleys of the Indus and Ganges, and be- 
came known as the Brahman and their lan- 
guage was Sanskrit of India.' Those who 
departed iVom Bactria to the northwest, 
again divided, one taking the most northern 
route through Russia, crossing the northern 
extremitv of the Baltic sea into Scandina- 
via; and then the main body of the Baltic 
into Germany ; this was known as the 
Gothic line. The other passed on, directly 
west, into Germany ; and this line was 
known as the Teutonic. 

We will now turn our attention to the 
descendants of Gomer, known to the 
Greeks, as the Cimmarians; whom we left 
settled on the northern banks of the Eux- 
ine. From time to time these had sent out 
colonies by the way of the Danube to 
northeastern Italy, — known as Uinbria, 
and to France, then known as Gaul. About 
seven hundred years before the Christian 
era the remainder of the Cimmarians re- 
maining in their original home, were driven 
thence by a Scythian horde, to the east; 
and followed around the eastern extremity 
of the Euxine sea, and took possession of 
a large and much civilized country in Asia 
Minor, Lydia There they remained sixty 
or eighty years, when they were driven out 
by the united efforts of the kings of Lydia 
and that of Neneveh. They crossed the 
Dardanelles, and went to the Danube, and 
then to the Elbe, and down that river to its 
mouth; and were there known to the Ro- 
mans, as the Cimbri. The main body still 
passed on along the sea shore, through 
Gaul to Armorica, and from thence to 
Britain. This line may be traced from 
their home in Cimmaria, to their final set- 
tlement in Britain, and is known as the 
Cymric line. And here it is to be observed 
that the Cimmarians of the Greeks are the 
progenitors of all the Celtic race; whether 
known as Celts, Gauls', Gaels or Cymry, 
French, Welsh, Scots, Irish, or Britons. 
When the reader has traced these several 
lines on the map, he will be prepared to 
duly appreciate what is said in my history 
on this subject (See pp. 20, 29, 31, 41 ; also 
pp. 44 and 46.) 



I . Ten Great Religions, p. 87. 



NOTES AND OBSERVATIONS. 



Roman Names 
Isca 

Durinum 
Sorbiodunum 
Venta Belgarum 
Vindonum 



References to the Foregoing' Map, 
Modern Names 



6. Durobrivae 

7. Cantiopolis 

8. Rhutupis 

9. Londinium 

10. Verulamium 

11. Camalodunum 

12. Thermae 

13. Corinium 
Glevum 
Venta Silurum 
Isca Silurum 
Maridunum 
Camboricum 



19. Duromagus 



Ragae 

Venta Iceni 

Lindum 

Deva 

Segontium 

Cambodunum 

Coccium 

Eroracum 

Caturracton 



Exeter 
Dorchester 
Old Sarum 
Winchester 

Near Andover (Egbury 
Camp, probably) 
Rochester 
Canterbury 
Richborough, Kent 
London 

Colchester 

Bath 

Cirencester 

Gloucester 

Caer Gwent, Mon. 

C;erleon on Usk 

Carmarthen 

Cambridge 

Castor on-Neve, or Water 

Newton 
Leicester 

Caistor or Norwich 
Lincoln 
Chester 

Caer Sciont, Caernarvon 
Slack, Yorkshire 
Ribchester, Lancashire 
Eboracum, York 
Catterick, Yorkshire 



British Names 
Caerwysg or Caerfynydd 
Caerdor 



Cacrwynt 



Caergraig 
Caergaint 
Forth, Rhwydon 
Llundain 

Caercolden 
Caerbaddon 
Caercerri 
Caerlyw 

Same 
Caerlleon ar Wys^ 
Caerfyrddin 
Caergrawnt 



Caerleirion 
Caercynan 
Caerlnytcocd 
Caerlleon Gawr 
Caernarfon 



Caerefrog 



This map represents Britain and Gaul 
duing the Roman period and the com- 
mencement of the Saxon period. The 
above list of names of cities and great 
towns in Britain at the advent of the Sax- 
ons, which refer to their appropriate figure 
on the map for their respective location. 
These were numerous in South Britain, 
and extending north as far as Dumbarton 
in Scotland. For a more special account 
of these cities the reader is referred to our 
history, pages 153, 178 and 280. . Many 
of these cities were destroyed by the Sax- 
ons in their barbarous progress in their 
conqviest. Others were left to exist, as 
they were to be rebuilt in the course of 
modern improvements This was special- 
ly the case with London, (which the Sax- 
ons never possessed in their hostilities) 
York, Winchester, Exeter, Caerleon on 
the Usk, and others, which were then 
known as the great cities of the land, as 



they are at this day. The British— Cym- 
ric— names of these cities are given above, 
as well as the Roman and modern 
names. Many of these, with their British 
names, were known before the Roman pe- 
riod, and their names given in Greek by 
the geographer, Ptolemy .1 



1 Besides the ruins of some of these great cities, 
with Avebury and Stonehenge, as the antiquities of 
Britiiin, there .should he noticed also the g^reat walls 
of Sevt-rus and Antonius across the island, built to 
restrain the invasion of the northern people; see on 
pages 13S and 139. These are now in utter ruins. 
Severus wall was an astonishing- worli, about 74 
miles long-, consisting- of a g-reat stone wall with nu- 
merous towers, a deep foss on the north side, and a 
military road on the south. It is represented by the 
following sectional figure: 



.-all 



North 



Road 



\ Ditch / 



NOTES AND OBSERVATIONS. 

References to the Foregoing Map. 



COUNTIES OF SCOTLAND. 


9- 


Nottingham 


10. 


Glamorgan 


I. Berwick 


10. 


Lincoln 


II. 


Ctcrmarthen 


2. Roxburgh 


11. 


Rutland 


12. 


Pembroke 


3. DumfVies 

4. Kirkcudbright 


12. 


Leicester 






13 


Stafford 




COUNTIES OF IRELAND. 


5. \\igton 


14. 


Shropshire 




Province of Leinster 


6. Ayr 


15- 


Hereford 


I. 


Dublin 


7. Lanark 


16. 


Worcester 


2. 


Wicklow 


8. Peeblee 


17- 


Warwick 


3- 


Wexford 


9. Selkirk 


18. 


Northampton 


4- 


Kilkenny 


10. Haddington 


19. 


Huntingdon 


5- 


Carlow 


II. Edinburgh 


20. 


Cambridge 


6. 


Kildare 


12. Linlitligow 


21. 


Norfolk 


7- 


Queens Co. 


13. Stirling 


22. 


Suffolk 


8. 


Kings Co. 


14. Dumbarton 


23- 


Ebsex 


9- 


Westmeath 


15. Renfrew 


24 


Hertford 


10. 


Eastmeath 


16. Bute 


25- 


Bedford 


II. 


Lovvth 


17. Clackmannan 


26. 


Buckingham 


12. 


Longford 


18. Kinross 


27. 


Oxford 




Province of Munster. 


19. Fife 


28. 


Gloucester 


13- 
14. 

15- 
16. 

17- 

1 8. 


Waterford 


20. Argyle 

21. Perth 


29. 
30- 


Monmouth 

Wilts 


Tipperary 
Cork 


23. Fortar 


31- 


Berkshire 


Kerry 
Limerick 


23. Kincardine 


32- 


Middlesex 


24. Aberdeen 


33- 


Kent 


Clare 


25. BantT 


34- 


Surry 






26. Moray 


35- 


Sussex 




Province of Connaught 


27. Nairn 


36. 


Hants or Hampshire 


19. 


Gahvuy 


28. Inverness 


37- 


Dorset 


20. 


Rosco'.nmon 


29. Ross 


38. 


Somerset 


21. 


Mayo 


30. Orkney & Shetland Isles 39. 


Devon 


22. 


Sligo 


31. Sutherland 


40. 


Cornwall 


23- 


Leitrim 


2^2. Caithness 




COUNTIES OF WALES. 




Province of Ulster 


COUNTIES OF ENGLAND. 


I. 


Flint 


24. 


Donegal. 


I. Northumberland 


2. 


Denbigh 


25- 


Fermanagh 


2. Cumberland 


3- 


Ciernarvon 


26. 


Tyrone 


3. Westmoreland 


4- 


Anglesea 


27. 


Londonderry 


4. Durham 


5- 


Merioneth 


28. 


Antrim 


5. York. 


6. 


Montgomery 


29. 


Down 


6. Lancaster 


7- 


Cardigan 


30. 


Armagh 


7. Chester * 


8. 


Radnor 


31- 


Monaghan 


8. Derby 


9- 


Brecknock 


32- 


Cavan 



This map represents the United King- 
dom of Great Britain and Ireland as it was 
at the accession of Queen Victoria. The 
counties are referred to by figures, and the 
names of all the important cities and places 
are given on the map. More numerous 
names and references are given on the 
map found on page xi and the opposite 
page to it containing reference, copied from 
Murray's Encyclopaedia of Geography. 

Great Britain is, from the Isle of Wight 
to the northern extremity of Scotland, 608 
miles long, and from the northeast extrem- 
ity of Norfolk to the Lands End in Corn- 
wall it is 330 miles wide. From the same 
place in Norfolk to the western extremity 
of the island of Anglesea it is about 300 



miles wide, its average breadth not exceed- 
ing 200; while between the mouth of the 
Tyne and the Solway Firth, on the line of 
Severus' wall, it is only 74 miles wide, and 
on the wall of Antonius, from the Firth of 
Forth to that of the Clyde, it is only 40 
miles, and its average breadth about 200 
which gives to Great Britain an area o' 
about 89,600 square miles. Ireland is in 
an oval form, 250 miles long and 150 broad, 
with an area of 32,518 square miles. For 
population see page 380. 

The population is still increasing, so that 
for the whole kingdom of Great Britain 
and Ireland in the year 1S72 it was 31,817- 
108. 



MAP or m£ UN/7FD K/mooM 
OF GREAT BR/TA/N ANO IRELAND. 










6 lionginide West 4 (ram GRcnwidi 2 



References to the Foregoing Map. 



ENGLAND, 

. Alnwick 
. Rothbiiry 
. Morpeth 
. Blythc 
;. Newcastle 
i. Hexham 
■. Billinsfhum 
i. Carlisle 

Cockerinouth 94. Stamford 



Sj. Norwich 169. Battle 

56. Reepham 170. E Grinstead 

57. E. Dereham 171. Reig-ate 
SS. Diss 172. Horsham 
S9. Thetford 173. Brig-hton 

90. Ely 174. Arundel 

91. March 175. Pulboroug'h 

92. Putcrboroughi76. Guildford 
9^. Oundle 177. Godalming 

' " " " 17S. Petworth" 



Egremont 95. Harboroug-h 179. Chichester 

11. Ravenglass 96. Leicester 180. Portsmouth 

12. Ulverston 97. Coventry iSi. Southampton 

13. Kendal 9S. Tamworth 1S2. \Vhitchurch 

14. Keswick 99. Lichfield 1S3. Andover 

15. Penrith 100. Bn-niingham 184. Salisbury 

16. Applebv loi. Bridgenorth 1S5. Liymngton 

17. Aldstone :o2. Shrewsbury 1S6. Poole 

iS. Darlington 103. Plynlimmon 1S7. Shaftesbury 

19. Durham 104. Ludlow iSS. Bath 

20. Sunderland 105. Tcnbury 1S9. Uxbridge 
ti, Stockton lofi. Leominster 190. Wells 

22. Stokesly 107. Bromford 191. Glastonbury 

23. Guisborough loS. Tewkesbury 192. Ilchester 

24. Whitby log. Worcester 193. Taunton 
~' ' ' 110. Alcester \g\. Porlock 

111. Warwick 195. South Barn- 

112. Evesham staple 

113. Towcester 196. Bideford 

114. Northampton 197. Torrington 
iij. Wellinghor- 19S. Launceston 

ough 199. Bodmin 

116. Thrapston 200. St. Agnes 

117. Huntingdon 201. Penzance 
iiS. Bedford 202. Falmouth 

119. Cambridge 203. Treo^ony 

120. Mildenhall 204. Tavistock 

121. Bury St. Ed-2oS. Plvmouth 
munds 206. Modbury 

39. New Malton 122. Framlingham207. Dartmouth 

40. Billington 123. Aldborough 20S. Ashburton 

41. Scarborough 124. Ipswich 209. Chumleigh 

42. GreatDnfReldi25. Sudbury 210. Tiverton 

43. Hornsea 126. Harwich 211. Exeter 

44. Hedon 127. Colchester 212. Sidmouth 

45. Kingston on 128. Coggeshall 213. Honiton 

129. Royston 214. Lyme Regis 

130. Bishop's 215. Dorchester 
vStortford 216. Weymouth 

131. Hertford Rivers 

132. St. Albans a Tvne 

50. Thcdlelhorpe 133. Aylesbury b Tees 

51. Boston 134. Winslow c Derwent 

52. Alford 135. Buckingham d Swale 

53. Horncastle 136. Woodstock e Wharfe 

54. Lincoln 137. Burford f Aire 

55. Gainsborough 13S. Gloucester g Don 

56. Ashby 139. Hereford h Trent 

57. pon£aster 140. Ross i Ouse 

141. Cotford j Thames 

142. Bristol k Avon 

143. Melksham 1 Severn 



24 Fiscard 

25 St. David's 

26 Pembroke 

27 Cajrmarthen 

28 Cwyrgryg 

29 Brecon 

30 Monmouth 

31 Uske 

32 Chepstow 
3^ Newport 

34 Cardiff 

35 Landaff 

36 Llantrissent 

37 Swansea 

Rivers. 
a Towey 
b Tievy 
c Dee 



68 North Berwick 

69 Dunbar 

70 Berwick 

71 Kelsoe 
73 Jedburgh 

73 Hawick 

74 Ashkirk 

75 Biggar 

76 Moffat 

77 Sanquhar 

78 Lanark 

79 Kilmarnock 

50 Ayr 

51 Girvan 
82 Ballintrae 

53 Stranraer 

54 Port Patrick 

85 Wigton 

86 Kircudbright 
SCOTLAND 87 New Galloway 



25. Pickering 

26. Thirsk 

27. N. AUerton 

28. Hawes 

29. Ripon 

30. Kendal 

31. Lancaster 

32. Garstang 

33. Poulton 

34. Bradford 

35. Skipton 

3t. Knaresboro' 

37. Leeds 

38. Vork 



Hull 

46. Barton 

47. Grimsby 
4S. Ravendale 
49. Saltfieet 



1 Durness 

2 Tongue 

3 Reay 

4 Thurso 

5 Wick 

6 Dunbeath 

7 Helmsdale 

8 Dornoch 

9 Tain 

to Portinleik 
1 1 LTilapool 
I3 Poolew 

13 Torridon 

14 Loch Carron 
ij Dingwall 

16 Beauly 

17 Inverness 
iS Grantown 

19 Nairn 

20 Elgin 

21 Inveraven 

22 CuUen 

23 Banfi 

24 Huntley 

25 Turreff 

26 Frasersburgh 

27 Peterhead 
2.S Newburgh 

29 Aberdeen 

30 Stonehaven 

31 Bervie 

32 TuUoch 

33 Braemar 



88 Monihive 

89 Dumfries 

90 Langholm 

91 Annan 

Rivers 
a Spey 
b Don 
c Dee 
d Tay 
e Clyde 
f Ken 
gNith 
h Annan 
i Tweed 
IRELAND 

1 Belfast 

2 Antrim 

3 Larne 

4 Glenarm 

5 Ballycastle 

6 Ballymoney 

7 Coleraine 

8 Tuhbermore 

9 Strabane 

10 Londonderry 

11 White Castle 

12 Raphoe 

13 Liflbrd 

14 Letterkenny 

15 Killybegs 

16 Donegal 

17 Ballybofy 
iS Omagh 



58. Sheffield 

59. Pontefract 

60. Manchester 

61. Preston 

62. Liverpool 

63. Chester 

64. Newcastle 

65. Newport 

66. Stafford 

67. Burton 

68. Derby 

69. Ashbourn 

70. Chesterfield 

71. Mansfield 

72. Alfreton 

73. Nottingham 



144. Malmesburv m Dee 

145. Cirencester' WALES 

146. Swindon 

147. Hungerford 

148. Kennet 

149. Abingdon 

150. Ovford 

151. Wallingford 

152. Thame 



IS^. Windsor 

154. Uxbridge 

155. Kin^^ston 
[56. Croydon 



74. Melton Mow- 157. Greenwich 



bray 

75. Grantifiam 

76. Newark 

77. Sleaford 

78. Spalding 

79. Lynn Regis 

80. Wells 

81. Cromer 

82. Yarmouth 

83. Becclcs 

84. Harlestoa 



15S. London 

159. Chelmsford 

160. Maldon 

161. Maidstone 

162. Canterbury 

163. Margate 

164. Ramsgate 

165. Dover 

166. Rye 

167. Hastings 

168. Seaford 



I Flint 

2. St. Asaph 

3. Denbigh 

4. Aherconway 

5. Bangor 

6. Beaumaris 

7. Holyhead 
S. Caernarvon 
9. Llan Haiarn 

10. St. Mary's 

1 1. Harlech 

12. Bala 

13. Corwen 

14. Montgomery 

15. Dinasmowd 

16. ''owyn 

17. Aberystwith 
iS. Rhainder 

19. Bault 

20. Ti egarron 
31. Llanbear 

22. Cardigan 

23. Newport 



34 Fort Augustusi9 Poineroy 

35 Gleneig 20 Clogher 

36 Arasaig 21 Dungannon 

37 Appin 22 Armag-h 

38 Fort William 23 Lurgan 

39 Perth 24 Donaghadee 

40 Dunkeld 25 Porfaferry 

41 Blair Athol 26 Downpatrick 

42 Brechin 27 Strevoy 

43 Montrose 28 Newry 

44 Forfar 29 Dundalk 

45 Arbroath 30 Monaghan 

46 Dundee 31 Cavan 

47 St. Andrews 33 Callahill 

48 Anstruther 33 Enniskiilen 

49 Kinross 34 Churchill 

50 Inverkeithing 35 Sligo 

51 Clackmannan 36 Drumeirn 

52 Muthill 37 Ballymore 



53 Stirling 

54 Inverary 

55 Oban 

56 Dumbarton 

57 Greenock 

58 Paisley 

59 Irvine 

60 Hamilton 

61 Glasgow 

62 Falkirk 

63 Linlithgow 

64 Whitburn 
(15 Peebles 

6b Edinliurgh 
67 Haddington 



38 Colooney 

39 Ballina 

40 Killala 

41 Ballyg-lass 
43 Claggan 

43 Newport 

44 Weslport 

45 Kumor 

46 Ballinrobe 

47 Castle Barr 
4,8 Kilcolman 

49 Tuam 

50 Elphin 

51 Roscoraraon 
C2 Leitrim 



XI 

53 Long-ford 

54 Moynalty 

55 Carrickma- 

cross 

56 Dunleer 

57 Drojhcda. 

58 Ba.lbriggan 

59 Dublin 

60 Screen 

61 Trim 

62 Maynooth 
03 Naas 

64 Tullamore 

65 Mullingar 

66 Athlone 

67 Evrecourt 

68 Ballyforan 

69 Newton Bel- 

lew 

70 Loughrea 

71 Ornmore 

72 Ougntera 

73 Galway 

74 Gort 

75 Innistymon 

76 Kilrush 

77 Clare 

78 Ennis 

79 Limerick 

80 Portumn 
8i Nenagh 

82 KiUaioe 

83 Thurles 

84 Roscrea 

85 Durrow 
S6 Ath 

87 Kildare 

88 Carlow 

89 Tullow 

90 Baltinglass 

91 Blessingtoo 

92 Togher 

93 Wicklow 

94 Gorey 

95 Ballycanoe 

96 Enniscorthy 

97 Wexford 

98 Fethard 

99 Waterford 
100 Thomas Town 
loi Kilkenny 

102 Carrick on 

Suire 

103 Clonmel 

104 Ballyporeen 

105 Tipperary 

106 Killmallock 

107 Askeyton 

loS Ballylong-ford 

109 Tralee 

1 10 Castle Ford 

111 Killarney 

112 Kenmare 

113 Castletown 

114 Bantry 

115 Castletown 

1 16 Kinsale 

117 Cork 
iiS Killady 

119 Tuchgeela 

120 Mallow 

121 Rathcormuck 
132 Kildorey 

123 Lismore 

124 Youghall 

125 Dungarvan 

126 Tramore 

Rivers 
a Ban 

b Carlingford 
c Boyne 
d Barrow 
e Nore 
f Suire 
g Blackwater 
k Shannon 
i Suck 



rLATB NO. I. 




SnnnSicirgc^ 





STONEHENGE RESTORED. 




tieclioTLLlo^. 



tNo, i—Bmmi Plaxtt ti" Ternprr, wifk osra-nniralview-of fiiHTanafitn2XtaS--».*«iJi»tia3t myese^^ 
wMe, snuwj iliu rclalii^ proiwnioiia and turaDBcraimuM)} Iho lon/tanli, lJlT^'<i"%«.° >OB/iKh, m mM,f: VSa 
tro. i/r Brrklisrapi.m Atciwc. n; JhS soiflhcvn, orJCcnnet Avenae; i.-; (be soi'Aera inaortcmploj <;; Itw corlbDn 



..^ .Tiplo, /!.! 



r^ taum»i-nlliiLgpK t4 



RUINS OF AVKBURY. 



PLATE NO. II. 




THREF, CELEBRATED CROMLECHS. 







CIRCLES AND STANDING STONES. 




ff ' 




ABARIS. 



AKCH DRUID. 



PLATE NO. III. 




ANCIENT ARTICLES TAKEN FROM THE 
MOUNDS. 



t , 



' — '(^ 






"*:.f '- 




THREE STATUl.S RKPRESKNTING CELTIC 
DKKSS. 



NOTES AND OBSERVATIONS 
N'otcs and ExphunitioHs to I^lafrs i, 2 and 3- 

Plate I ie])resents Stonchenge and Ave- 
bury, which remain as wonders among the 
relics of antiquity, and as the great works 
of ancient times, to be classed with the 
temples and Cyclopean walls of Greece 
and the Pyramids of Egypt. The ruins of 
Avebury are unquestionably the old.-st, 
more rude, and in construction more iike 
that of Carmac in Armorica. It is on the 
head waters of the Thames, on a plain 
watered by one of the southwest branches. 
Stonehenge is a few miles farther south on 
the Southern Avon. ■ For a description of 
these antiquities see our history, pages 57, 99, 
113 and 118. 

Plate No. 2 represents at the head of it 
three celebrated Cromlech: The one at the 
left upper corner is a very large one foiind 
in Cornwall; the next is a celebrated one 
found in Kent, called Kits-Cotty House; 
and that on the right being that immense 
Cromlech at Plass Newydd in the isle of 
Anglesea. These monuments are all to be 
classed with those of Avebury and Stone- 
henge, and are scattered over the same re- 
gion. The fiigures in the center of the plate 
are representations of standing stones and 
circles, and are undoubtedly the works of 
the same people. Page 113. 

Then comes the representation of three 
interesting figures : The first is that of an 
Arch Druid in his canonicals; the next is 
that of a Druidi while addressing his peo- 
ple upon what is contained in their Triads, 
as morality, law and justice. The last fig- 
ure is Abaris,2 whose memory is com- 
memorated by Herodotus and othe.i Gre- 



1 See Druids. 

2 See Abaris. 



cian writers. From the description given 
of him there can be no question that he 
was a British Druid from the two wing 
temple at A\'ebury. Herodotus represents 
him as traveling through Greece on an 'ar- 
row given him at the temple at home by 
Apollo. The arrow was an allusion to the 
long staff commoB among the Ancient 
Britons. When asked by the Greeks what 
was his name, he may have replied Ab 
Harris, and they took it to be and wrote it 
Abaris; and if so, Harris is an older name 
than Herodotus. Gen. Harrison, the late 
President, claimed his name was originally 
x\b Harris, but in Cromwell's time changed 
to Harri.son. 

The upper collection on plate 3 repre- 
sents very ancient articles taken from the 
mounds, now collected in the British Mu- 
seum, of which these -Mepresent but a very 
small part. They consist of tools of vari- 
ous kinds, of bronze, iron and stone, of va- 
rious articles of potter's ware, of ornaments 
of various kinds, as necklaces, brooches, 
buttons, &c.; but the most curious and in- 
teresting article is that numbered 38, which 
is said to be the Druids' golden hook, with 
which they gathered the mistletoe. The 
middle figure represents a collection of very 
ancient coined ring money, very difterent 
from the more recent British coined money 
as on the next plate. This money is like 
the Egyptian ancient money, and was prob- 
ably brought to Britain by the Phoenecians. 

The three figures below are taken from 
Roman statues, representing ancient Celtic 
dress, so very different from that of the 
Romans. Its greatest peculiarity is that it 
uniformly had the trowsers. The cap ou 
the central figure is the Celtic cap, so cele- 
brated in the French revolution as the Cap 
of Liberty. 



PLATE NO. IV. 













ORNAMENTED CHARIOT. 



BRITISH CHARIOT. 



ASIATIC CHARIOT. 



PLATE NO. V. 




JIlB eatnest Egare of BrU:inni:i on a Roman Coin, from a Cdppey 
Coin of AniQniaus Pius, ia Uie British Museum. 




Ca]QQfCaiaiuinB> 





a^TRON'OMlCAI. INSTHUMEHT* 



i mism^Si 




xviii 



NOTES AND OBSERVATIONS 

4 



Notes and Explanations to Plates Nos 
and 5. 

On the upper part of plate 4 are repre- 
sentations of ancient Britisli coins, coined 
before the Roman period. Tliey are very 
numerous, far more so than here represent- 
ed. They are somewhat rude, but certain- 
ly show great progress in arts and civiliza- 
tion for that da}' : Some of them having 
devices showing the inside of a house with 
chairs and furniture far in advance of that 
age in Western Europe. The next figure 
represents potter's ware, executed after Ro- 
man patterns, but undoubtedly manufac- 
tured in Britain during Roman times. 
Then comes representations of chariots: 1 
The middle one is that of an ancient Brit- 
ish chariot. It is not deemed to be a very 
fair one, for the wheels are solid, while the 
chariots recently exhumed from British 
graves show spokes and tire. But every 
one will at once recognize its exact resem- 
blance to the Asiatic, Lydian Chariot. 

Plate 5. Here we have first a copy of a 
Roman coin of the time of Antonius, rep- 
resenting Britannia. This is probably the 
oldest device of the kind, though the name 
of Britannia was familiar to Aristotle. 1 The 
curious instrument just below, supposed to 
be an astronomical instrument of British 
or Irish antiquities, is supposed to have 
belonged to the Druids, who paid much at- 
tention to astronomy. Then comes next 
two of the, coins of Carausius, selected out 



of many hundreds.* 

The next are representations of two pigs 
of metal, one of lead — a Roman — and the 
other of tin--a Phoenecian. What is pe- 
culiarly interesting in these is the sign of a 
cross at the end of the inscription on the 
Roman pig. This inscription would make 
it of the time of Nero, but it may have been 
a few 3'ears later. I insist that this which 
represents the cross at the end of the in- 
scription is the actilal sign of the cross, and 
not a Roman T. Admitting this pig was 
made in the time of Nero, if not later, there 
were at least seventeen years between the 
time that Caractacus appeared before Claud- 
ius and his interview with St. Paul and 
conversion to Christianity. It is universal- 
ly contended by the Ancient Britons that 
he and his family became Christians under 
the inflvience of St. Paul and returned to 
Britain. Paul frequently speaks in his 
epistle of the cross as a well known ensign, 
and his interview with Caractacus' family 
was towards the very close of his life. 
Either from these Christians or from some 
others the sign of the cross may have been 
taken to Britain and placed upon this pig. 
This matter is noticed here more with a 
view of further investigation than evidence 
of a positive fact. 

Next are representations of Grecian and 
British coins, showing how intimate were 
the relations of the two people, evidence of 
which often occurs in ancient history. 



I See page — 



I See History, p. 141 and note 3. 



INTRODUCTION. 



The sentiment of reverence and regard 
of intelligent people for the memory and 
history of their ancestors is natural and 
patriotic. It is cherished by all people, 
both barbarous and civilized, in proportion 
to their intelligence. Whatever may be the 
true history of our ancestors, it is right and 
proper that it should be revered and cher- 
ished, just as it really was in truth. "Paint 
me just as I am," said Cromwell to, his 
painter, — " Paint me just as I am, with all 
my scars and blemishes," was an honora- 
ble and just sentiment, personally, as it 
would also be in national history. History 
should be true, just as it really existed, in 
order to constitute its real virtues ; or his- 
tory sinks to the low grade of fables and 
romance. All people are entitled to the 
history and character of their ancestors, 
just as they really were, and not otherwise. 

The Arab, whom all early history rep- 
resents as having had his hand against ev- 
ei'y man, and every man against him, has 
no right to claim his ancestors to belong to 
the brotherhood of peace and good-will ; 
nor, when the mother was an Egyptian 
slave, to claim that they were of the piu-e 
blood of Heber, though " Abraham was 
their father." The truth should pre\ail; 
and a people should stand up to Ihat, what- 
ever subsequent reformation and ]>r(5gres8 
it may have made, aided by other cixiliza- 
tion and humanity. 

These thoughts originated and produced 
the following history under peculiar cir- 
cumstances — for the author left his native 
land and came to America now eighty vears 
since, and, during that long life, has ever 
lived on the v<irge of a new country, and 
a new people, who ha\ e always been gen- 
erous and kind to him; still, he never lost 



his love for his native land; nor regard for 
the history of his ancestors — the ancient 
Britons. During that time, in the midst 
of circumstances adverse to the study of 
literature and history ; and engaged in the 
profession of the law, with a view to an 
active practice, and its study as a science, 
he did not neglect to devote what leisure 
hours he could to the studj' of history ; and 
especially that of his native land and peo- 
ple. Towards the close of a long life thus 
devoted, in the midst of the duties of an 
arduous profession, and more than the or 
dinary struggles and conflicts in the bat- 
tle of life, he resolved to put into the form 
of the following history the ideas he had 
collected upon the subject in his former 
hours of leisure or amusement; but still 
under circumstances not very favorable to 
the production of history, nor easy refer- 
ence to historial authorities 

In the course of these studies, two idea^ 
l^articularly engaged his attention, as not 
well developed in British history, though 
still subjects in which every true Briton 
must be deeply interested. These w ere : — 
First, The origin of the Ancient Brit- 
ons: — whence and when they came tu 
Britain } and, — 

.Secondly, What eouneclion and part 
had the Anfienr Britons in the formation 
of the peojile who now constitute the na- 
tionality of the United Kingdom of Great 
Britain and Ireland.' 

Upon both of these subjects there has 
been great mystification, prejudice, and 
misrepresentation manifested; which, in 
some instances, ha\'e develoiied into bitter 
and unjust conflict. 

I. As to tlie origin ot the ^Vncienl Brit- 
ons, history furnishes us two or three con- 



INTRODUCTION. 



flicting accounts. Nennius, Geofi'rey of 
Monmouth, andi Richard of Cirencester, 
as they gathered their history of the origin 
of the ancient Britons from ancient legends 
or traditions derived their origin from the 
east; either connecting it with the classic 
story of Eneas' flight from the destruc- 
tion of Troy, and Brutus' settlement in 
Western Europe, or as being a part of the 
great emigration from the cast, which set- 
tled its western shores. 

The destruction of Troy \\ as the great 
event ^in history-, and happened compara- 
tively recent before the emigration of the 
ancestors of the Britons from Asia, and 
was the great and most interesting event 
in their traditions; and their acquaintance 
with the Romanclassics induced those his- 
torians to connect the history of the settle- 
ment of Britain with that' of Italy ; and 
mingled it with the story of yEneas, Bru- 
tus, and Troy. 

The C^vmric Britons avoided this story, 
and alleged in their Triads that their an- 
cestors came from tlie summer country in 
the neighborhood of Constantinople; and 
came by the way of the Blue Sea, or the 
German Ocean. Tlii.s agrees with the 
more recent fCnglish and European his- 
tories,2 which assert tliat ihe Cymry un- 
doubtedly were a part of the ancient Cim- 
bri ^vho were once settled north of the 
mouth of the Elbe, and gave naine to 
the Ciinbrica Chcrsonrsus of Roman his- 
tory. This was strongly supported by the 
name and historical facts. But from 
whence they came, and when they came to 
Jutland, was left an open question; only 
that they were supposed to be in some 
measure connected with the Ciinmrrunis 
of Greek history : Imt how, or in what 
manner, was left to conjecture. The most 
interesting suggestion upon tlie subject 
was Ibund in the very learned and valua- 
ble notes of Prof (Jeorge Rawlinson's late 
edition of Ilei-odotus, in these words: — 
" When these questions have been settled, 
it will be interesting to trace the history 



1 See "Six Old Enjilish Chronicles"; in Bohn's 
Antiqiiiirian I.ibniry, p. 94, etc. Also, pp. 384 and 
423; with Pivyf. C/ilcs' notes. 

2 Sec Sharon Tnrner'.s History of the Antrlo- 
Saxons, vol. i. H. i. Ch. ii, pp. 3S-+3, itc. 



and migrations of a people which has an 
antiquity of above twenty-five hundred 
3'ears, and has spread from the steppes of 
the Ukraina to the mountains of Wales." 3 
Inspired by this suggestion, and the hope 
of securing ultimate truth by searching for 
historfcal facts and circumstances, in il- 
lustration of the subject, this book has been 
produced in the faith that the question is 
demonstrated. 

II. The second subject referred to, as at- 
tracting the attention of the author in 
writing this history, is the treatment that 
the history of the ancient Britons has re- 
ceived at the hands of some English his- 
torians. In this respect these miist be 
divided into two classes; while, one, with 
ample liberality and truthfulness, do full 
justice in their history to the ancient Brit- 
ons, their history, and character, the other 
misses no opportunity to misrepresent, or 
falsify ; and what could not be thus treated, 
was either ignored or traduced. Thus ev- 
erything in the history of the ancient Brit- 
ons which ga^■e them any credit for their 
intelligence and progress in arts and civil- 
ization, was either denied or controverted 
— and what they could not thus treat, it 
was then claimed that the vast population 
of the British Islands, who were, by all 
fair evidence of history, proved to be the 
descendants of the ancient Britons, were 
not such descendants, but emigrants sub- 
sequent to the Saxon conquest, so as to 
sever all the population from any connec- 
tion or interest in their ancient history. 
This was so done by that minor portion of 
the English people, who supposed that 
they were themselves of a pure Saxon de- 
scent; that the3' could not forego their pre- 
judice and hatred to everything that was 
Celtic; — though it is impossible to find an 
Englishman who has not more or less Cel- 
tic blood in his veins. Even the present 
British Queen, and all the Georges, only 
held their position as sovereign of the Brit- 
ish Government by virtue of their descent 
from the Celtic Tudors and Stuarts, — so 
mixed up or directly connected with the 



3 See Ilawlinson's Herodotus, vol. Ill, p. 152, Es- 
say 1 to Hook iv. This essay, on the Cimmerian of 
Herodotus, and the misfration of the Cymric race, 
is very valuable and interestinij. 



INTRODUCTION. 



blood of the Celtic family are all the pop- 
ulation of the British Islands, now consti- 
tuting: the United Kingdom. 

M'hile engaged, in his leisure hours, in 
studying British history under so unfavor- 
able circumstances, the author could not 
help observing the striking diflerence be- 
tween two classes of English historians, 
in the treatment they gave to the history 
of the ancient Britons, and their descend- 
ants. The one giving it a fair, just, and 
liberal exposition; while the other class 
took every opportunity either to ignore, 
falsify, or traduce the subject of that his- 
tory. This is plainly to be seen when we 
compare such historians as Sharon Turner, 
Whitaker, Prof. M. Arnold, Thierry, and 
others, as constituting the first class, when 
coiupared with such historians as Macau- 
lay, Green, Wright, and others as consti- 
tuting the other class. These latter, falsely 
imagining themselves to be of a pure 
Saxon descent, take pleasure in misrepre- 
senting, traducing, and calumn.iating their 
Celtic fellow-subjects, and countrymen, 
and, indeed, the whole Celtic race. 

It would be curious, as well as interest- 
ing, to trace to its origin this prejudice and 
injustice done to the Celtic race, who con- 
stitute so great a portion of the British 
people; ajid upon whom depends so much 
of British glory and renown. England, 
indeed, can neither spare it, nor part with 
it. Celtic genius has added to English lit- 
erature; Celtic eloquence and patriotism 
have shed fame and renown upon the Brit- 
ish parliament, and greatly aided in the de- 
velopment of its parliamentary rules and 
laws. No battle since the Roman con- 
quest has occurred, adding renown to her 
name, in which the Celts took not a pi'om- 
inent part. It was Robert Clive that es- 
tablished her empire in India; and Sir W. 
Jones developed to the English world its 
literature and civilization; and made India 
interesting to the British people. Sir T. 
Picton was called the right arm of Wel- 
lington, and Bishop Coke the right arm of 
John Wesley, and a Celtic Stanley cut his 
way and made a path through Africa, 
never to be forgotten. Men who have so 
co-operated together should never be sep- 



arated by prejudice and hatred; and by the 
great body of the English people they are 
not: that is left to another class of them, 
who have that unreasonable Saxon pro- 
clivity of supposing that they are endowed 
with pure Saxon blood, uncontaminated 
with that of the Celt. Macaulay is open 
in his expression of hatred to the Celtic 
jjeople, though his Saxon origin is doubt- 
ful; and his connection in ancestry to the 
Highland Scotch is certain ; but then his 
antipathies may have aided him to his peer- 
age, and upon the score of interest, rather 
than truth, he may be excused.^ But 
Green, in his " Short History of the En- 
glish People," developed his antipathy by- 
denying all participation of the English 
people with the ancient Britons, and en- 
deavored to show that the ancient Britons 
were all slaughtered, or fled before the Sax- 
ons, so that they had a new country, freed 
from the ancient inhabitants, to raise a 
new nationality freed from all connection 
with the original inhabitants. This as- 
sertion had been frequently made before by 
this class of historians; but Mr. Green 
was determined to give the idea a new 
force; he says: "For the fatherland of 
the English race we must look far away 
from England itself;" .... "for 
old English society." .... "The 
one country now called Slcswick." And 
that was a small district then called An- 
glia, and probably so called from its being 
on the northwestern angle of the Baltic 
Sea. But the name, England, and also, 
Anglo-Saxon, were names of a very recent 
invention, long after the Saxon conquest, 
and not long before the Normans came. 
But when a new name for that part of Brit- 
ain was wanted for the Saxon Heptarchy, 
the name of Anglia for the first time fur- 
nished the means of procuring an accept- 
able name for England, about four hundred 
j-ears after the Saxon conquest. It is Lon- 
don, and not Anglia, that is the cradle of 
everj-thing that gives origin to the English 



4 See a severe pamphlet written by Hugh Miller 
sig-ainst Macaulay, on the account of this conduct 
and antipathy to the Celtic people. He shows that 
Macaulay derived his' origin from a Celtic family 
from the Scotish Islands. ' This is not an uncommon 
manifestation of antipathy in unpatriotically deny- 
ing their own origin. 



INTRODUCTION. 



language and people ; — her language and 
civilization, even that which is falsely 
called Anglo-Saxon instead of Anglo- 
Briton, which was the production of her 
soil. Little or nothing that came with the 
Saxon survived the conquest an hundred 
years, but all passed off, and changed like 
their pagan wooden religion, and became 
new on British soil, and with British in- 
fluences. Saxon laws and customs became 
gradually changed or modified by what 
was found on the land in the cities of Brit- 
ain : — and this is proved by the opinion of 
the best British writers on the subject of 
the origin of English laws, as Coke, Black- 
stone, Cressey, Crabb, and Spence, all of 
whom bear testimony to the change and 
modification that the old British laws have 
wrought upon the present laws of England ; 
and made them so different from anything 
found on the Continent. 

Green, in language of triumph over 
what, if true, would be the horrors of his- 
tory, denies all this, and asserts: — "Mas- 
sacre which followed the battle [of Ayles- 
ford] indicated at once the merciless nature 
of the struggle which has begun. While 
the wealthier land-owners fled in panic 
over sea, the poorer Britons took refuge in 
hill and forest, till hunger drove them 
from their lurking places to be cut down 
or enslaved by their conquerors.''^ This 
theory of Mr. Green has been adopted by 
others, some of whom claimed that the 
Britons were so completely exterminated 
that the Saxons had a new, unoccupied 
country in Britain to build up their own 
institutions. But in truth the Saxons 
came as warriors, with few or no females 
with them, encountering hard-fought bat- 
tles at ever^ step of their progress, taking 
wives from the British females, and oc- 
cupying the country with their new-found 
families; leaving the Britons generally in 
possession of the towns, as under stipendi- 



S See Green'.s Short History of the Enarlish Peo- 
ple, p. 46, ch. i, sec. II. Siinihir lansjuage is used 
in other Eng^lish history; thouijh abundantly con- 
troverted by Sharon Turner in his History of the 
Saxon Conquest, B. Ill, ch. v, p. 219, where lie says' 
"But the Anj»^lo-Saxons did not, as some have fan- 
cied, exterminate the Britons. There can be no 
doubt th.at a majority of the British population was 
preserved to be useful to their conquerors." 



aries to furnish to the rude visitors such 
stipulated articles as they stood in need 
of Thus the population were amalga- 
mated, and assimilated into a new popu- 
lation, since demominated the Anglo- 
Saxon (instead as it should have been — 
Anglo Britons), forming a new state of 
society, entirely difterent frhm that left on 
the Continent; as the Danes (a kindred 
race), dift'ered from the Anglo-Saxons. 
These retaining many of their rude insti- 
tutions, their love of war and battle, and 
especially their language, in a very modi- 
fied and improved form, — with their do- 
mestic relation and household affairs, and 
social characteristics, changed and im- 
proved by what they found in the previous^ 
civilization of Britain. And then, as now, 
they were constantly taking additions ta 
their numbers from the Celtic population 
that sourrounded them, and their inter- 
course with them; as we have ample evi- 
dence in the case of the important alliance 
of Cadwallon with Penda, the king of 
Mercia; the intercourse of Alfred the 
great with Asser, the learned Cymro; and 
of that of Geoffrey, of Monmouth, who 
probably had as great and lasting an influ- 
ence on English literature as any man who 
ever lived, previous to the time of the Tu- 
dors. This intercourse between the Sax- 
ons and the Britons, when the hard-fought 
battle was over, is the only possible way, 
consistent with facts of history, to account 
for the improveinent made in the people 
of England as Saxons, from the time of 
their conquest to that of the Norman, 
which has since received the appellation 
of Atiglo-Saxon, which refers wholly to 
the progress made in Britain, and none at 
all to that on the Continent. The Saxons 
in this respect were slow and stolid; pos- 
sessed of no literature, or of any of the 
arts of civilization beyond the merest bar- 
barians. Their principal implement of use 
was their battle-axe; and war, piracy, and 
plunder their vocation. Their original 
residence may be placed north or south of 
the Elbe, or anywhere, says Latham, but 
wherever they be found " they are always 
pirates." To make such a people the ori 
gin of English civilization and improve 



INTRODUCTION. 



-!3 



ment, is a violation of history and nature ; 
but )-ather make it tlic growtli of British 
soil, and London its cradle, by means of 
the civilization left there by the Romans, 
among the Ancient Britons, and their 
amalgamation with them. 

In opposition to this theory of Mr. 
Green and others, — that the Saxons utterly 
exterminated the Ancient Britons, and, 
therefore, their descendants can form no 
part of the English people, — is the theory 
of Mr. Wright in his history of the Celt, 
the Roman, and the Saxon: — that the in- 
habitants of Cornwall and Wales are not 
descendants of the Ancient Britons, but 
that of an immigration froin Brittany 
(Armorica), who came there about the 
same time with the Saxon settlement 
in Britain. '-Thus," says he, "I myself 
feel very strongly the belief that the 
Welshmen of the present day are not the 
descendants of the ancient inhabitants of 
our Island, hut a later Celtic colony from 
Armorica."'"' 

The object of both Green and Wright is 
to cut off the Welsh people from all claim 
of participation in the formation of the pop- 
ulation of England. But they do this by- 
theories that are utterly hostile, and incon- 
sistent with each other. Green claims that 
the Ancient Britons were entirely destroyed, 
so that there were none, or next to none, of 
them left to be assimil.-ited or consolidated 
with the Saxons, so that the English peo- 
ple are free from any connection with the 
Ancient Britons, in blootl or civilization. 
But Mr. Wright denies the relation upon 
an entirely dift'ercnt state of facts. He 
claims that the Welsh are not the descend- 
ants of the Ancient Britons, but that the 
Ancient Britons were Roman citizens who 
were consolidated with the .Saxons, and 
aided in forming a new people and a new 
civilization ; and constituted a large portion 
of the English people. He goes on to es- 
tablish the proportion by various facts and 



6Wria:ht'.s History of the Celt, the Roman, and 
the Saxon; (London ed.. 1S7S) p. 219. St-i: ;iIso 
PP- 45". 461, 505, 510, ^13. 522, ;ind 525. which fully 
develops Mr'. "VVfisrht's theory— that tlie srreat body 
of the Ancient Britons remained after the^ Saxon 
conquest, and became combined with the Saxon.«, 
and formed what eventnally was called the Anjjj-lo- 
Saxon people. 



arguments — which are unquestionably true 
— that the Ancient British people continued 
to reside in the country after the'Saxon con- 
quest, by mutual consent; thus says he: — 
"The Teutonic settlers established them- 
selves in the country, where they retained 
all their national feelings. We know that 
they were averse to being in towns, and, 
from a superstitious feeling, which led them 
to believe that the houses built by other peo- 
ple might be rendered dangerous for them 
by means of charms and magic, they pre- 
ferred houses built by themselves. More- 
over, the country villages of the Romans, 
and the smaller and unfortunate towns, had 
been mostly burnt, or overthrown, and their 
place and construction were not those to 
which the Saxons were accustomed."^ .... 
" The few historical facts relating to the con- 
dition of our towns during the Saxon per- 
iod, preserved by the older annualists, exhib- 
ited them in a state of importance and in- 
dependence, which they hardly could have 
reached, had it not been derived from munici- 
l^al constitutions already existing when the 
Saxons settled the country, and which is ob- 
served most distinctly in those places which 
are known to have occupied the sites of the 
most powerful Roman towns "^^ . . . 
"In the absence of all contemporary infor- 
mation on the state of the Roman towns in 
Britain after they had fallen under the sub- 
jection of the Saxons, it is only by these 
traces of their condition at a subseqent pe- 
riod that we can perceive how the Roman 
elements of civilization were^reserved in 
them. They hold a very important place in 
the histoi-y of social development, inasmuch 
as, yvhile the country itself underwent so 
many violent revolutions — while Britons 
and Saxons, and Normans alternately gained 
possession of the soil — the population of the 
towms continued to exist without any fur- 
ther alteration than that gradual infusion of 
foreign blood which must necessarily take 
place in the course of ages, and to which we 
owe that due mixture of Sstxon and Roman 
that forms the basis of modern civiliza- 
tion."" 

7 Wrisfht, p. 507. S Wriiifht, ut supra, p. gio. 

oWritfht, Ihul. p. 522 



24 



INTRODUCTION. 



This theory ol" Mr. Wright, that the 
great body of the ancient Britons, after the 
Saxon conquest and within the territory 
by theiii acquired, remained in the coun- 
try, and eventually became mixed and 
amalgamated with them; and at a subse- 
quent period formed what was denomin- 
ated the Anglo-Saxon people, is unques- 
tionably true, and perfectly consistent with 
all history. There is no other way to 
account for the subsequent change and 
improvement in the peoi)le, who so greatly 
diftered and distinguish the Anglo-Saxon 
from their Saxon, and Teutonic ancestors; 
— and which has rendered the modern 
Englishman in his physical and moral 
nature so much more like the Celtic de- 
scendant in the western counties of Eng- 
land and Wales ; and so very different from 
the characteristics of the Teuton, now 
living north and east of the Rhine. 

This theory of Mr. Wright anniliilates 
that oi Mr. Green: — and it is hoped that 
the reader of oin- history will bear in mind 
these facts and views of Mr. Wright, and 
observe how enth-cly his theory of the 
formation of the English people, and our 
history conciu-. It is the same theorj' 
which all historians, and all reasoning on 
the facts and circumstances tend to prove 
as inevitable. Ecjually clear is it that the 
present inhabitants of Wales are the de- 
scendants of the ancient Britons, who 
possessed all South Britain from tiie time 
of Julius Caisar until the .Saxon conquest, 
who are called by Mr. Wright — the Roman 
Britons. This is fully admitted by Mr. 
Green. They were the Cyniry who oc- 
cupied all the north-west of Gaul, and the 
south of Britain. They were the fellow- 
countrymen and followers of Caractacus, 
Boadicea, Arthur, Cadvvallon and Llewel- 
lyn, and their brave and patriotic contempo- 
raries; continued over a space of more than 
a thousand years of the most unquestion- 
able, interesting and eventful history : — 
equally supported by classic, Saxon, and 
British historians; who demonstrate these 
people to be a continuation of the same 
race and nationality, — one and the same 
people; as much so as were the Romans 
from the time of Julius C.esar to that of 



Constantine the Great; and it would be 
just as reasonable and truthful to deny the 
one as the other. 

This is all admitted in Green's theory; 
but he caimot bear the idea that the blood 
of the ancient Britons should constitute 
any part of that of the English people; 
and, therefore, has them "massacred," or 
expelled from the country: — while Wright 
on the other hand, seeing that it was im- 
jwssible (historically) to deny the union of 
the Britons and Anglo-Saxons, admits it 
in its most ample terms, with the facts and 
circumstances upon which it depends. 
But then his hatred of the Welsh and 
Celtic people will no more than that of 
Green permit him to admit that the Welsh 
are of the same race and nationality with 
what he calls the Roman Britons, who 
furnished so large a portion of the En- 
glish blood. Me, therefore, assumes — 
contrary to all history — that the Welsh 
are not of the blood of the Ancient Britons, 
but an emigration from Armorica at the 
time of the Saxon conquest. 

The theories of Messrs. Green and 
Wright are irreconcilable and inconsistent 
with each other; and each the most fla- 
grant violation and falsification of history 
to be anywhere found. That the Ancient 
Britons were an immigration from Armor- 
ica is very true; but instead of its having 
taken place about the time of the Saxon 
conquest, it was about ^oo B. C. This 
will fully appear in the course of our his- 
tory. The Cynny first settled the north- 
w-est of Gaul and the south of Britain ; 
and in Casar's time the people of Armo- 
rica and South Britain were one and the 
same race; and this was the pretext for 
Ctesar attacking the latter. The people 
of the south of Scotland, afterwards 
known to the Romans as Picts, and those 
of the north of Ireland in the same man- 
ner denominated Scots, were Cymry who 
tied from the Roman conquest, and sub- 
sequently united with the Picts in Scot- 
land, and by that union formed the latter 
kinsrdom.io So that long before the Sax- 



lO See a very fair article on ttii.s subject m Cham- 
bers' Hncyclopeiiia, Amer. etl., vol. vii, p. 52S, arti- 
cle Picts.' 



INTRODUCTION. 



25 



ons came, the Celtic Cvmry were in 
possession of all England, all Scotland ex- 
cejit the Highland, and the south of Ire- 
land; and these Celtic Cymrv, with the 
Celtic Gaels of the Highland, and the 
south of Ireland, were the ancestors of 
the great body of the people who now 
constitute the inhabitants of the United 
Kindom of Great Britain and Ireland. 

Why the Celt should be so much the 
special object of Saxon hatred and ma- 
lignity, as to cause them to deny or pervert 
every possible fact in history', that the 
former may claim to their credit; and sub- 
ject them to misrepresentation, and calum- 
ny, would be unaccountable, if we did 
not know, that it was very natural for 
those who were conscious of the fact to 
hate and calumniate the descendants of 
those whom they supposed their own an- 
cestors had robbed and injured. But one 
would suppose that any person, even of 
such strong Saxon proclivities, might in 
the present day withhold his hatred; and 
doubt as to whom his ancestors were; and 
query whether he coidd trace his ancestry 
so far as to be at all conscious that he was 
responsible foi the conduct of the offend- 
ing party : — for the blood of the English 
people has been so often mixed, and "melt- 
ed down," that it is almost impossible in 
any case to tell whose blood prevails, of 
the several races who have occupied 
England in succession ; — as the Ancient 
Briton, the Roman, the Saxon, the Dane, 
the Norman, and still later immigralion. 
By most Englishmen this is frankly ad- 
mitted, and no such hatred or enmity ex- 
ists, but a most cordial friendship of a 
fellow-citizen of a common country pre- 
vails. This now should especially be the 
case, since that glorious revolution which 
is of the highest honor to humanity, — the 
Union, — which has rer\dered the whole 
British lands one common country, and na- 
tionality ; — the United Kingdom ol Great 
Britain and Ireland. 

This Union was brought about by the 
united efforts of the kind and friendly feel- 
ings of the great body of the English peo- 
ple, uniting with those of Scotland, Wales 
and Ireland; which transferred their des- 



ignation from a provincial name to that of 
Britain ; by which the people have becomc 
the British people, the government the 
British Government, the parliament the 
British Parliament, and the sovereign the 
British Sovereign; which has conferied 
upon all the people the right of enjoyment 
and protection of a common nationality 
and country ; W'hich enabled Lord Palmers- 
ton to announce in Parliament, with great 
applause, that the rights of every British 
subject were put on the same ground as 
the Old Roman citizen, — if he was a sub- 
ject of the Union, he was protected as a 
Briton, and no one shoidd injure him with 
impunity. 

But then, notwithstanding this. kind and 
hopeful disposition on the part of the great 
body of the English people to restore 
peace and good will among all the people 
of the United Kingdom, still there are a 
few who claim themselves, par excellence, 
the descendant of the Saxons, without 
knowing the blood of which race courses 
in their veins, — who continue to hate and 
abuse any and every thing claimed to be 
Celtic. Of these Mr. Pinkerton,H a citi- 
zen of London, about a hundred years 
since, was among the first to commit his 
hatred to English literature; and Messrs. 
Green and Wright are among his follow- 
ers. But e\ erj' true Celt will — with con- 
scious pride of his true history and char- 
acter — consider these but an exception in 
the great mass of English people; and 
with common charity look upon these in- 
stances of hatred and enmity as the nat- 
ural conformation of such persons which 
they can help, no more than the insane 
can help his insanity. And then there are 
many English historians who do ample 
justice to the history and character of the 
Celt, — as Sharon Turner, Whitaker, Leigh 
Hunt, Francis Thackery, Prof. M. Arnold, 
and numerous others, — whose generous 
views and sentiments are fast acquiring the 



II See Chambers's Encj-clopedia, vol. vii, p. gSO, 
Anier. cd., article PI^•KERTO^f ; in which it is said: 
"In 17S7, appeared hi.s'once notable Dixso-talion on 
the oris'in and proo^rcss of the Scythians or Goths, 
in which, forthelirst time, appeared that j^^rotesque- 
Iv virulent hatred of the IJritanno-Celtic race, — 
Scotch, Ilii^hlanders, Welsh, and Iri.sh, — thatreach- 
ed iks clinia.x in liis Inquiry into the history of .Scot- 
hind," &c. 



26 INTRODUCTION. 

ascendant, and their opponents consigned to 
the character of fanatics and the supersti- 
tious. It is the Southern Irish who are 
made the butt of this hatred, without con- 
sidering that they have been the subject of 
a crushing oppression for more than six 
hundred years, — which would have crushed 
any other people into tlie earth, — from the 
time of Strongbow to I>ord Strattbi-d, and to 
Cromwell, and to William III, and to the 
rebellion of 179S. During that long period, 
time after time were they crushed bv their 
foreign invaders, who came only to plunder 
them ; — -to take from them their land and 
property ; and bestow thein on court favor- 
ites, and foreign si)eculators, who took from 
the country all that its fertility produced, 
leaving to the producers and toiling masses 
the insufficient necessaries of life. Between 
the foreign land proprietor, and his bailiffs, 
the country was robbed of its native riches, 
and its toiling population left in poverty and 
want, without the means of iinprovcTncnt, 
education or progress. Between these up- 
per and nether mill-stones the people are 
ground to powder. No other race could 
stand their oppression better. When thev 
emigrate to other countries where a fair 
chance is given tliem, they are found 
amongst the most prosperous; — they flour- 
ish in all countries except in their own na- 
tive land. In France, .Spain, South Amer- 
ica, Mexico, and the United States, the 
Irish or his descendant have risen to the 
highest social and political position in the 
gift of the country. The generous reader 
is besought before he condemns the poor 
and oppressed Irish Celt, to contumely and 
hatred, that lie will consider the helpless 
condition in which he has been placed for 
generations past, and what he has been able 
to accomplish under other circumstances. 

All this is fully appreciated by a large 
portion of the English people, who sympa- 
thize for the imhappy condition of Ireland, 
as they have for other .countries, and are 
anxious to restore to it the benefit of its 
rich production for the good of its own 
people. When this is accomplished, when 
the Celtic Irish shall enjoy the fruit of their 
own soil and industry, as they do when em- 
igrants to other countries, — when the aurse 



of their oppression, which has borne them 
down as slaves for centuries, shall be taken 
off, and liberty restored to her rights,-^to 
the enjoyment of the fruit of their labor, — 
to education and improvement, and its con- 
comitant progress, — then the poor Irish, 
with his native wit, his vivacity, and his en- 
durance for labor and exertion, will be re- 
stored to the position that Providence in- 
tended he should occupy, — commensurate 
with the beauty and fertility of his Island. 
Such a restoration will be a greater boon 
than a hostile independence. Let it be at- 
tained within the Union, by the native force, 
justice and humanity, and "the genius of 
luiiversal emancipation." 

As to the character and position of the 
Scots, who are principally the descendants 
of the ancient British Scots and Picts, and 
have never been conquered, nothing need 
be said in vindication of them. Their posi- 
tion and great progress are too elevated and 
palpable to the whole world to require it. 
Their character and Celtic origin have been 
fully vindicated by Sir Walter Scott, Hugh 
Miller and others, and do not need it here. 
Their progress in the arts, sciences, and in 
every thing that interests humanity is equal- 
ly evident as it is an exalted example to the 
rest of the world. But our friends in Wales 
must still submit to take a good deal of the 
Celtic abuse and hatred, against which we 
have protested. They may, however, con- 
sole themselves, that while they are anathe- 
matized by those few who claim special 
Saxon descent, the great mass of the En- 
glish people are their good friends and sym- 
]iathiz:ers. We have sufficient evidence of 
this to cover over and bury all the late 
abuse and misrepresentations they have en- 
dured. They can well pass by all that 
Caesar and Tacitus, and the ancient classics, 
have said in favor of their ancient ancestors, 
and come at once to the commendations of 
modern Englishmen. Repeatedly have the 
English Lord Presidents of Wales certified 
to the character of the people of the Prin- 
cipality as the true representative of the 
Ancient Britons, as remarkably good and 
peaceful subjects, when well treated. One 
Lord President, three hundred years since, 
after many years' experience in the govern- 



INTRODUCTION. 



27 



ment, said of them: "A better people to 
govern, or better subjects Europe holdeth 
not," which rendered Wales "a happy place 
of government."'- In the same spirit of 
truth and justice. Hen Jonson was induced 
to remark: "'I'he country has always been 
fruitful of loyal hearts, and of honest minds 
and men. What higiits of learning has 
Wales sent forth for your schools! What 
industrious students of your laws! What 
able ministers of your justice! Whence 
hath the crown in all times better servitors, 
more liberal of their lives and fortunes. ''"■•' 
Since the days of these men, a different 
spirit has been introduced by Pinkerton, 
and his followers, for the purpose of culti- 
vating enmity and hatred, where there 
should be fellowship and good will. All 
those from abroad, who have visited tiiesc 
people, and become acquainted with them 
— their honest hqarts and minds, — from the 
days of Giraldus Cambrensis to the present 
day, have been uniform in their praise; 
while their enemies calumniate them, or ig- 
nore their merits. S. Turner and Prof M. 
Arnold express their surprise at the neglect 
that the ancient Cymric literature, with its 
great merits, has received by these op- 
ponents; while they and Wadsworth and 
Southey are warm in its commendation. 
Mrs. Hemans, Mr. Roscoe, Miss Castelo, 
and others who have visited them, and be- 
came acquainted with them, have commit- 
ted to writing in fervent terms of prose and 
poetry their .sympathy, confidence and ad- 
miration for these descendants of the An- 
cient Britons; — and Leigh Hunt, also, with 
enthusiasm expresses the same sentiment 
in these admirable lines: — 

•'I used lo Ihink of lliuu and thine. 
As one of an old faded line, 
Still livinu;- in thy hilKs apart, 
Whose pride I knew, but not his heart; — 
But no\v that I have seen thy face, 
Thy fields and ever youthful race, 



12 Sir Henry Sidney, I^ord President. See Miss 
Williams' History of Wales, and her authorities; 
Chap. xxvi. 

13 Ibidem. See also in Motley's United Nether - 
land, where we misjfht the least expect to find it — 
his glowins^ commendation of Welshmen under the 
names of Kog-er WiTliams, Morg-an and others, for 
their loyalty, honesty, bravery and talent, which 
distinguished them even in a foreign service. 



And woman's lips of rosiest words, 
(So rich they open,) and have hcMrd, 
The harp still leaping in thy halls, 
(^lenchless as the waterfalls; 
I know thee full of pride, as strong 
As the Ocean's most ancient song. 
And ot a sympathy as wide." 

With these commendations in their favor, 
the people of the Principality may — with 
complacency — hold in contempt their cal- 
umniators antl traducers, as found in the 
histories of such men as Woodward, the 
pretended historian of Wales, and Green 
and Wright, and pass them by as the "idle 
wind." 'i'here may be instances of such 
expression of hatred and vituperation, 
which the warmth of the occasion would 
excuse; — as the seething language of Lord 
Nelson, expressed to his men on the eve of 
the battle of Trafalgar, against the Celtic 
P^rench : — and for that there is ample ex- 
cuse, for then he was at war with them, and 
just upon the eve of a deadly battle. But 
what excuse is there for these modern men 
of our day, who claim a Saxon origin, — 
though perhaps they cannot tell at all, how 
much their blood may be mixed with that 
of the Celt, — for hating and calumniating 
their fellow-subjects, neighbors and fellow- 
citizens.? Is it consistent with patriotism, 
civilization or justice.'' In time of war there 
may be an excuse for this enmity ; and op- 
ponents may hold their enemies, — as Jeffer- 
son said in the Declaration of Independ- 
ence, — "as they hold the rest of mankind; 
enemies in war, in peace, friends " And 
since the Union, — since the United King- 
dom has made them nationally one people, 
there should be peace and good will between 
all of its inhabitants. Mr. Pitt ardently 
felt this, and with the good sense ol' a true 
patriot labored faithfully for the Union for 
the common good of all ; — and the union of 
the hearts of its people for a common coun- 
try; — and for common justice and equality. 

And now, if the writer was as much an 
Englishman, as at heart he is a Briton, he 
would pray Pro\'idence to bring about that 
national peace and good will; and give to 
the whole Union a common and equal jus- 
tice; so that all might feel a hearty interest 
in a common prosperity and happiness; 
and a common destiny. 



STORY 



-I 



n 
i 




lENT BRI 



"ONS. 



BOOK I.— THE BRITISH PERIOD. 



CHAPTER I. 

THK INHABITANTS OF WESTERN EUROl'F,. 

(5 I. — T/ic Cradle and Connnemcincn/ of the 
Human Race. 

The facts and circumstances constituting 
history may be grouped together in one or 
the other of two points of view; cither it 
may be tlie history of the country, witli 
whatever people tliat may have occupied it; 
or it may be of the people, without a partic- 
ular reference to the country in which, at 
certain periods, they may have been estab- 
lished. The one is the history of the stage, 
upon which various actors have performed 
their several parts; the other is more prop- 
erly the biography of the actors, without 
being confined to any particular stages upon 
which they niay have performed. The one 
is the history of a country; the other is 
more properly the history of a people 

It is proposed in the following pages to 
give a concise history of the Ancient Brit- 
ons and their descendants; commencing 
with the earliest ac^count of their origin, 
founded upon authentic facts; and tracing 
their progress down a long vista of ages, — 
from the cradle of their race, in a remote 
age and country, — passing through Europe 
from the far east to the west, until they es- 
tablish themselves in Britain, there encoun- 
tering the arts and power of Rome, and re- 
ceiving the beneiits of her itnprovements 
and civilization; there encountering the 
shock that overwhelmed all Europe during 
the dark ages, in the Saxon and Danish in- 
vasions; succeeded by the Norman con- 
quest — these gradually uniting and assimi- 
lating with the more recent people of Brit- 
ain; and finally spreading themselves into 



every country, and imparting to it their 
courage, perseverance, and moral charac- 
ter, wherever Britain has carried her arts 
and civilization. 

But the history of the Ancient Britons is 
so intimately connected with that of the in- 
habitants of Western Eurojie, it becomes 
proper, if not necessary, to consider, first, 
who the inhabitants 6f Western Europe are, 
whence they came, and the relation that 
their various races and countries bear to 
each other. 

Assuming, for reasons which will appear 
in our progress, that the human family had 
a common origin, and that the Creator 
placed their cradle in some delightful place 
in the border of that great and fertile valley 
in Western Asia, watered by those rivers, 
so well known in connection with whatever 
is most venerable in antiquity, — the Tigris 
and Euphrates' ; an eftbrt shall be made to 
trace the migration of the ancestors of the 

I G. lla-.viin.soii — that great historian, who has so 
well studied ancient history^ustly says, " Revela- 
tion, tradition, and the indications derivable from 
ethnoloafv and comjiarative philoloo-y, a<^ree in 
poin!ini»- to this southwestern resifion as the cradle 
of the human race. The soil, clim.ate, and natural 
productions are such as would h'.ive suited man in 
his infancy. Here, and in the adjoining parts of 
Africa, larsje communities were first formed, cities 
built, and g-overnment ostabli.shcd. Heie was the 
birthplace of ag;riculture and the arts; and here 
trade and commerce first acquired any considerable 
development. Numerous streams, a rich soil, 
abundant and most valuable natural productions, 
among: which the first place must be assigned to the 
wheat plant, here alone indig'enous, rendered this 
portion of the earth's surface better fitted than, per- 
hajjs, any other for encoiuraging- and promoting- civ- 
ilization, ilere, accorciingly, civil history com- 
menced, the earliest kingdoms and sc.ites being, all 
of them, in this quarter." — Man. Anc. Hist., 38. 

So Prof. J. D. Dana (Te.xt Book of Cieology, 240) 
also saj's: " No place of origin better accords with 
the conditions requisite for the species in its orig-- 
inal state, and for the commencement of its develop- 
ment than that region in Western Asia, which is a 
central [)Oint of radiation for the three great Ori- 
ental lands, Asia, Kurope, and Africa, where the 
Bible places His creation." 

See also Guyot's " Karth and Man," Lecture xi, 
pag-e 293, <Sc. 



30 



THE BRITISH PERIOD. 



various inhabitants of Western Europe 
from thence to tlie countries in which they 
are now found. 

The ancient and venerable writing found 
in Genesis asserts the separation and dis- 
persion of mankind from this common 
center, and forming distinct families and va- 
riety of people in different directions; which 
wonderfully agrees with, and is corrobora- 
ted by, what is knowij as profane or secular 
history. ■A4thou«ii me Bible is to be relied 
upon, as a sacred revelation as to things 
spiritual and religious, — as to our knowledge 
of the true and living God, our duty to 
Him, and to ourselves, and to each ether, — 
jet it was not intended, «ai^is it to be relied 
upon, to teach us science, geology,'' ar chro- 
nology, 4f, other things which, are strictly 
secular matters.^-' '^''But even in these mat- 
ters it is as much to be relied upon as any 
. secular writing which next follows it. It 
teaches us that the inhabitants of the earth 
have descended from Noah and his three 
sons, and their families. These were Shem, 
Ham, and Japheth,-' from whom it is suppos- 
ed that the various nations and races of men 
have proceeded. The descendants of the 
two first mentioned became known as the 
Shemitic and Ilamitic races, and proceeded 
to possess the southern part of Asia and all 
Africa ; while the desendants of Japheth are 
known as the Japhetic race, who have oc- 
cupied the northwestern part of Asia and. 
all Europe. 

The Book of Genesis gives the names 
of the seven sons of Japhetli as Gomer, 
Magog, Madai, Tubal, Meshech, Tiras, and 
Javan. " Gomer personifies the families 
originally established on the northern coast 
of the Euxine [Black sea] and north of 
Greece. From these were, in due course of 
time, to spring a people well known to the 
Greek and Roman historians, as Cimmeri- 
ans, Cimbri, Cymry, who were for ages the 
terror of Asia, and Europe, and who even 
made Rome tremble at the summit of her 
power. Three sons of Gomer are men- 



2 Genesis, ch. x. i Kawl. Herodotus, 527, 546. 

.•5 See II. Miller's Testimony of tlie Rocks, sec. 3, 
PI). 141, iS'o. Bacon's Novum Org^num "V Causes 
ot Error in Philosophy." Miller's Foot-prints of the 
Creator, 332. 



[Book I 

tioned: Ashkenaz, whose name seems com- 
posed of Gothic roots As aheenis, ' the race 
of Ases,' and which represents the Ger- 
manic and Scandinavian nations not yet sep- 
arated, and inhabiting a limited district to 
the northwest of the Black Sea; Riphatii, 
that is, the group of Celts or Gauls, then es- 
tablished in their first European setflement 
on the Riphtean mountains, — the presnt 
Carpathian, before entering on their last mi- 
gration towards the France of our day ; and 
lastly, Togarmah, in whom tradition has al- 
ways recognized the Armenians."* 

It has ever been claimed that the Cymry 
were descendants of Gomer; and that Cim- 
ri or Cimmeri were derived from Gomer 
or Gimeri by mere change of sound in the 
initial letter. These Gomerians or Cim- 
merians are considered as undoubtedly of 
the Japhetic race, and occupied, when first 
noticed in history, the most westwardly po- 
sition on the north side of the Euxine Sea, 
where they have conferred their name on 
manj' objects there, as Cimmerian Bospho- 
rus, and Old Crim, on the Tauric Cherson- 



4 See Lenormautand Chevallier, Ancient History, 
B. i, cli. iv, sec. 3, p. 61 ; also, vol. 2, p. 3; also, A 
Manual of Ancient History, by Georj^^e Kawlinson, 
B. i, pt. i, p. 39. 

5See Rawliiison's Herodotus, vol. 3; Appendix 
to B. iv, Kssay i, 150, "Cimmerians" (Giminai); 
see I Lenor. An. llist., 405; 2 ihid. 76. Cyclopcedia 
of Brit. Tlieo. and Kccles. I^iteratiire, vol. iii, 710, 
Art. Gai.atia; see a very interestinsj article, — "Ga- 
latia, l^aAarai, is the "s.ame word with Ki/.ra«, 
Celtica; and the Galalians were, in their orisjin, a 
stream of that jjreat Celtic torrent (ajiparently 
Cymry, and Gael), which poured into Macedonia 
about B. C. 2.S0 (Strabo IV, 187; VH, 566; J.ivy 
XXXVin, 16; Flor. IT, 11 ; Justin XXV, 2; Appian, 
Svr., X'XXII, 42). Some of those invaders moved 
iiito Thrace, and appeared on the shores of the 
Hellespont and Bosphorus, where NicomedesI, king' 
of Bithynia, beini;- then en<^af;;-ed in a civil war, 
invited them across into Asia i\linor, to assist him 
against his brother, Zyba:tes, B. C. CIr., 270. liav- 
iiig accomjilished this object, they were unwilling; to 
retrace their steps; and, strengthened by the acces- 
sion of fresh hordes from Kurope, they overran the 

neighboring countries The CJalatians 

were still settled in their three tribes, the Tecto- 
sages, the Tolistobogii, and the Trocnii, the first of 
which is identical in name with a tribe familiar to us 
in the history of Gaul, as distributed over the Cev- 
ennes near Toulouse (Ca-sar, Bell. Gall. iv. 34; 
Conip. Jablousky, Dc lingua I^yraonica, p. 33). The 
three capitals were respectively Tavium, I'essinus, 
and Ancyra. The last of these (the modern An- 
gora) was the center of the district, and may be re- 
garded as the metropolis of the Galatians. These 
eastern (jauls preserved much of their ancient char- 
acter, and something of their ancient language. 
At least Jerome says that in his day the same lan- 
guage might be heard at Ancyra as at Treves; and 
he is a good witness, for he himself had been at 
Treves." 



THE INHABITANTS OF WESTERN EUROPE. 



Chap. I.] 

esus.6 Next east were the Scythians, an- 
other Japhetic race,7 and usually assigned as 
the descendants of Magog. Still east and 
south of these were the descendants of Ma- 
dai, who occupied Media, Persia, Bactria, 
Hindoo Kush, and extending even into In- 
dia. Tliese have generally been denomi- 
nated the Aryans proper, an appellation ap- 
plied in common with that of Japhetic, and 
Indo-European races, to all the descendants 
of Japheth, found settled in various countries 
from India to the British Islands. The 
children of Tubal and Meshech peopled the 
country on the east and southeast of tne 
Euxine. The descendants of Tiras and 
Javan proceeded west, occupying Asia Mi- 
nor and southeastern Europe; the first tak- 
ing possession of the eastern and northern 
part of Asia Minor, Thrace and Macedo- 
nia; and the latter — the descendants of Ja- 
van — taking possession of the soutliwestern 
part of Asia Minor, adjoining the ^gean 
Sea, known as Ionia, and still proceeding 
west over the last-named sea, and occupying 
Greece. 

In connection with, and as part of, these 
people should be noticed tlie Pelasgians, a 
people much noticed in ancient history, and 
were undoubtedly of the same origin as 
those who are considered the descendants 
of Javan. They found a material, if not the 
larger, portion of the original inhabitants of 
Athens and other portions of Greece; and 
probably they were also the first settlers of 
Italy.8 

Taking, then, the valley of the Tigro-Eu- 
phrates to have been the cradle of the hu- 
man race, and that the proininenl and civ- 
ilized part of it is represented by the three 
families known in history as the Japhetic, 
Shemitic and Hamitic races, who had their 
origin there, wc are to trace thence the peo- 

6 Herod., B. iv, ch. 12. 

7 The Scyths, as known in history, may be distin- 
jjuislied as two separate races ; — the first and oldest 
were Turanians, but second ; those who passed 
west to Kurope were Aryans. 

8 See RawHnson's Herodotus, B. iv, App., Kssay 
ii. .See also iOid. B. i, ch. 56; and also, t, Kawl. 
Ilerodo., 150, Essay i, n. i. Josephus identities 
Gonier and the Celts thus: "For Gonier founded 
tho.se whom the Greeks now call Galatians [G;ills], 
bat were then called Gomerites; Masro^- founded 
those that from him were named MasJoj^-ites, but 
who are by the Greeks called Scythian.s." Ant. 
Jews, 15. i, ch. iv. 



31 



pie whose descendants now occupy West- 
ern Europe. We may well suppose that for 
a long time Noah and his tamily resided 
there, in their original home,'J until their 
increasing population would require tliem 
to separate and emigrate. It seems that 
the Shemitic and Hamitic races were more 
united and harmonized with each other 
tliati with the Japhetic. The Hamitic took 
the lead in population, however, and civil- 
ization. They built great cities on the 
lower Euphrates and along the Persian 
Gulf^ — the Erythsean Sea, where they 
proinoted commerce and navigation, and 
where they first became known in history 
as the Chaldajans. At an early period in 
their history they sent a colony to Egypt, 
a country much like their own, upon the 
lower Euphrates, — very fertile, — promot- 
ing a rapid increase of population and civ- 
ilization. Subsequently another colony 
passed from them, who had become ac- 
quainted with navigation and commerce 
upon the Erythsean Sea, and planted them- 
selves upon the borders of the Mediterra- 
nean Sea; and there becaine celebrated as 
the Phoenicians.!'* 

The Shemitic race became distinguished 
in their descendants as the Hebrews and 
the Arabs; and developed a great national- 
ity in Assyria, Syria, Palestine, and Ara- 
bia. 

In the meantime the Japhetic race were 
forming their nationality higher up the val- 
leys of the Tigris and Euphrates; and 
there, establishing a language, customs and 
habits which subsequently identified their 
descendants in different families as the Ja- 
phetic, or Aryan, or Indo-European races. H 
But amidst all people tliere are a portion 



9 I Rawl. Hero. 461, where it is said: "The great 
fertile tract at the foot of the Zasjros ranges, abund- 
antly watered by Tigris, the Kuplirates, and the 
rivers descending from Zagros, and enclosed by the 
Arabian and. Syrian deserts on the west, the Arme- 
nian mounfciins upon the north, and Zagros upon 
the east, was divided from very ancient times into 
three principal countries, all nearly equally favored 
by nature, and each in its turn the seat of a power- 
ful monarchy: — Assyria, Susiana, and Babjdonia. 
The high lands overlooking this region upon the 
east and north being occupied by three principal 
races, were likewise regarded as forming three 
great countries: — Armenia, Media and Persia." 

10 I Rawl. Hero., 117. 



II See the article, "Aryan," in Chamber'; 
clopedia, vol. i, p. 459. 



En 



32 



THE BRITISH PERIOD 



of mankind who are always disposed to 
be erratic, to avoid the aggregation of pop- 
ulation, to seek the solitude of the wilder- 
ness or plains rather than the restraints of 
society, and their civilizing influences. 
Such as were thus disposed soon separated 
from the three original families, in various 
directions, and became the Nomads, and 
the tavage of the wilderness. These be- 
came a numerous people outside of the 
civilizing influences of the aggregation of 
the original family in their improving and 
cultivating homes. These outsiders, be- 
coming more and more savage, and dis- 
similar from their brethren of the original 
families, became known to history as the 
" Turanian " race. These soon traversed 
the eastern world in various directions; 
and we may well conceive that, at an early 
day in their existence, they wandered to 
Western Europe, and became settled in 
France and Britain. Especially the valley 
of the Somme became an enticing home 
for them, and their necessities co mpelled 
them to construct implements of flint in 
large numbers. The funa of the former 
and last geological period had not yet dis- 
appeared, and afforded a rich ^harvest for 
the hunter, and great increase of popula- 
tion, and consequently a very rapid pro- 
duction of those imjilements, for hunting, 
for defence, and for domestic uses. In the 
course of time at that da}' the shores or 
France arose above their former level, just 
as we find it to have been the case in Scot- 
land, Norway, and other parts of the 
world. Then the Somme would have to 
change its bed, and form new channels and 
gravel beds, into which the implements of 
the inhabitants along its banks would be 
imbedded, together with the bones of the 
animals, relics of a former age, upon which, 
perhaps, the inhabitants had been feeding. 
This iTiay have happened a thousand years 
after the time of Japhet, and 2,1,00 years or 
more B. C. This would give sufficient time 
for all the appearances at present repre- 
sented as found in the valley of the Somme 
and elsewhere, and more probable than that 
it transpired many thousand years before, as 
some geologists pretend to believe. This 
may be accepted as a reasonable and prob 



[Book I. 

able theory of the question, until facts are 
so developed as will otherwise establish 
the truth beyond all question. 

The Japhetic family remained in the up- 
per valley of the Tigro- Euphrates, while 
the Hamitic and Shemitic races occupied 
the lower part, and there cultivated a fixed 
language; cultivated agriculture, and the 
necessary arts of primitive life.^2 But the 
time came at lenth when they were all — 
at least the Japhetic portion of them — 
driven hence, and radiated from there in 
various directions, as already indicated, in 
various families or tribes, known by one 
set of names a.-, derived from Moses and 
Josephus, and by another, as designated by 
modern historians and ethnologists. These 
have denominated the northernmost fam- 
ily as the descendants of Javan or the Pe- 
largi,i3 — the ancestors of the Greeks and 
Italians; and the northern families as the 
Celts, — the ancestors of the inhabitants of 
France and the British Islands, — the de- 
scendants of Gomer, Cimmerians, Cim- 
bri and Cymry ; and these were followed by 
the Teutons, — the ancestors of the Ger- 



12 It was here, rather than in Bactria, where the 
ancestors of the Aryan race, before their separation 
and dispersion east and west, tlie one towards Bac- 
tria ancl the other towards Europe, that the origi- 
nal family of the race were established long enough 
to establish and fix as common to the whole race, 
words and terms which have distinguished and 
identified them as the Ilindo-European, or Aryan 
race. In his interesting essay, Professor Max 
Muller on Comparative Mythology has represented 
the Aryan family, while yet one and undivided, in 
which "their language and habits as to religion, do- 
mestic aftkirs|ind civilization are made the founda- 
tion of that of the whole race. The same name for 
an object or nation being found as common in the 
wide-spread members of the family is justly claimed 
that such names must have been familiarly used by 
them, while yet residing together in their parental 
home. Such similarity or identity of names is found 
in the various branches of the race as to all objects 
of domestic relation, of agriculture and of building 
of houses and towns. " It should be observed," he 
savs, "that most of the terms connected with chase 
and warfare difler in each of the Aryan dialects, 
while words connected with more peaceful occupa- 
tions belong generally to the common heirloom of 
the Aryan language." .... "This sliow.s 
that all the Aryan nations had led a long life of 
peace before they separated, and that thtsir language 
acquired individuality and nationality as each col- 
ony started in search of new homes — new genera- 
tions forming new tern\s coimected with the war- 
like and adventurous life of their onward migra- 
tions. Hence it is that not only Greek and Latin, 
but all Aryan languages, liave their peaceful words 
in common; and hence it is that they all differ so 
strangel)' in their warlike expressions. Thus the 
domestic animals are generally known by the same 
name in England and in India, while the wild beasts 
have different names, even in the Greek and Latin." 

13 Sec Leormant, Ancient History, 61. 



THE INHABITANTS OF WESTERN EUROPE. 



Chap. I.] 

mans and Scandinavians; and also by the 
Sclaves, — the representatives of the an- 
cient Normatians and Scythians, and also 
the eastern family, as the Aryans, who in- 
clude the Medes, Persians, and the north- 
ern Hindoo. All these have received the 
appellation of the Aryan, and the Indo- 
European in common with that of the Ja- 
phetic race ; and occupying a zone through 
Asia and Europe from the Ganges to the 
British Islands. 

What was the cause of their expulsion 
from their original birthplace, and emigra- 
tion east and west,'* is only left to conject- 
ure; but probably it was an hostile invas- 
ion of one or both of the original families, 
under the name of Assyrians or Chaldie- 
ans. 

All these names and divisions of the hu- 
man race adinirably agree with that given 
by Moses in the tenth chapter of Genesis, 
as well as that given byjosephus, and con- 
firmed by all history. It must therefore 
be true that there were originally such 
three families as those of Shem, Ham 
and Japheth, or Moses had discovered this 
division of mankind, and invented the 
story of these three persons to agree with 
the evident division of the human race. 
The former hypothesis is not only the most 
natural, but harmonizes well with what is 



33 



( Chald:viui . . 



known in history. But either hypothesis 
may be received as the true one, and that 
those three celebrated names may be re- 
ceived as those of the three original races. 
When in the course of time the origin 
of the present human family commenced, 
must, in a great measure, be left to con- 
jecture. There are no facts .disclosed by 
history or monuments, which are conclu- 
sive upon the subject. Ancient history 
discloses facts, and especially inscriptions 
recently found in ruined cities of Assyria 
and Babylonia, inscribed upon monu- 
ments, bricks, and tiles, discovered amidst 
those ruins, afford us means of a rational 
conjecture. The most reliable materials 
furnished us for ancient history and chro- 
nology are those given us by Moses, com- 
mencing with the tenth chapter of Gene- 
sis, and schedule of dynasties given us by 
Berosus in his history of Babylonia and 
Chalda?a, as presented to us in mere frag- 
ments in Josephus, and later historians. 
These aid us so much in establishing the 
commencement of the human family and 
chronology, that we must take thein as the 
most reliable materials upon the subject. 
The scheme of chronology founded upon 
Berosus, as corrected and confirmed by 
other historians, and inscriptions above re- 
ferred to, give us a tablet upon the subject, 
which may be thus repeated : 

Tears Prohablc Time B. C. 
34, 080 about 



Kin^. 
86 



Median '' 

Bekosis -j Chalda'an '' 

Cha!d;ean '^ 

I Arabian 

i Assyrian 

,T ( I^ower Assvrian. 

Ptolemy - ^^ , , 

/ nanviODiaiis . . . . 



Total 



8 


--4 


1 1 


^.S« 


^9 


4.S^^ 


9 


-45 


4.S 


,=^^^' 


8 


122 


6 


«7 



I, 920 



2,458 to 2,2334 
2,234 to I' 976 
1,976 to I, siS' 
1,518 to 1,2732 
i,.S73to 747 
747 to 625 
f'.S.S to 5383 

in all 1,920 years. 



I4ln Winchell's Sketches of Crcutinn (y.j) it is 
said: — " In all the hitter epochs, even of the ;isje of 
stone, there was evidently a continuous niiijration 
from the direction of the .'Vsiatic line. Tlie move- 
ment of population has always been westward in 
rejjions to the west of the Orient, and it has always 
heen eastwaril in reu;ions to the east of the Orient. 
The westward wave overflowed Jiun)pe,and in lat- 
ter davs crossed the Atlantic. The eastward wave 
populated Tartary and C'hinti, and, as maybe pre- 
sumed, daslied across the .straits of IJehriny;, and 
flooded the American continent at a remote period. 
I'o say the least, fill the American shoi-es were 
reached by the westward wave from B\irope, the 
tide of population in America had always set from 



north to south. The primeval inhabitants of North 
America were Asiatics in their features, their lan- 
Suag^e, and their arts, and tradition speaks of them 
as movinaf from the direction of Asia. Tliese 
movements of human poj)ulation, like radiating^ 
streams, from the western part of Asia, certainly 
afford a presumption that the only people of whose 
movement we have neither hisiory, tradition, nor 
l>uried monuments, proceeded also from the direc- 
tion of the Orient." .... " It seems reason- 
able to suppose that the Iberian tribe and the savag^e 
I.igarians, subjugated by the Romans, and de- 
scribed by Ca'sar as dwellinsj in caves, maj' have 
been the .southern representative of the primitive 
iblk, while t!ie Finns and I..apps, as Nilsson sug- 



34 

The Chald.-can dynasty thus given by 
Berosus, containing 86 kings and embrac- 
ing 34,080 years, is a mere myth, and fab- 
ulous. It undoubtedly consisted of a dy- 
nasty of its own people, from their origin ; 
and may include Ham himself as the first. 
No facts known in history would warrant 
34,080 years to any dynasty of 86 kings. 
Taking the residue of the column (exclud- 
ing the 86), it gives 136 kings in 1,920 
years, or an average of 15 years to each. 
To give the same average to the 86 kings, 
would give 1,290 years; which, added to 
the 1,920 years above given, would give 
3,210 years as the duration of the whole 
dynasties, Avhich, added to the date of the 
last year(538 B. C), would give 3,748 B. C. 
as the more probable date of the com- 
mencement of the Ham or Hamitic dy- 
nasty in Chaldsea; and the more probable 
commencement of the present human 
race, than any other date at which we can 
arrive. As this, too, harmonizes well with 



gests, may be the modern and moiu northern repre- 
sentatives of the same folk." That is, tlie Turani- 
nians who first emij^ratcd and iicopled Europe. As 
to the age of man on earth, see Slcetches of Cre., 
36S. 

I This inchides the time of Abraham and of Che- 
dor-Laomer, i Rawl. Herodotus, 356; Rawl. Man. 
of Anc. History, 61 ; i Lenor. History of the East, 
S2 ; also 362. 

3 Exodus about the commencement of 14th C. 
Lenor. History of the East, 114. On these dates 
authors differ about 200 years. 

3 See as to this tablet, i Rawl. Hero., 345. As to 
Egyptian chronology, see Rawl. Hero., 289. G. 
Rawlinson, in his Manual of History, p. 77, sets the 
commencement of Egyptian history, — under Moses, 
their first king and dynasty, at 2.760 B. C. We are 
compelled to accept the dates here given as the 
probable ones for Egy])t, and 3,500 as that for the 
commencement of the human race, or admit that 
previous thereto there must have been the Deluge 
or some other calamity that swept from the face of 
the earth all antecedent inhabitants. If the evi- 
dences derived from the gravel pits on the Sominc, 
or the caves in the south of France, or tliose of Bel- 
gium, furnish conclusive facts to estiiblish the ex- 
istence of a pre-existing race, thatnuist be received 
as the strongest evidence derived from natural his- 
tory (and perhaps the only (me) of the Deluge. A 
class of scientific men have been in the habit of de- 
ducing evidence of too great antiquity from facts, 
without making due allowance, that cii.inges were 
more rapid at an earlier jieriod in the present geo- 
logical age; as those observations made at Niagara 
or the delta of the Nile. About 625 B. C. the' city 
of Nineveh, the great, was utterly destroyed by the 
Medes. About 220 years afterwards Xenophon, in 
his retreat with the 10,000 Greeks, passed over the 
place without ever noticing it; because of its utter 
ruin in that lapse of time. So in ancient times the 
city of Miletus, in Ionia (Asia Minor), was a sea- 
port on a bay 25 miles long by 5 wide, at the mouth 
of the Ma;ander river. Since those ancient times 
there has been a gradual but an astonishing change 
in the situation of the city. "The soil brought 



THE BRITISH PERIOD. [Book i. 

all other facts deducible from history or 
antiquities. 

The last date given is the earliest that 
can be adtnitted as the commencement of 
the present human race, as in any wise 
consistent with the known facts of history 
It cannot be placed further back in antiqui' 
ty than between 3500 and 4000 B. C, with- 
out incurring insurmountable objections 
arising from the well known increase of 
population, and progress of civilization. It 
is a well established fact, that the human 
family is capable of increasing, and doubling 
its niunbers every twenty-five years; and 
under favorable circumstance this ratio may 
be greatly accelerated.! 5 Progress in civili- 
zation does not tend to increase this ratio, 
but rather to diminish it. All that is want- 
ed to promote the most extreme increase of 
population is sufficient subsistence, and the 
absence of absolute restraints. These re- 
straints may be either physical or moral ; 
as the want of food or clothing, or the re- 
straints of a higher state of civilization. 
All we know of geology and history assures 
us, that the human family was not put u|?on 
the earth, by its Great Creator, until it was 
well prepared for him ; and all the great 
geological changes had gone by. It may 
be true that some of the animals, — the funa 
and flora, of the t"ormer age, may have for 
some tiine remained upon the earth, and 



down by the Mreander has filled up the gulf, sO' 
that Miletus now stands on the outskirts of a great 
alluvial plain, which extends even beyond Miletus 
four or five miles seaward." (See i Rawl. Herod., 
217.) If the like calculation should be made as to. 
Nineveh or Miletus, based upon the accumulation 
of soil upon and around them, it is to be expected 
thev would i)ut the dates of those cities at about 
10,000 B. C. 

aThis Median dynasty was aTuranian race, i)rob- 
ably of the Scythian race, and not the true Medes of 
the Aryan race; but called Medes for the reason 
they came from the country afterward called Media. 
The Medes did not make their appearance vmtil 
long afterwards, about 690 B. C, and only about 155 
years before the Aryan race (Medes and I^ersians), 
under Cvrus, conquered Babylon. — 1 Uawl. Hero., 
3S6, and n. 7, 324, ^^2-;. 

b This second ChakUvan dynasty was probably a 
return of power to their own people. 

cThis third Chaldaan dynasty was [)robably that 
of the Elamite or Surianian people, a kindred race, 
and to which Cliedor-Laomcr belonged. -See i Rawl. 
Hero., 352-356, &c. 

15 This is the ordinary increase of the population 
of the United States. That of the descendants of 
Jacob, and of the Mutineers of the Bounty of Pit- 
cairn Island, exceeded this ratio. The increase 
may be much greater than double every twenty- 
five years. See (irey's ICnigma of I.ife, p. 77. 



THE INHABITANTS OF WESTERN EUROPE. 



Chap. I.] 

have afforded to the fii'^t inhahitants addi- 
tional facilities tor food, and the .skins and 
fur of the animals, clothing. These facili- 
ties, and the absence of restraints, may, in 
that age. have greatly facilitated the ordin- 
ary increase of its population. 

Arithmetical calculation will show that 
the family of Noah, upon the basis just 
suggested, may have so increased, that in 
500 years there may have been a popula- 
tion of fifteen hundred thousand, and this 
mav have been about 3000 B. C. To put 
the origin of the human family at a great- 
ly earlier period, would have so increased 
the population of the earth as to interfere, 
irreconcilabh', with what is kncjwn in an- 
cient history. 

If we should carry back the commence- 
ment of the human family to a pe^ iod so 
remote as contended for by some anti- 
quarians and geologists, the earth would 
have been filled with people long before 
the time that Europe became peopled. 
From a period of about 3500 B. C. the 
earth has been gradually :md constantly 
filling up with a popidation, until now it 
has reached the sum of 1300 millions. It 
is true that war has often retaided, and 
sometimes diminished this increase, and 
even exterminated some particular race or 
nationality, but never has it exterminated 
both the victors and the vanquished to- 
getligj^^^l'he earth has gradually antl per- 
petually become filled with its jiresent 
people, notwithstanding" it has sometimes 
been retarded by war, pestilence or famine. 
"We must place the commencement of the 
present race of man with Noah and his 
lamily; but if we place that commence- 
ment, as some pretend to do, some 10,000 
B. C, then we should have found the earth 
as densely peopled at the very earliest 
period in history as it is at present. ''J On 



16 Giles, in liis History of the Ancient Britons, vol. 
i, ]). I, s:iys: 'The writing^s of Mo.ses carry us back 
no farther into the past than the space of about si.x 
thousand years, whereas there is the most conclu- 
sive evidence that the world has existed in its pres- 
ent state more than six times that limited period. 
It appears, therefore, that our knowledgfe of the 
past is confined to a very narrow comjjass, com- 
pared with the infinite duration of titne which has 
elapsed." This must be assented to by every well 
informed and candid mind. But the question when 
man became an inhabitant of this world is a very 
different question, from that, as to when "tliis 



the contrary we are led from history to be- 
lieve that in Abraham's time Syria was 
new and but sparsely peopled; and that 
from that time to that of Moses, there was 
in Egypt a \erv great increase of people 
and of civilization, and the whole popula- 
tion of those countries between Egypt and 
the Upper Euphrates wonderfully in- 
creased. It is always the case as popula- 
tion becomes more dense and concentrated, 
they seek a municipal life, and make pro- 
gress in civilization and refinement. This 
is the order of Pro% idence, and the instinct 
of the human race. It is the conclusion 
we dra\\ from ancient history; and the 
information we obtain from the histories 
of the Mexicans, Peruvians, Tahitians, and 
other people of the New World. In these 
respects a constant improvement and pro- 
gress have been made, from the time of 
the earliest history and evidence of man's 
existence on the Euphrates to the present. 
These are to be traced in their develop- 
ment from thence to every country, and 
especially to Western Europe. From the 
earliest, e\'ery five hundred years has pro- 
duced a marked if not an entire change in 
every race, whicli may be noticed as a 
period or epoch in their history, and in al- 
most every instance survives one or more 
dynasty. Each of these periods marks a 
progress in the condition, manners and 
civilization of every people. Thus the 
first before 3000 B. C v\ itnessed the com- 
mencement of the jiresent race of man in 
a single family, and its increase to a nation 
and numerous people. The next period^' 



world had its existence in its present state." Man 
was placed here at comparatively a very recent 
period; not until the sfreat g-eolog'ical chang-es had 
passed, and the earth prepared to receive him. If 
man had existed on the earth one "si.x thousand 
years" before the time of the tiiree threat patriarchs 
of the human race, the world would have been 
filled with people before their advent or that of 
their race; and tradition, and history, and antiqui- 
ties would have preserved ajreater evidence of their 
existence, and of the war and conflict that this race 
would have had with them, in acquiring- a foot-hold, 
than is in anv manner disclosed that they have ever 
had upon the earth. There is so little evidence of a 
pre-existingf race, that we are forced to believe the 
tradition of Ham, Shein and Japheth to be the ances- 
tors of the race, or their names invented to corres- 
Dond with the history of the three great races of 
the human family ; and that if any previous race 
existed, thev must have been by some dire calamity 
■" wept from the face of the earth. 

17 From 3000 to ^500 B. C. 



THE BRITISH PERIOD 



36 

witnessed their dispersion; — those who 
were well disposed to civilization, toEgypt 
and other nationality ; while those who 
were indisposed to social life, departed to 
various parts of the surrounding world to 
become and to be known as the Turanian 
race. In the eastern world, this would be 
probably the stone age. In the next 
periodic great progress was made ; — great 
cities had their commencement and their 
foundation laid, along the vallej' of the 
Tigro-Euphrates and that of the Nile; 
and was probably the age of metal, bronze 
and iron The next period, (commencing 
with 2000 B. C.,) would include the time 
from Abrahatn to Moses, and produce 
many of the facts now known in ancient 
history; — the rise of the PhfEnician cities 
on the eastern shores of the Mediterranean 
Sea, and the extension of their commerce 
to the western worid. The next of such 
period of time would include'^ the exodus 
of the Jews, the destruction of Troy, and 
the establishment of the great kingdom of 
Judah under David and Solomon. With- 
in the nextswould be com])iehended some 
of the great events of history ;20 — the great 
conquests and empires of Assyria and 
Egy.pt; the appearance of the Medes and 
Persians as great conquering powers; the 
utter destruction of the great citj of Nine- 
veh; the supremacy of Babylon the great; 
and the building of Carthage and Rome. 
Then comes the last period before the 
Christian era,2i in which occurred some of 
the greatest events of history : as the cap- 
ture of Babylon by the Medes and Persians 
under Cyrus; the attempted conquest of 
Greece by Darius and Xerxes and the 
events that culminated in the battles of 
Marathon and Salamis; the conquest of 
the civilized world by Alexander; the as- 
tonishing rise and success of the Roman 
empire, and its greatest splendor under 
Augustus. Then great and new events 
commences with the Christian era ; — the 



iS From 3500 to 2000 H. C. 

19 From 1500 to 1000 B. C. 

20 From 1000 to 500 B. C. 

21 From 500 to o B. C. This period includes the 
existence of the sreat conquerors of the world, as 
Cyrus, Darius, Xerxes, Alexander, Hannibal and 
Cccsar. 



[Book I- 

establishment of the Christian religion ; 
the subjection of Britain to Roman arms; 
the great development of the Roman em- 
pire under Constantinc the Great; and the 
events approaching the reign of Justinian. 
Then in the next period transpired the 
darkest and gloomiest times in the history 
of man;'''2 when the civilization of Europe 
was entirely subverted by the northern 
barbarians, and properly called "the dark 
ages," when civilization, and the progress 
of humanity were turned back at least a 
thousan.d years. Then commences a per- 
iod of new events,23 beginning with the 
Norman Conquest of England ; the cru- 
sades against the infidels of the Holy 
Land; the establishment of the English 
Constitution, and especially of the English 
Parliament; the war of the Roses; and 
the union of Wales with England. Then 
lastly comes the present period ; the most 
wonderlul in the history of man, and en- 
tirely beyond his conception until devel- 
oped by actual realities; as the discovery 
and settlement of America; the invention 
of the printing press; the establishment of 
the protestant religion, the independence 
of the United States, the French revolu- 
tion, the steam engine, the rail-road and 
the telegraph. These liave^trevolutionized 
the work and the destiny of the human 
race. 

These periods follov> each other, and in 
such progressive improvement, as appear 
to be the design and order of Providence. 
They appear to admit_and require no ear- 
lier commencement of the human rade 
than the one stated, between the 35th and 
40th centuries B. C. To place the begin- 
ning of these events at an earlier period 
woidd absolutely interfere with the regular 
progress of events and the established facts 
of history. They require no greater period 
of time, and seem absolutely to exclude 
any earlier period than that which has been 
given; and if any facts establish a pre- 
existing race, then it must have been one. 
which had been entin^ly swept oft' the face 
of the earth, before the period which we 



23 From 5CX) to 1000 A. D. 
23 From'ioof) to 1500 A. V>. 



niE INHABITANTS OF WESTERN EUROPE, 



Chap. I.] 

have assigned as the eoinmenotmcnt of 
the Japhetic race. 

Antiquarians and geologists have divid- 
ed historical periods, as evidence of the age 
in which they severally existed, into the 
age of stone, of bronze, and of iron. This 
division of time into periods of the progress 
of civilization in the history of a country, 
may assist in establishing the priority of 
one period or event, to that of another ; 
but chronologically it aflbrds no aid in fix- 
ing when in the course of time a particu- 
lar event did happen. It may have trans- 
pired in antiquity, or in our o^vn day. This 
depends upon the progress that civilization 
has made in any given country ; and not 
upon the time when it commenced. It is 
a fact that in 1S50 a tribe of Indians was 
found in California who were, in every 
particular, in the stone age, whose only 
implements consisted of stone, wood and 
bone. Elsewhere the age of stone exists 
.it the present day. On the other hand, we 
have historical evidence proving that the 
Chaldicans, at Ur on the Euphrates, from 
the earliest times, were acquainted with the 
art of working metals, gold, bronze, lead 
and iron .21 On the walls of Karnak in 
Egypt are inscriptions of the age of 
Thothmes III. (about i5oo B. C), showing 
that wine, wheat, cattle, honey, and iron, 
are mentioned among the tributes paid by 
Coele-Syria.2'' In those countries the age 
of stone had passed by, and the age of iron 
existed at the earliest account we have of 
them; when perhaps the age of iron did 
not exist in Western Europe until more 
than a thousand years later. 

Nor do these distinctions of the stone 
and metalic ages, of themselves, at all aid 
us in establishing a prehistoric age, which 
takes us back to an age far anterior to that 
which has been fixed upon, as the origin 
of the present human race.' The\' may aid 
in fixing the relative age of civilization in 
any given country; but not as to the de- 
gree of civilization in anv other country, 
or the period of time in chronology .-<J 

i4 1 lienor. History of" the Kasl, },y). Results of 
Col. Taylor's excavation of the tombs at Ur. 

25 I I^nor. Hist. East, 233. 

26 1 Lc-nor. Anc. Hist. East. 2.j,. 2;, ijo. Sec. aI«o. 



Whether the evidences of a stone age car- 
ries us back to a time anterior to the com- 
mencement of the Japhetic race, de- 
pends upon other, and surrounding cir- 
cumstances, which establishes the position 
beyond a doubt; and is capable of refuting 
our present assumptions. But, on the 
contrary, we find that in Western Europe, 
where the Turanian race had first settled 
and continued the longest, as in France 
and Britain, we find the greatest evidence 
and development of the stone age, while 
in Greece and in the valleys of the Eu- 
phrates and the Nile, there is but little of 
such evidences to be found; for the reason 
that the period of time between man's 
origin and the metallic age was too short 
for that purpose. 

It has been suggested that the Turanian 
race were the descendents of those who 
early left the original family of man, pre- 
ferring a wandering, savage life to social 
restraints These left the home of their 
parents at an early day, for the, woods, the 
prairie, and the steppe. Each of the orig- 
inal families furnished its quota; Hain (the 
sunburnt) turnished the colored race, and 
through Cush (the black) furnished those 
who, tinder the appellation of the Ethiopian 
and the Negro, peopled the south part pf 
Asia, and the east and south of Africa; 
and perhaps furnished also the red and 
yellow races who eniigrated to Northwest 
ern Asia, as the Tartar and Mongolian, 
and thence to Ainerica. Shem sent forth 
the v.ild Arab of the desert; and fron> 
Japheth departed those who early peopled 
the north, and the west of Europe; as the 
Iberians, the Finn.-«, the Lapps, the Him- 
garians, and the elder Scythians. These 
departed tVoui the original family and 
stock, upon the paths which lead to their 
various deslinv, and then in the infancy 
of their race,-" more readily took on tlic 
peculiarity that their wild and savage life 

E\ans' Anc. Stone Imp!, of CJreat Urit.iin, 423. 
"When we attempt any chronoUisii^''' arranijemeiH 
of the various forms, we finj ourselves almost im- 
mediately at iault. Erom the luiinlier of objects 
found, we may, indeed, safely infer that tliey repre- 
sent the lapse of no inconsiderable interval of time, 
bul how threat ue know not." 

27 See Guyot's Earth and Man, 268: "At tlie linn.- 
when the human race in their infancv had still tlie 
flexible and plastic nature of tlie chlUf." 



^s 



THE BRITISH PERIOD 



and exposures wei-e inclined to impose up- 
on them.^ These exposures produced va- 
rieties, and the variety hecame fixed in tiie 
race; as in the Etiiiopian, until the sun and 
sands of Africa had burned upon hihi liis 
color, and the exposure and hardship he 
endured had imposed upon him the charac- 
teristics of the Negro. 

Thus we are led to believe, that before 
the arrival of the Celt and Teuton in West- 
ern Europe, the Turanian races above men- 
tioned had preceded them, and were by the 
Celts either expelled, or amalgamated with 
them, or forced to occupy particular places 
by themselves, as the Iberians (or Basques) 
occupying the northwest part of Spain, in 
the Pyrennees, and the southwest of France ! 
or Aquitania; and the Finns and Laps in 
the north of Europe. 

Before proceeding to notice more partic- 
ularly the people of Western Europe, Ave 
must lirst notice another theory of their 
cradle and origin ; and that is, that they 
were placed by Providence, not in the 
beautiful and noted valley of the Tigro- 
Euphratcs, but in the remote Bactria; or 
Hindo Koosh. If this were true, we would 
be lead to wonder at the choice of Provi- 
dence, and question His wisdom. In addi- 
tion to what has already been said as 
pointing out that extraordinary valley as 
the cradle of mankind, we may again refer 
to its extraordinary fertility and its ap- 
proach to the sea, — aifording such great 
facilities for the promotion of commerce 
and civilization, wlun compared with the 
narrow valie^•s, and exton.sive deserts ot 
Bactria; and its vast distance from the sea. 
We niu-^t still insist tiiat the cradle of man- 
kind was placed where we have indicated, 
and that the Aryans were that part of the 
[aphetic family who departed east and pro- 
ceeded to Bactria, rather than the races of 
Western Europe came there from Bactria. 
What is common in the language of the 
Eastern and Western Aryans is that Avhich 
•was acquired and cultivated wiiile they 
•were togelher in the valley of the Tigi^o- 
Euphrate.s before their separation, — one to 
the east an.l the other to the west. The 
Avhole theory of the Aryan being the 
mother language of the whole Japhetic 



[Book T. 

race, is built up on the fact that Sir Wil- 
liam Jones, about 1787, while in India, dis- 
covered the connection betw-een the Sans- 
crit and the European languages, which 
has been traced to Bactria, and from thence 
to the Medes and Persians; and as a com- 
mon name to the language, it was called 
the Aryan; l:)ecause tiiat "Asiatic district 
was specially called Aria."2s When it was 
discovered that this Aryan languaged pos- 
sessed so many things in common with 
the German language it was called the 
Indo-German; but when it was discover- 
ed that the Celtic and almost all the 
European languages had the same connec- 
tion and relation, it was denominated the 
Indo-European or Aryan family of lan- 
guage; and admitted to be equally entitled 
to be denominated the Japhetic language. 
The appellation of Indo-European or 
Aryan was wholly l)ecause at that late day 
it was discovered that there was the i-ela- 
tion of a sister language subsisting between 
all those languages from India to Western 
Europe; and thence concluded that it all 
orisiinated in Aria, as the mother country 
ot the con'imon languages. This would 
be just as rational a conclusion, as it would 
be, at some future period, when it would be 
forgotten where the English language 
originated, Init it \vus discovered that a 
dialect of it existed in Australia, in Hin- 
dostan, in Malta, in Gibralter, in Britain, 
and in America, to conclude it originated 
in Australia, because that was the point 
furthest east at which it was four.d. 

These considerations not only render 
the supposition, that Bactria Ava^ tiie birth- 
place of the race, improbable; but there 
are otheis whicii positi\cl}- impugn it. 
.\fter the lir'.t settlement oi" the original 
Aryans in Bactria, the history and inscrip- 
tioiis of Nine\eh and Bab\l()nia furnish no 
e\"idence ot' an\- coniniimicatifjn between 
a people from Bactria and the \ailev of the 
Euphrates until about S80 B. C, when an 
As.syrian monarch in an expedition to the 
east first met the Medes emigrating west;2y 

jS 2 i-enor. Anc. Hist, of tlic liast, J. 

J9 Sco I Rawl. Hcrodotu.s, 317, Es.say in; al.so, 
lliid. 310, 324; Il)id. 3S6, n. 7; also, 323. 'flic Median 
dxnastv niuntioiu'd liy Hevosus a.s liavinjj taken 
))lacc in Uabvlon 151x1 vt;ars liut'ori' tills date was 



Chap. 



THE INHABITANTS OF WESTERN EUROPE. 



39 



and the inscriptions of Nineveh assert that 
in their eastern expeditions were the lirst 
notice they had of the Aryan race; and 
that in a subsequent expedition of Eser- 
liaddon into Media, it is said he had pene- 
trated to a land, "of which the kings, hi^ 
fathers, had never heard the name." 'The 
Median power under Cyaxares was of a 
■ sudden growth, like that of Attila and 
Genghis Khan, at the head of an eastern 
horde, who about 625 B. C. attacked and 
destroyed Nineveh. It was until about 
540 B. C. that the Persians (the principal 
Aryan race) under Cyrus entered the val- 
ley of the Euphrates and conquered the 
Babylonian empire. These historical facts 
and dates exclude the idea that the Celts, 
who must have entered France as early as 
from a 1000 to 1600 B. C, could have been 
an emigration from Bactria. 

Besides these considerations, there is al- 
so the further one, that the Turanian 
Scythians occupied a line of country due 
north from the waters of the Tigris, and 
presented a noted separation between the 
two divisions of the Aryan races, — those 
who proceeded east toward Bactria, and 
those who proceeded west toward Western 
Europe, from their original home, the most 
renowned valley of the world, watered by 
the Tigris and the Euphrates. That these 
Turanian races occupied this position and 
separated the two kindred branches of the 
Aryan or Japhetic races, is one of the most 
observable facts in history. "If Cyaxares 
was, as we have supposed," says Rawlin- 
son, "the successful leader who, at the 
head of a great emigration from the east, 
first established an Aryan supremacy 
over the country known in history as 
Media, he must have been engaged during 
the early part of his reign in a struggle 
with the Scythians. Scythic races occupied 
Media and the whole chain of Zagros un- 
til this period, and it was only by their 

probably a Marian and not an Aryan r.ace. i Rawl. 
llcrod. 346, 319. "There is every reason to believe," 
says Kawlinson, "that the Medes of history Iiad 
not reached !Media Mapfiia fifteen hundred years af- 
ter the time when the Medes of Berosiis, probably 
a diftereiit race, conquered Babylon." Ut sxipr.a. 
"Upon the whole there are stronfj grounds for be- 
lieving- that the great Median kingdom was first es- 
tablished by Cyaxares, about the year B. C. 633." 
Ibid. 334. 



being subdued or expelled that the .\ryan.- 
could obtain possession. "3o 

^ 2.— The 



Races Who Sefded Western Eu- 
rope. 

The most ancient historical allusion to 
the people of Western Europe, is that 
g^ven by Herodotus, who refers to them 
and their country as a people but little 
known, and in a coimtry new and remote 
from the then civilized world. What in- 
formation he had of them must liave been 
gathered previous to j 50 B.C. lie calls 
them the Celts, and says they "live be- 
yond the pillars of Hercules, and border on 
the Cynesians, who dwell at the extreme 
west of Europe," and that the Ister (the 
Danube) " has its source in the country of 
the Celts."! Whatever is ancient and ven- 
erable in connection with Western Europe 
is Celtic; and Genesis, Josephus, Herodo- 
tus, and all history assure us that they were 
the first of the Japhetic race who emi- 
grated to Western Europe; and that their 
first resting-place, after leaving their pa- 
rental home, was on the Euxine, or the 
Black Sea. 

When this emigration first took place 
must, in a great measure, be left as a mat- 
ter of coniecture. But history will war- 
rant us in saying that some of the Celtic 
race must have arrived in France (or.Gaul) 
previous to 1600 B. C, and gradually 
spread themselves over the whole of it, 
from the Cimbric Chersonesus to Spain and 
Italy,2 and from the Alps and the Rhine 
to Britain and Ireland. 

The great nationalities of Nortli and 
Western Europe are these: i. The Celts, 
occupying Western Ein'opc, west of the 
Rhine, and a line drawn from its head to 
the head of the Adriatic ; and the heai't of 
the nationality may be placed in the center 
of France; 2. The Teutons, who occupy 
the country north and east of the Rhine, 
south of the Baltic, and west of the Vis- 
ttila and a line from its head to the Adri- 
atic; and the heart of the nationality may 



30 I Rawl. Herod., 326. 

I Herod. B. 2, c. 33, and B. iv, c. 49. 2 Kawlin- 
son Herod., 44. 

3 Michelct's Hist. France, ch. i. Godwins Hist. 
France, 19, &c. 



40 



be placed in the centre of Germany. 3. 
The Sclavonians east of the Vistula and 
north of what was formerly included as 
part of Greece; and now principally in 
eluded in the Russian dominion; and 4. 
The Scandinavians on the north of the 
Baltic. These nationalities have held and 
occupied their several positions from the 
earliest times known in history, and amidst 
every conflict of war and revolution have 
maintained their characteristics as the basis 
of the people to the present day. In the 
midst of these there are here and there 
other isolated nationality, as the Turani- 
ans already spoken of; the Italians in south- 
ern Italy ; the Grecian in Greece ; the Turks 
in Thrace and Macedonia; the Hungarians 
in eastern Germany ; the Sclavonians along 
the southern borders of the Baltic from 
the Vistula to the lower Elbe in northern 
Germany; the Northmen and Franks in 
France, and the Saxons and Danes in 
Britain. But almost in all instances the 
invading peoi>lc become more or less ab- 
sorbed and assimilated in the original na- 
tionality, and more like the original and sur- 
rounding people than their own forefath- 
crs.3 



THE BRITISH PERIOD. [Book i. 

At the earliest period in authentic histo 



3 The g-cncnil charactcv of tlie inhabitants of Wes- 
tern Eurojie is well summed up in the New Ainei'. 
Cyclo. (vol. 7. 335.) Art. liurope; thus: — "The in- 
habitants of Europe are a mixture of nianj' diflcrent 
tribes, the most of whom bclona:in<>f to the great 
Indo- German [European] stock of the Caucasian 
race. Of the aborigines of Europe nothing- is known 
with any dcg^ree of certainty, althouifh scientific 
researches have led to discoveries upon wliich tlie 
most sinijuhir tlieories have been based." . . . "We 
find that in the west of Europe tlie Iberians appear 
as the aborigfinal inhabitants, [in Spain], of whom 
the Basques are believed to be the only extant re- 
mains. At a very early epoch these aborig-ines 
were intruded ui)on by people of the Gallic or Celtic 
stock, who acquired po.ssession of all France, Bri- 
tain, Ireland, Si>ain, and the north of Italy (Gallia 
Cis;ilpina). Afterwards another kindred people, 
speaking- a different lanufuiiij-e (the Cinibric, C'ym- 
bric, or Cambrian race), conquered the north of 
France south and east of Britain, and the nortli- 
\vestcrn shores of Germany. These three races, 
Iberians, (Basques), Celts, and Cymry, are tbund in 
possession of the v.est and southwest of Europe at 
the dawn of history. In the cast and northwest, 
the Ugrians (Mong-olian) races, (perhLi))S the Scvth- 
ia.ns of the ancients), of whom tiie Lapps, Fiims, 
Samoyeds, and the iVIagyars arc the present remains, 
seem to have been tho original iuhabitnnts. At an 
early period the Sarmatians (Slavil settled in the 
countries north of the Black sea, and pressing north - 
^vest, gradually disjiosscssed the Ugrians of their 
country. 15etween the Ugrians and Sarniatian nices 
of the east and the Cl'Us and Cymry of the wcai, the 
Germanic races are found at the earliest period of 
traditionary hislorv pressing north to conquer Scan- 
dinavia and south against France and lUily." That 
article in the N. America Cyclopedia is well worthy 
of tlic readers attention. 



ry, as supported by evidence arising from 
reliable tradition and the monuments of 
antiquity, we find Northern and Western 
Eiwope, occupied by two contending and 
opposing races of men ; each' claiming to 
be the descendants of Japheth, and equally 
achnitted. to be properly classed \\iith the 
Caucasian and Indo-European race of the 
human family. These were distinguished 
by the generic names of the Celtic, and the 
Teutonic races of the European people ; 
whose descendants at this day give a de- 
cided difference ot character to the people 
of the several portions of Europe inhabited 
by them. In the west the Celtic prevail ;< 
in all the central parts, the Teutonic. 
At the present day as Me proceed west from 
the Rhine, however much wc find the peo- 
ple intermii.gled and am.algamated, we dis- 
cover the Celtic race and characteristics 
more or less prevailing, as we find east of 
it — the Teutonic; until the Vistula is 
reached, when another race jirevails, known 
as the Slavonian race, descendants of the 
ancient Sarmatians, and belonging to the 
Indo-European family. In receding froni 
these celebrated rivers, either east or west, 
the distinguishing characteristic of these 
three races of men become more and more 
striking ; placing the heart of the Celt in 
Britain and France; that of the Teuton in 
Germany, and the Slave in Russia 

It is with the Celt and Teuton, that the 
history of Britaui, as a people, has princi- 
pally to deal. It is strange that these two 
races, each possessing many of the finest 
characteristics of the human family, oc- 
cupying the first rank in the world, and 
possessing so many things in common, 
should still have been foes to each other 
from the earliest period in their history. 
Botli came in the earliest period from their 
original home in Western Asia: the Celt 
first, being crowded by their enemies and 
the pressure of incre.ising population, 
sought relief in an emigration to the west; 
to find a mjre hospitable home in a new 
country tound in the then Western Europe. 
During this struggle to settle the west, the 



4 Herodotus, L>. iv, c. 03. Casar's Com.. B. i,c. 1. 



rilE INHABITANTS OF WESTERN EUROPE. 



Chap. 1. 1 

Teuton constantly pressed and encroached 
on the Celt; each facini; the other until the 
farthest limits of Europe was attained. 

But so far as Britain and Ireland (or the 
British Islands) were concerned, until after 
the commencement of the Christian era, 
all the people are lo he included in one 
general denomination, and that is the Cel- 
tic race. The peojile whom the Greeks 
called Celts and the country Celtica, the 
Romans called the inhahjtants Gtilli and 
the country G(tllia;-> which included all the 
country within the Rhine, the Alps, the 
Pyrennees and the Atlantic or British 
channel. Caisar says that in their own 
tongue they were called Celts; but it must 
be that both names, Celts and Gauls, were 
common to them. It is claimed that both 
names are derived from the same root; 
and to this dav a branch of the same peo- 
ple in the northwest of Scotland and Ire- 
land are called Gaels, a word derived from 
the same source.'' It must be that at an 
early day, the inhabitants of Gaui on the 
shores of the Strait of Dover, observing 
the tail white cliffs on the opposite shore, 
were temj)ted to cross over, and gradually 



41 



5 Cxs;ir'.s Com., 1>. i, c. i. i. Godwin's IIi.st. of 
France, 14; Anthon's Class. Dictionary. Vauj^hirs 
Revo, of Jing-ii.sli History, 9. 3lla\vl. Herod., 150. 
"Niebulir's conclusion, after an elaliorale an.alysis 
is, that 'the two n.'itions, Cyniry and G.iel, may be 
properly comprised under the conunon name of 
Celts." Also ^5 I'richard's Pliysical Hi.st. jMankind, 
ch. ,5, §8. Michelet (i Hist. France, (x),'\ after iden- 
tityiiii;' the lanuuag-e of all tlie.se countries, says: — 
"A French word, found in these distant countries, 
now so i.solated tVom France, i-iust bcdue toa period 
in which Gaul, Gre.at JJriUiin, and Ireland were still 
sisters, in which there was lietwcen them identity 
of raciu, relii!;^ion, and lanjjaai^e, and in which the 
union of the Celtic world was still unbroken." 

6 Anthon in his Classical Dictionary says; — "As 
far back as we can penetrate into the history of the 
West, we find the race of the Gauls occupying- that 
part of the continent, . . as well as the two jri-eat 
Islands, opjjosite, situate to the northwest. Of 
these two Islands, the one nearest to the continent 
was called Alb-in, 'White Islands,' (Alb si<|^nifying- 
'hi'jfh' and 'white': and inn contracted from 'innis," 
which means island). The other island bore the 
name of Er-in, 'Island of the West,' (from Hir or 
lar, 'the Wot.') The confinc-nta! territory received 
the special appellation of Oiieltatlid, 'land of the 
Galls.' The term Gacltaclul, or, more correctly. Gaid- 
heailac/idy'iA still applied to the hig-hlands of Scot- 
land. From the words the Greeks formed YaAaria 
(Galatia) and from it the generic name of YcUMTUl, 
. . . . The Romans called the inhaliitants by one 
jjcncral name, Galli, wliile the Greeks styled them 
CeltK. The Greek.s called the country itself Gnlatia, 
Celtica (KtZrth//), :i"d Celto-Galatia; tlie last for 
distinction' sake from Galatia in Asia Minor." An- 
thon's "Class. Did., 530 — i. Title Gallia. See al.so a 
very able and interesting article in t!ie Ditroduction to 
Webster's Dictionary, tj 9. 



took possession of the most tempting 
parts of Great Britain and Ireland. At 
how early a day this took place, can hard- 
ly be conjectured, but it must have been 
many centuries before the coming of Cajsar; 
and before the advent of the Cymry. It is 
aLo prfjbabic that the Turanians had pre- 
ceded them, who have left marks of their 
existence there, in graves and mounds of 
peculiar formation, but who soon entirely 
disappeared. 

In the earliest historical account we 
have, both in Gaul and Britain, the people 
were divided up into a multitude of inde- 
pendent tribes or states, under their sever- 
al and respective chiefs and government, 
still we have iiut very little of that which 
would afford us anv correct notion of any 
ethnical distinction between them ; and 
only leave us impressed with the belief, 
that the whole of the great body of the 
jieople \\ere Celts. C;esar sajs: — ''The 
whole country of Gatil is divided iitto three 
parts: of which the Belgians inhabit one; 
the Aqtiitanians another ; and a people call- 
ing themselves in their own language 
Celts, in ours Gauls, the third. These ail 
dilfer from each other in their language, cus- 
toms and laws. The Gauls are divided Irom 
the Acjuitanians by the river Garonne, 
and by the Manic ant! the Seine from the 
Belgi;ii!s. Of all tiiese nations the Belgi- 
ans are the most wailikc . They 

are also situated nex: to the Gt^rmans, who 
inhabit beyond the Rhine, with whom they 
are constantly engaged in war. "7 The 
Britons he represents as being distin- 
guished, those in the interior as being na- 
tives of the soil ; but the sea coast was 
peopled by Belgians, who were drawn over 
by the love of war and plinuier; and set- 
tling in the countiv, — retaining the several 
states from Avhenre ihev descendeti.'' 



7 Ciesar's Com., 15. i, c. i. 

S Coin., B. V, chap. .\. Cyclopoedia of British 
Theo. and FIccles. I^iterature, vol. iii, p. 710, 
Art. GAi,.vri.\: see a very interestinij article, — "Ga 
latia, P(i/iara/.. i« Hie same word with If£/lra<, 
Celtica; and the Galatians were, in their orig^in, a 
s>treaiTi of that p^reat Celtic torrent (api)arently 
Cyinry, and Gael), which poured into Macedonia 
about "B. C. 3S0 (Strabo IV, 1S7; VII, epb\ Livy 
XXXVail, 16; Flor. H, n ; Justin XXV, 3; Appian, 
Svr.-, XXXII, 4j). Some of these invad<:rs moved 
irito Thrace, and ajijieared on the shores of the 
Hellesjiont and l?fisi)horus, where N'icomedes I, king 



42 



THE BRITISH PERIOD. 



That the Aquitanians south of the Ga- 
ronne, were a people greatly differing from 
the rest of Gaul, is very true, for they were 
principally made up of Iberians, emigrants 
from Spain. But the, Belgians were also 
Celts and were not to be distinguished in 
this respect frcim the rest of the Gaul.'* 
And it also mu.st be very evident that the 
great mass of the people in South Britain 
Avere Celts, though formerly residents of 
Belgium, as we shall hereafter more fully 
notice. But it may well be remarked here, 
that all we can gather from the most au- 
thentic history of that day, especially what 
we can gather from Cicsar and Tacitus, 
demonstrate that the Britons, as found by 
Caesar from his landing in Kent, and his 
war with them the whole way until he had 
crossed the Thames into Middlesex and 
abandoned fiu-ther pursuit of them, were 
but one people ; and that he saw notliing 
but what was indicative of one nationality, 
in their mode of warfare, and in their cos- 
tumes and habits, and their intercourse 
with one another. The same may be said 
of all that was observed there by Agricola. 
The battles with C;esar on the Thames, 



of IJithynia, bcinaf then engasjcd in a civil war, 
invited them acio.ss into Asia Minor, to assist him 
against his brother, Zybtetcs, B. C. Cir., 270. Ilav- 
ing- accomplislied this object, they were nnwilling;' to 
retrace their stejjs; and, strenijthcned by the acces- 
sion of fresh hordes from Kiirope, they overran the 

neighboring; countries The Gahitians 

were still settled in their three tribes, the Tecto- 
sages, the Tolistobog-ii, and the Trocmi, the finst of 
which is identical in name with a tribe familiar to us 
in the history of (jaul, as distributed over the Cev- 
enne.s near Toulouse (Cx'sar, Bell. Gall. iv. 24; 
Comp. Jablousky, Dc lingua I^yraonica, p. 23). The 
three capital.s were respectively Tavium, Pessinus, 
and Aiicyra. The last of the.se (the modern An'- 
gora) was the center ot the district, and may be re- 
garded a.s the metropolis of the Cralatians. These 
eastern Gauls preserved much of their ancient char- 
acter, and something of their ancient language. 
At least Jerome says that in his day the same lan- 
guage might be heard at Ancyra as at Treves; and 
he is a good witness, for he himself had been at 
Treves." 

9 See Godwin's France, 16; part § 20, n. 5, An- 
thon's CI. Diet. Art Gallia, 538. Also Vaughn's 
Revolutions in Knglish History, 9, who says: — "To 
know the race of the Belgic (rauls in the time of 
Cffisar, is to know the race of- the British at that 
time. The common opinion is, that the Belgic were 
a branch of the great Celtic family. Nine-tenths of 
our most competent autlioritiesareof thisjudgmcnt, 
and nine-tenths of the evidence on the case is with 
them. That the Gerinans and Celts Iiordered upon 
e.ach other, and mixed in some degree together upon 
tlie territory nov/ known as the I.ow Countries, may 
be admitted. But that circumstance is consistent 
with .the fact that the language of all the known 
communities of Britain was found to be Celtic, and 
not German. The language of Wales is not the 
Janguage of German.'' 



[Book I. 

the battles of Agricola with Caractacus in 
the west, and with Galgacus in the north 
at the foot of the Gratnpian Hills, were all 
alike as characteristic of one people and 
one general nationality, — in their chariots 
and mode of battle; and in their general 
union in their own defence. All these 
views assert that ethnically they were one 
people; and that all which appertain to 
their history and character, demonstrated 
that unity, and rendered it peculiarly 
British; — no where else met with in Wes- 
tern Etn-ope. 

Notwithstanding that great ethnic unity 
in the ancient people of Gaul and the 
British Islands, they were still divided into 
two great families of one origin : — the elder 
and the youngest branches of the Celtic 
races. These two branches are: i. the 
Gauls, Gallic Gad; and 2. Cymri, Cyniry^ 
Cimbri. The language of the first called 
Gallic and Gaelic, and that of the second, 
Cymraeg or Cymric. Both agreeing as 
one family of language and people ; but de- 
cidedly differ from the rest of Western. 
Europe. 10 

The first branch of the Celtic race, must 
ha\'e arrived in Gaul at a very early period, 
as has been already suggested, but at vari- 
ous times and in different emigration. 
Their route has been pointed out by some 
historians, as that from their original home, 
(after leaving the cradle of the race), on Ihe 
north side of the Euxine or Black s«a ; thence 
by the Carpathian mountains, tne Danube, 
the foot of the Alps, and through Helvetia 
to Southern Gaul. Others by the valley of 
the Po, where soiue of their kindred re- 
mained and in after times known to the Ro- 
mans as Cisalpine Gaul. Along these 
routes, they left various names of places, 
rivers and mountains in their language, 
giving sure indication who these people 
were. It must have been in one of these 
movements, but at a later period, that oc- 
curred, the incident narrated by Herodotus. 
He represents that the Scythians of Asia be- 
ing driven west by the Massagotcc, entered 
the land of the Cimmerians. "For the land 



10 On this subject see Bishop Percy's Preface to 
Mallet's Northern Antiquities, in Bohn's Antiqua- 
rian Library. 



THE [NIIAUITANTS OF WESTERN EUROPE. 



Chap. 1. 1 

which is now inhabited by tlie Scyths," says 
Herodotus, >'was Ibnnerly the country of the 
Cimmerians. On their coming, the ilatiycs, 
who heard how numerous the invading 
army was, held a council. .\t this meeting 
opinion was divided, and both parties stiffly 
maintained their own \-iew, but the counsel 
of the Royal tribe was the bravest. For 
the others urged that the best thing to be 
done was to leave the country and avoid a 
contest with so vast a host; but the Royal 
tribe advised remaining and fighting for the 
soil to the last. As neither party chose to 
give way, tlie one determined to retire 
without a blow and yield their land to the 
invaders; but the other, remembering the 
good things which they had enjoyed in 
their hoincs, and picturing to themselves 
the evils which they had to expect if they 
gave them up, resolved not to flee, but' 
rather to die and at least be buried in the 
tatherland. Having thus divided, they drew 
apart in two bodies, the one as numerous as 
the other, and fought together, All of the 
Royal h-ibe were slain, and the people buried 
them near the river Tyras, where their 
grave is still to be seen. Then the rest of 
the Cimmerians departed, and the Scythi- 
ans, on their coming, took possession of a 
deserted land."'" 

How often history repeats itself This 
interesting story of Herodotus reminds us 
of that of Cromwell and his party at an early 
period in the English great revolution, hav- 
ing embarked on shipboard, determined to 
leave their distracted country and go to 
their brethren who had preceded them in 
the new world. But the Royal party de- 
clared they should not go; and they were 
compelled or consented to yield, and did 
not depart Not so however with the Cim- 
merians. They were then on the river 
Tyras, now the Dniester, in the north- 
western angle of the Black Sea ; and the 
survivors departed on the same route pur- 
sued by their brethren in their prior emigra- 
tion to Western Europe. 

Such were the emigrants from the north- 
western shores of the Euxine, who peopled 
the west of Europe and became known to 



43 



II Herodotus, B. iv, c. ii. i Kixwl. Herod., S rind 



history as the Celts. These became what 
we have denominated the elder branch of 
that race. But the second or younger 
branch came at a later date and were re- 
ceived in Gaul and Britain as friends and 
brethren. They were permitted to settle 
down in the midst of the old Celts in both 
countries; and became known to history 
as the Gymr}-, and as the Cymric branch 
of the Celtic family. At the time of the 
Romans, these occupied in Britain, the 
greater part from its southern shore to the 
Murray Firth in the far north; and in Gaul 
they possessed the country within the lines 
cominencing at the mouth of the Garonne., 
and thence in a north-eastern direction to 
Troges on the headwaters of the Seine, 
and tiience in the direction of Coblentz on 
the Rhine. This includes not only the 
Cymri, proper, but also Belgians whom we 
consider as, ethnically, all one people. 
This includes all of the northwest of Gaul. 
That portion of it which was peculiarly 
Cymric was south of the Seine, and de- 
nominated by the Romans — Armorica; a 
name derived from tw-o Cymric words, 
"Ar," on or by, and "Mor," sea; which at 
this day are well known Welsh words '^ 

Of the Cymric Celts who have specially 
retained their identity to our present day, 
are the Welsh and the people of Cornwall 
in the west of England, and the people in 
the northeast of Scotland, in Great Britain ; 
and the people of Armorica, now Brittany 
in France. These people still retain a 
fond remembrance of their ancestors, and 
maintain an elevated notion of their own 
character for honesty and faithfulness. 



13 Sec Godwin, (n. 15) who h;i.s well studied his 
subject, says: — "The Kynnic division of the Kelts, 
or the Armoricans, as they may be also called, 
dwelt on the sea shore to the west of the Gaels, 
from the inoulh of the Garonne to the mouth of the 
Seine, and principally in the rude peninsula of Brit- 
tany, where they made themselves skillful and dar- 
ing- sailors. Among their leading- tribes were the 
Pictones, the Lemovikes, the Santones. the Nan- 
netcs, the Carnutcs, whose capital, Autricum (Char - 
tres), the reputed centre of Gaul, was the headquar- 
ters of Druidisin, and whose second city, Genabuni, 
was a place of considerable commerce; and the 
Lingons, Cenonians and Scnones, whom we shall 
hereafter meet in Italj." 

"The Belgic Gauls, whose native name, Hel- 
giaidd, is derived from the Kymric root helif, signi- 
fying warlike, dwelt between the Seine, the Vosges, 
the Rhine, and the ocean," and are represented as a 
ruder people than the Gauls, "because, as CrEsar 
says complacently, of their distance from 'the Ro- 
man province." 



44 



THE BRITISH PERIOD 



§3. — The Cytnry. 

Now it becomes an interesting question : 
Who weie this Cymric race, who, in the 
midst of their brethren with whom they 
agree in language and ethnical designa- 
tions, differed so much from the same race, 
as to maintain characteristics so distinct as 
to endure to the present day? Evidently 
the same people and from the same origin, 
how comes it that they have become so 
distinguished from the rest of their kindred, 
— the Celtic race? We think this question 
is satisfactorily answered, by circumstan- 
tial evidence drawn from undoubted facts 
and circuinstances, developed in history. 
In judicial matters a satisfactory deterini- 
nation is often produced from circumstan- 
tial evideri^e, and such evidence is as 
convincii^g, when only dependent upon 
foot-prints, marks and other collateral cir- 
cumstances, as when sustained by direct 
and positive evidence; and the same is the 
case in history. It is so in relation to the 
question put in regard to the history of the 
ancient Cymry. When all the evidence as 
to the facts and foot-prints in relation to 
the matter in issue are collected, it leaves 
room only for one conviction; and it is 
now proposed to produce such circumstan- 
tial evidence, and to show what is its ra- 
tional conclusion. 

It seems that when the Scythians attack- 
ed the Cimmeri.'ins, who were at the north- 
western angle of the Black Sea on the 
river Tyras, and were driven thence to the 
west, there was another branch of the same 
people a great distance further east, on the 
waters of the Palus Mccofis, now the sea 
of Azof; who, some time afterwards, were 
also attacked by the Scythians, and driven 
further east. 1 L.Todotii-^ rcfiresents that 
these Scythians drove and jnirsued these 
Cimmerians into Asia, around the east end 
of the Euxine;' and lurther says: — "In the 
reign of Ardys (king of Lydia) the Cim- 
merians, driven from their home by the 
nomades of Scythia, entered Asia, and 
cai)tured Sardis, all hut the citadel. He 
reigned forty-nine years, and was succeed- 
ed by his son, Sadyattes, who reigned 



I IIcrodot.u.s n. 



ch. 12. 3 R;ivs'l. Itcrcxl.,9. 



[Book I. 

twelve years. At his death, his son, 
Alyattes, mounted the throne. This prince 
(the grandson of Ardys) drove the Cim- 
merians out of Asia."2 This is about all the 
information to be derived on the subject 
from Herodotus, except in another place 
he says: "The horde of Scythians burst 
into Asia in pursuit of the Cimmerians 
whom they had driven out of Europe, and 
entered the Median territory.'" And 
again say : "The Scythians, it is plain, pur- 
sued them, [from the Cimmerian Bosphor- 
us, and Palus Ma;otis], and missing their 
road, poured into Media. For the Cim- 
merians kept the line which led along the 
sea-shore, but the Scythians in their pursuit 
held the Caucasus upon their right, thus 
proceeding inland, and falling upon Media. 
This account is one which is common both 
to Greeks and barbarians."* 

This account leaves no doubt that this 
body of Cimmerians, who had taken Sar- 
dis and were so long in Asia Minor, enter- 
ed it from the east and came there around 
the east end of the Black .Sea. How long 
they were in Asia Minor is not very easy 
to determine, from the different data given 
b\ various authors. But to take those 
given by Herodotus and Rawlinson, they 
entered that country and remained there 
during the parts of three reigns, and to 
judge from Rawlinson, we might put the 
tinne between 6S0 and 620 B. C. The length 
of time that they remained there is some- 
what doubtful, but it is generally admitted 
to have been from fifty to seventy years. 

But Lenorniant, in his History of the 
East, who assumes to be aided in his facts 
bv matters recently disclosed by the in- 
scriptions found on monuments and tile in 
the ruins of Nineveh, tells a .somewhat 
difierent iilorv as to this invasion of Asia 
Minor. lie states the invasion of the Cim- 
merians to have been in the reit^n of 



2 Herodotus B. i., ch. 15 and 16; i Rawl. Herod., 
127. See also Uawlinson's Kssay I. to Herod. B. 

iv, in 3 vol., 150. 

3 Hcro.l., 15. i, ch. 103; i Rawl. Herod., 1S9, 289. 
N". \^. — The north-western ang-Ie of the Black Sea is 
in Eurojie; Media is in Asia. 

4 Herod., B. iv, ch. 12. It is nrobal>le that tlie 
jias.'iage of these people was not by tiie sea, but 
throucfh the Caucasian Gate ; after passim^ which 
the Scythians kept to the left into Media, while the 
Cimtncrian.s kept to tlieir rig-ht into Asia Minor. 



THE INHABITANTS OF WESTERN EUROPE. 



Chap, i.j 

Gyges, the father of Ardys. Asshurbani- 
pal, king- of Nineveh, ha%-ing previously 
aided Gyges in his war with the Cimmer- 
ians, to punish a recent revolt of Gyges, 
summoned the Cimmerians to invade the 
kingdom of Gvges in Lydia again. 
*'Gyges was killed in this invasion; his 
son, Ardys, who succeeded him, hastened 
to make his submission to Asshurbanipal, 
who then per^^uaded the Cimmerians to 
depart."* This concurs in the general 
fact as to the invasion of Asia Minor 
by the Cimmerians, as stated by Her- 
odotus, but it deranges dates and the 
reigns of the Lydian moiiarchs in which 
it occurred ; and puts back the date 
of the first invasion into the eighth cen- 
tury B. C, and the expulsion about 685,*' 
which would make it probable that the ex- 
pulsion of the Cimmerians from Asia 
Minor was previous to 650 B. C, .ifter they 
had been in that country between fifty and 
seventy years. 

Lcnormant further says that Lydia at 
that time had two enemies to contend 
with : "the Greeks who had established 
themselves on the coast, and cut off the 
access to the sea; and also theCiinmerians, 
a last remnant of the Celts, who remained 
after the migration of the others of their 
race, and who, driven to the Caucasus by 
the Scythians, passed its defiles from time 
to time, and rushed, like a deva.stating tor- 
rent, into Asia Minor. For a long period 
these people kept the Lydians in constant 
terror by their sudden invasions. "7 "The 
Cimmerian Bosphorus derived its name 
from its Celto-Cimmerian population, who 
were settled there for some time, and, as 
we have already said, made incursion into 
Asia Minor."** 

These "Celto-Cimmcriaiis" about 650 B. 
C. departed from Lydia, (Sardis), and the 
question is. Where did they go to? They 
did not return east, for that would bring 
them in conflict with the Scvthians and 



4.-> 



5 I Lcnor. Hist, of Uic East, 40y. 

6 Rawlinson states the d:itc3 upon the best author- 
ities as follows: — (jyj^es, B. C. 727 10689; Ardys, 
6S9 to 640. Sec I Rawl. Herod. 278. 

7 2 Lcnor. Hist of tlic East. 76. 
S Ibid., .35. 



the Assyrian.^ of Nineveh, who had done 
so much to oppose and expel them. The 
answer must be, that they crosse'd the 
Hellespont, or the Thracian Bosphorus, on 
their way to their brethren in Western 
Europe. We claim that this was so, and 
we shall proceed to adduce facts and cir- 
cumstances to demonstrate it; and to prove 
that these were the true ancestors of the 
Cymry. 

When the Cinimerians were expelled 
from Asia Minor, they proceeded through 
Thrace to the Danube, and up that river 
to some place near where Vienna or Lintz 
has since been built; and there crossed and 
left the path pursued by their former breth- 
ren, and took a less mountainous way over 
to the Elbe and down that river to its 
mouth ; where they fixed their residence 
for some time, and became known to the 
Romans by the name of Cimbri, instead of 
the Greek appellation of Cimmerians. 
Here they conferred upon the country of 
their residence the name in ancient geogra- 
phy of Chnbrica Chcrsonesiis. On their 
way they left a colony between the Elbe 
and the Baltic long afterwards noticed as 
being there by Tacitus, by the name of 
CcEslii,9 and who, he affirmed, sjioke the 
same language as the Britons. The main 
body of the Cimbri, however, did not long 
remain there, but leaving a colony there 
passed south, seeking a warmer and more 
genial climate, to which they had been ac- 
customed. They proceeded, through Bel- 
gium, where they left a belligerent but less 
cultivated portion of their people, to the 
south of the Seine and to Armorica, (Brit- 
tany);!" where a large portion of their 
people became permanently fixed; but fne 
main body of them, carrying witii them 
the j^iost striking part of their characleris- 



9 Tacitus De Mor. Gcvm. Turner .says if this be 
true, the Cuestii must have been a Kimmcrian tribe. 
Sec Turner's Hist. Aiig-lo-Sa.vons, vol. i, chap, ii, 
where much is found in support of this \iew ot the 
history of the Cyiury. 

10 "From the north" says Michelet in his Hist. 
France, vol. i, p. 66, "sweep down in g-ood tiine the 
obstinate Cymry, the ancestors of the Bretons and 
of the Welsh. They have no mind to jiass over the 
earth and be forijottcn. Tlieir prosjress must be 
marked by monuments. They rear the needles of 
Loc Maria Ker and trace the lines of Carnac." 
This emigfration of the Cj'mry he puts about 600 
B. C. 



46 

tics, learning and improvements, to 
Britain; especially retaining with them 
their institution of the Druids, and their 
chariots. 

This accords with every thing known in 
history, and not impugned by a single fact. 
All candid historians have over and over 
again admitted the fact, that the Cymry of 
Britain were the descendants of the ancient 
Cimbri.ii This is in conformity' with the 
claim that the Cymry themselves have 
ever set up, — that their ancestors came 
from the far east, "the country of summer 
near Constantinople, and were lead bv 
Hu the Great, through the hazy ocean to 
the island of Britain and to Llydaw (Ar- 
morica or Brittany) where they have ever 
remained.' '2 

_^ Without at present referring to all the 
ancient authorities which would aid us in 
our position, we may say in general terms, 
that almost all history, both ancient and 
modern, in addition to what the Cymry 
claim for tliemselves, shows that the Cim- 
merians of the Greek, and the Cimbri of 
the Romans were one and the same people; 
and that they were Celts. The first home 
of the race, after their ancestors left the 
cradle of mankind, was on the north side of 
the Euxine Sea, where they were known to 
exist before the time of Homer, for he men- 
tions them. The next we find them in the 
possession of almost all Western Europe, 
under the name of Celts; and this is the 
name, as Caesar says, they acknowledged 
for themselves in Gaul. As historians as- 
sert that they were in Gaul as early as 
1600 B. C. some of the race, as already sug- 
gested, must have left their original home 
on the Euxine before that date. These im- 
doubtedly went directly west by the route 
of the Danube and the foot of the Alps to 
Southern France. This was accomplished 



THE BRITISH PERIOD. 



u See I Sh;iron Turner's Hist. Ang-lo-S.-ixons, 
41, &c. ; A. Tliierry's Norman Conquest; Anthon's 
CI.IS.S. Diet., titles G.alli and Cinuneri.an.s; and es- 
pecially see 3 Kawlison'.s Herod. Essay i, 150, "Iden- 
tity of the Cimmerii with Cymry." 

12 See tlic Welsh triads in the Archxolos-y of 
Wales, vol. ii: "Kiist, IIu Gadarn, who led the na- 
tion of" the Cymry first to the i.slc of Britain; and 
from the country of Summer, vs'hich is culled Deff- 
robani, they came ; this is where Constantinople is: 
and through the hazy ocean they came to tlie island 
of Britain and to Llydaw, where they have remain- 
ed."' Llydaw is Arniorica or BritUmy. 



[Book I. 

in repeated emigration, and some of them 
long before they v.^ete attacked by the Scyth- 
ians. The name of Cimmerian (Ki/jijepr.o') 
was given and imposed upon them by the 
Greeks, and was not recognized by them- 
selves; but that branch, who had been in 
Asia Minor sixty or seventy years, in the 
midst of the Greeks, had been so distinc- 
tively denominated Cimmerians, that it was 
in a measure fixed upon them ; and being in 
accordance with what they claimed for 
themsches as Gomerians or Cimmerians, 
they recognized the name, and became 
known as Cimbri, and called themselves 
Cymry, altliough that name was notiamiliar 
to their original brethren in Gaul. As al- 
ready stated, these took a different route in 
going to their brethren in Western Europe, 
and by a more northern passage, taking tlie 
Cimbrian Chersonesus on tlieir way and 
giving to it its name. Leaving some ot 
their people there, the main liody soon de- 
parted south for Gaul and Armorica. Ac- 
cordingly, Michelet in his history ot France 
says:'3 "A new Celtic tribe, the Cymry or 
Cainry, (Cimmerii) came to join the (iauls 
(B. C. 631-58.) The newcomers, who set- 
tled for the . most part in the centre of 
P'rance, on the Seine and the Loire, were, 
it appears, of more serious and stable char- 
acter. Less indisposed to restraint, they 
were governed by a sacerdotal corporation — 
the Druids." Besides all what may be 
cited from ancient authorities, hereafter 
referred to in support of this theory of the 
history of the Cymry, there is no other 
way to account how it was, that the Cym- 
ry had so many things connected with their 
history, so very dilTerent fi^om any other 
people in Western Europe,''' which was in 
common with those of Asia Minor. On 



13 Mich. France, ch. i, and in a note cites as his 
authorities as follows: — "Ap'pian (Illy., p. ii^-'iand 
de Bell. Civil, p. 625) and Diodorus (i v., p. yin) say 
that the Celts were Cimmerians. — Plutarch (in 
Mario) aa^rees with them. — "The Cinmicrians," 
says Eppoius, (Strabo 1, p. 37S,) "inhabit subter- 
ancan dwellinLjs, whicli they call aro^illas." In the 
poetry of the Welsh Cymr}'. argel slpfnifies a sub- 
teraneous place." 

14 See a very interestinL; article confirmatory of 
these views in the New Amer. Cyclopedia, 1S58, 
vo!. 3. Title, Briton. It .assumes that there were 
two distinct Celtic races, — the Gallic and Cymric, 
and cites the ancient authorities to sustain the posi- 
tion. 



TflK INIlAinTANTS OF WESTERN EUROPE. 



Cliap. 1.] 

this bubjert \vc may rct'ci-: — i. To tlicir I 
chariots. In no coiinlry oul ol ii'^vpt was 
the war chariot so extensively used as by tiie '■ 
Lydiaus and the Assyrians, with whom the 
Cimmerians came mostly in conflict while j 
in Asia Minor. There are but tew things j 
that can be inentioned which would re- ! 
quire so much skill in mechanism and the j 
arts in general as the construclion and ; 
management ot the war chariot. It re- 
quired the skill of the agriculturist in the 
raising and management of the horsj; then ! 
there i.s the harness which also would re- 
quire much artistic knowledge and skill ; 
there is also required the mechanical arts 
necessary in the working the wtjod and 
iron in the construction of Ihe chariot. 2. 
pThf; Cymry brought with them into Gaul 
the institution ofthe Druids, — Druidism and 
its system ut religion antl theology. In 
connection with this, it has long been no- 
ticeJ, that thev had much which was in 
common with them and Pythagoras' .system 
of philosoph\- and theology, and it has been 
ii wonder among the learned how the 
Druids CiUne l)y it. The onh- answer is, 
they learned it while in that school oi'si.vty 
or seventy years in Asia Minor. 3. Their 
acquaintance with, and skill in many of 
the arts and sciences: — as their skill in 
working iron and other metals, and actual- 
h c(>ining money. And also their knowl- 
edge in astronomy, philosophy and medi- 
<-ine; nor must their acquaiiitancc with 
music .-ind (he liar]) be forgotten. 

That the ancient Cymiw possessed all 
this knowledge and art>, before Ca's,u-"s 
time, the proof, it' not as ample a> it might 
be desirable, is still quite satisfactory. 
Nothing so astonished C;esar and liis le- 
gions,'-' as the number of war ehario s t'aai 
the Britons brought against thi-'m. ami the 
skill with which thev wer^- coiistructed and 
managed C:vsar declares that thev, atone 
time, disbanded all other Ibrces, and re- 
tained on!\ four thousand chariots ayainst 



47 



him, and watching his movements. '6 

The question here attempted to he illuci- 
tiated, is one which has been much involved 
by authors, and upon which a great deal of 
dilFiculty has been thrown into history; — 
conflicting opinions, principally arising 
from not observing, that Gaul derived its 
Celtic population from two sources: the 
one by the direct route from Tyras in Cim- 
meria,'" as related by Herodotus; and the 
other iVom the same race, but at a different 
time and by a dilYerent route — that from 
the Cim!)ri from Lydia in Asia Minor, by 
the way ofthe Baltic. By obser\ing these 
two sources of population, of a kindred 
race, differing only- in dialect of their lan- 
guage, and in their learning and habits, ac- 
quired in their long stay and education 
while at Sardis in Lydia, and other places 
in Asia Minor; the subject is divested of 
its source of difficulty, and accounts for the 
otherwise unaccountable difficulty, the dif- 
ference between the old Celts of Gaul and 
their more recent immigrant brethren, who 
took possession, at a more recent date, of 
' Central Gaul, Armorica and Britain. i* 
! These imparted to their brethren on the 
I continent much of their distinctive acquire- 
1 ments and habits before going to Britain, 
but still Cresar says that the GauLs were in 
the habit of sending tiieir sons to Britain 
i to be educated by the Druids. '•' Even in 
' the time of Ca;sar, great difference was ob- 
ser\a!ile between Gaul and Britain in these 
respects, — tor it w.is in Britain that C;esar 
was so astonished bv the great number of 
chariots- that was brought against him, the 
skill with which tlKM- were managed, and 
the exhaordinary learning and theology of 



16 C."i:s:ii's Com., ]^ 



15 III vcudiiijf C.X's;ir. tlic stiuktit shmild lnj rc- 
. minded l!i;it thi; part that Ca'Sar smw of I?rit;tin was 
tlu' newer part <it it — ilie oldest :md most improved 
of it was tliat on tlie Southern -\voii, wliere Ave- 
bury and .Stoiielienufe were, and where Vespasian 
afterwards conquered, and found so man}' towns. 
Set part B. li. ch. — , § — . 



17 See (Jodwin's France, zy, where tliis conflict o.'" 
oppression may in some measure be seen. 

iS .Vnthon in his most admirable article on ''Gal- 
lia" in his Classical l^ict. at'ler a thorouifJi exami- 
nation of the Cymric lanifuatje, concludes by saying: 
— '■!. The (jailic population, properly so called, 
was divided into (iulli and C'vinri. z. The GalH 
had preceded the Cymri on the soil of Britain, and 
probably also on that of Gaul; and, ,5. The Cialli and 
the Cvmri formed two races, belonafinif to one and 
the same human family.'' 

IQ Caesar's Com., I,, vi. ch. xiii, where it is said: 
"Their institution, (the Druids of Gaul), is suppose 1 
to come orif>'inally from )5ritain, whence it passi d 
into Gaul, and even at t'.iis day, such as are desirous 
of beinu- perfected in it, -travel thither for instruc- 
tion." 



48 

the Druids. Nor should we, in meditating 
upon this subject, overlook the fact that 
wherever we find those monuments of ex- 
traordinary labor, skill and industry of the 
Druids, as at Carnac in Brittany, at Stone- 
henge and Avebury in Wiltshire in En- 
gland, and at Steunis in Orkney, and simi- 
lar monuments in Eastern Scotland, all 
evidently the work of one and same people, 
— there the name and memory of the Cym- 
ry have been more concentrated and intensi- 
fied.20 

In connecting the Cymry with ^Vsia 
Minor, we may refer to the fact that the 
British coracle,''*^ and the ancient boats de- 
scribed by Herodotus on the Euphrates, as 
by him described, may be considered one 
and the same invention by a kindred peo- 
p]g.22 And may we not imagine that the 
Celtic Gauls, who were led by Brennus in 
their atack on Greece and Asia Minor, and 
who in the latter country about 278 B. C. 
established themselves as Galatians, (in 
Gallo-Gra-cia or Galatia,) were_ claiming to 
bft returning to the country of their anccs- 
tors.^'S These conquerors of Galatia, have 
been frequently identified as Cymry by the 
names of th.eir chiefs and people; and 
Jerome, (one of the church fathers in the 
4th century) says that in his time the Galla- 
tians spoke the same language as in Bel- 
gium,--' with which he was acquainted. 25 



20 See the title "Carnac," "Standiii;r Siont.-," 
and "Stonehensje," Chambers's Encyclopedia. Sec 
also I^og-an's Antiquities, &c., of Scotland,. 450. 

21 Sec the article •'Currach, Couracu and Cora- 
cle," in Cha. Enclo. 

22 Herod., B i, ch. 194, and i llawl. tierod.. 259 
and Co. 

2T, In speaking of this return of Uic Cymrv lo ihe 
Hellespont and Asia Minor Michelet says, Yi Hist. 
France, 37.) "Here we see our CJauls restored to the 
cradU; oi'th'i Cymry, not far from the Ciiiunerian l$os- 
phorus — here an; they settled on the ruins of Troy, 
and in the mountains of Asia Minor." 

I 

24 In connection with this reference to Beljj^ium, we 
would a'j^ain refer to Anlh. CI. Diet., 53S, ;irt. Gallia, 
where he investijjales the question of the Bela^.x hm- 
Efuag'e;and concludes: — "We mav hence boldly con- 
clude, that Ine Armoricnns .and tfie IJelifiB were two 
coinmimities or confederation of the same race, wl'.ich 
had arrived in Caul at two diflerent periods. We 
may infer still further: i That the north and west of 
Gaul, and the south of Britain, were peopled bv one 
and the same race, forminij the second brand) of the 
CJallic poiMilalion properly so called. 2. That the 
lanj^uaije of this race was one. the frag^ments of which 
are preserved in two Cantons of Armorica and in the 
island of Hritun. -5. That the generic name of the 
race is entirely unknown to us, as far as liistory is 
concerned: but that philolo^-y j^'ives it to us under the 



THE BRITISH PERIOD 



[Book I. 

Professor George Rawlinson in his edi- 
tion of Herodotus, Appendix to Book IV, 
Essay I, vol. Ill, page 150, has an elaborate 
review of the question, who the Cimbri 
were, and whence they came. His con- 
clusion of the question is that they were 
the ancestors of the Cymry, and the de- 
scendants of the more ancient Cimmerians. 
After collecting together all that the histori- 
ans would aflbrd him, atid coming to the 
conclusion indicated, he say s : — "When these 
questions have been settled, it will be inter- 
esting to trace the history and migrations of 
a people which has an antiquity of above 
twenty-five hundred years, and has spread 
from the steppes of the Ukraine to the 
mountains of Wales. 

"The identity of the Cymry of Wales 
with the Cimbri of tlie Romans seems 
worthy of being accepted as a historic fact 
upon the grounds stated by Niebuhr and 
Arnold. 26 The historical connection of 
these latter with the Cinimerii of Herodo- 
tus has strong probabilities, and the opin- 
ion of Posidonius is in its favor; but can- 
not, it nui'it be admitted, in the strict 
sense of the word, be ]iroved." 

"In the British Islands, tlie Anglo- 
Saxon Teutons, in their earlier conquests, 
displaced the Cymry, and drove them be- 
yond their borders; but these last main- 
tained themselves in various places — in 
Cornwall, Wales, th.e .Scotch Highlands, 
and Ireland — until the inauguration of a 
nev» policy. When the Cyn1#y of Wales 
and Cornwall, the Gaels in Scotland, and 
the Erse in Ireland, submitted to Anglo- 
Saxon supremacy, they retained their 
huids, their language, and even their name. 
Atnalgamation of race has since been ef- 
fected to a certain extent, but still in many 
parts of Wales, Scotland, and Ireland, the 
mass of the popitlation is mainly or en- 
tirely Celtic. Foiu- Celtic dialects — the 
Manx, the Gaelic, the Erse, and the Welsh 
— are sjjoken in our country; and tlie pure 
Celtic type siu-vi\e in the Bretons, the 
Welsh, the native Irish, th.e people of the 



form of Cymn." 

25 See Godwin's France, 33. Also article Gailo- 
g-raecia or Galatia in Anthon's Cla.ss. Diet. 

26 History of Rome, vol. i, pp. 521-9. 



THE INHABITANTS OF WESTERN EUROPE. 



Chap I.] 

Isle of Man, and the Scottish Highlanders, 
of whom the two former represent the 
Cimbric, and the three latter the non- 
Cimbric branch of the nation. The Welsh 
is akin to the Breton and the Cornisti dia- 
lects; the Gaelic and the Erse, which are 
closely allied, differ considerably from the 
three first-mentioned."-" 

Strong as Prof. Rawlinson is in proving 
that the Cimmerians and Cimbri were the 
ancestors of the Gvmrv, and that the lat- 
ter traced their route from the Ukraine to 
the mountains of Wales; still he entirely 
overlooks the strong probability, nay, the 
almost certainty that the Cymry are that 
branch of the Celto-Cimmerians who 
passed through Asia Minor and the Cim- 
bric Chersonesus on their way to Britain.-'' 
In doing so, he overlooked the greatest 
probability, and the greatest and most 
striking argument in its favor. In this 
connection w-e might refer to the fact that 
all the words left to us of the ancient 
Cimbri, and used by historians to prove 
their identity, are Cimbric, Cymric, Cym- 
raeg, or Welsh words, rather than Gallic. 
The most ancient writer who makes men- 
tion of the Cimbri, is Philemon, who says, 
— which is repeated by Pliny,*-' — that the 
Cimbri called their ocean ^^Mori-Maruur ; 
and the north cape beyond, '^Riihcas^'' and 
beyond that the frozen sea they called 
'■'^CroniumP All these words are latinized, 
but their roots are true Cimric and Cym- 
raeg: thus Mor is sea, and Mariu (the w 
sounded as u) means dead ; and therefore 
Mori-Marusa is rendered the dead sea, then 
a very appropriate appellation to those 
northern seas. But further, the words, If//- 
beas and Cronittm, are subject to the same 
kind of translation, and as appropriate 



49 



37 I Ilawl. Ucrod. i<p — 7. 

2& Turner in his_ Hi.story of the Antrlo-^^xon.s, 
B. i, ch. 2, p. ^\, says: — "The Danish tradition ot" 
expeditions and conquests in Hrit:iin, iVoni Jutland 
and its vicinity, lonj^ before our .Savior's birth, 
which Saxo Grammaticus ha.s incorporated into liis 
history may be noticed. An authority too vat;;ue to 
be trusted alone; he is evidence of the tradition of 
his countrymen, and these may claim that attention, 
when they coincide with the ancient British, which 
they would not otherwise deserve. They add 
Romethins: to the probability of an early miffration 
from these retfions into our islands, althoug;h they 
must not be confounded with historical facts." 

29 Plin. 4, 13; see also Anth. Clas. Die. 540; also 
Craik's Pictorial History of Kngland, 20. 



names to the actual facts : — thus the first of 
these words is fi'om rcMi or rhyallyd, which 
means frozen or cold ; and the second word, 
Cronium, is from caledit, ccvlcdii^, or caen- 
re-f, (which words mean respectively, cold, 
congealed, ice,) or from their derivatives ; — 
bvtt probably from the last word, — caenrew, 
which make it the Ice-Sea. On the whole 
route from Asia to the Cimbric peninsula, 
and Britain, frequent names of the same 
kind are found, and of the like significance 
and application. 

Here we readily admit that our theory of 
the origin of the Cymry, — though support- 
ed by the best historical authority — is 
violently contested by a class of writers; 
and like everything else, connected with 
the history of the Cymry, true or fabulous, 
has been equally ;ittacked with a fierce, if 
not a vindictive, opposition; and that want 
o( candor which should characterize history. 
This has sometimes been done, from an un- 
kind, if not a malignant, feeling towards the 
whole Celtic race ;30 and sometimes the con- 
test is sustained with a view of showit^j^- 
that the Cymry are not Celts, but Teutons. 
This has never beein done by a true Cam 
brian ; — for they have ever vindicated their 
true relation to the Celtic race. In Craik's 
Pictorial History of England,3i the tlieory 
is maintained that the Welsh w-erc not 
Celts, but of the Teutonic race. He ad- 
mitted, nay contended, that they were the 
descendants and representatives of the Cim- 
bri; but then he further contended that the 
ancient Picts and the ^Velsh were two 
branches of the samt- (amily of people, 
(which is undoubtedly trtie,) the Picts hj^y- 
insf come from the Cimbri, who came from 
the north of (jermany, and therefore must 
be Teutons. And after that these Picts 
passed south by the ^vestern side of Britain 
to Wales; and there became Welshmen and 
Cymry 

All history confutes the proposition that 
the Cymry were Teutons V'''^ and equally ai- 



30 See Pinkerton's History of Scotland. Also the 
article "Pinkerton" in Cliambers's Enclyclopedia. 
Also B. B. Woodward'.s History of Wales. See also 
1 Michelet's History of France, B. i, chap. 4, p. 65. 

XI I Vol., p. iS. 



32 See liishop Piorcy' 
Northern •■VntiquJUes. 



lulroduclion U) Mallet- 



50 



firm that the Cinibri were Celts as we have 
endeavored to show. But that the Picts 
were originally Cimric Celts is a proposition 
that we equally contend for. All Southern 
Britain in CjEsar's time were Cvmric Britons, 
— no difference of nationality or language 
could he discovered, except those on the 
southern shores were more recent immi- 
grants from Belgium. Everything else was 
indicative of one nationality and race, only 
they were divided into tribes. Their lan- 
guage and characteristics were the same; 
and all were governed bv the institvition of 
the Druids. They ail tbught alike with 
chariots, as their most striking arm of de- 
fense. When Agricola fought the Britons 
on the Thames, in the west and the north of 
Britain at the foot of the Grampian Hills; 
— whether he met Caractacus in the south- 
west, or Galgacus in the far north, he found 
everywhere the same people and character- 
istics ■''■' But afterwards a portion of these 
people were pushed to the northeast part of 
North Britain, who, affcr two or three 
hundred years, \vhile their soutliern breth- 
ren become Romanized, became Picts. 
From the south and west of Britain to the 
northeast of Scotland we everywhere meet i 
with words, and the name of places and 
things everywhere occurring, common to 
hotJi people, that are clearly Cymric; as 
Avon, Ai>er/>^ Dee, Don, Pen or Ben, More, 
(or Ma'vr, great,) du (black), words and 
names repeatedly used in the southwest of 
England, in Wales anti the northeast of 
Scotland, everywhere recci\'in;;" the satnc 
meaning and application, aiul affortling 
striking evidence of their lieing used and 
api)liei.l by one and the same i)eo]'ile, huNiiig 
a common language. Two words are given 
to us bv Bede, when speaking of the Picts 
and in their language, as designating the 
place of the beginning of the Roman wall 
across tlie country ; as Abercin-nig and Pen- 
fahel.-'S' In Cymric, Pen nu-ans iiead, as 



THE BRITISH PERIOD. [Book i. 

Pendennis in Cornwall anti the like names 



33 Seo Tacitus ViLi- Ai>jicol;i 



34 Sec I \^;iu};^hn"s Revolutions in Eng-lish Hist., p. 
lo, ivhcirc it is .said: '•From the remains of their lan- 
sjuajje, as well as from other circumstiinces, the most 
reasonable, an.l now the most jjeneral opinion, is that 
the Picts were from the coinniori Celtic stock, and for 
the most part Britons.' 

35 Hede's Kcclcsiastical History, p. Jo; Bohn's 
Edi. 



in other places in Cvmric countr\- ; gwal 
means wall, i.e., Pengwal, which means the • 
head of the wall; and Penfahel, of Bede, is 
only another orthography of it. These 
facts, as well as the opinion of all candid 
historians, demonstrate the unity of the 
Celtic character of the whole of the ancient 
British people. That the Celtic Gael now 
occupy the northwest of Scotland, and the 
Saxon the east and southeast of England, 
does not militate against it.?''' 

In conchision let us notice how the Cym- 
ric race, in their peregrination from Asia to 
Britain, have identified themselves with the 
horns of the earth, — the prominent peninsu- 
las on their route : — the Cimmerian Cher- 
sonesus, Sinope in Asia Minor, Thracian 
Chersonesus in Europe, Ciinbric Chersone- 
sus, the peninsula of Brittanv, the peninsulas 
of Cornwall and of Wales. They thus more 
distinctly indentify themselves with time 
and the world, than any other nationality 
except the Hebrews. They may, therefore, 
lay claim to what Rawlinson says is inter- 
esting, "in tracing the history and migration 
of a people who have an antiquity of above 
twenty-five hundred years, and have spread 
themselves from Asia to the mountains of 
Wales." 

While there has been so many allusions 
by historians to the connection there is be- 
tween the Cymry and Asia Minor, no one 
refers to theni as being the Cimmerians of 
Lydia and Sardis. Both Michelet and 
Rawlinson refer to the C}inry's connection 
with Asia Minor, but they make no allusion 
to their connection with Lydia : — and yet, 
it is insisted upon, that no fact in history is 
better sustained by historical facts and cir- 
cumstances, than this hypothesis, that the 
Cvnirv are descendants of the people who 

36 As evidence that tlie Picts were descendants of 
the Cymry who tied from the Roman oppression, \vc 
refer to Richard of Cirencester (B. i, ch. vi, §54) in 
describiii<4 tlie people of the nortiieast coast of Scot- 
land, north of Cromarty, and east part of Ross and 
Sutiierland, says: — -'Then the river Ila, near which 
lived the Carnabii, the most remote of the Briton.s. 
These people beinj>- subdued by tlie propraetor, Ostor ■ 
ius, and impatiently bearing; the Roman yoke, joined 
the Cantre. as the tradition relates, and crossing^ Uie 
sea, here fixed tlieir residence." Richard in this .sec- 
lion also speaks of a river there called Abona ('which 
the Cymry would pronounce Avon; a name so com- 
mon to rivers in countries once inhabited by them) 
which is now the Dornoch. 



THK BRITONS IN ANCIKNT lII8TOR\ . 
The facts in 'support of this 



(.'flap. II. j 

took Sardi 

are striking: — i No otiicr people, except 
the Cjniry, made use of the war chariot in 
Europe, not even the ancient Gauls ; and 
their chark)t — the British chariot was 
modeled after the celebrated Lydian chariot. 
CiCsar Avas astonishtd at the IJi-itish 
chariot; — their great numbers, and the skill 
of the Britons in tiieir management. If 

. any one was then asked where the idea of 
such chariot came from, he would have to 
reply, — L-ydia ; as a person in our day upon 
seeing a junk in New York harbor was 
asked, where it came from, would answer: — 
from China. It was from the Greeks of 
Asia Minor, that t!ie name of Cimmerian 

i(Cimri) was put upon them, different from 
the Celts of Gaul, and there is no other way 
of Accounting for this. 3. The universal 

(acknowledged fact in histor\-, that the Cim- 
merians of the Greeks, Cimbri of the Ro- 
mans, and Cyniry of Britain wxre all a 
kindred race. 4. The institution of the 
Druids has ever been acknowledged to he 
a Cymric institution, which with their 
Pythagorian phflosophy, theii" astronomical 
knowledge, their music, their harp, and the 
like matter, have ever been acknowledged 
as evidence of their connection with Asia 
Minor; — and when all these point to one 
result, it produces a conviction of the truth 
of the proposition, as conclusive a.s in any 
case of circumstantial evidence, and ex- 
cludes every other hypothesis. Thus the 
origin of theCymry, — the Ancient Britons, 
— is established, as to time arid place, and, 
approximately, their arrival in Britain. 

CHAPTER il. 

rHK ISKITONS AS NOTICED IX ANCIENT 
HISTORY. 

The ancient writers, who at an earl\' day 
noticed Britain, affoixl us a very imperfect 
account, as to whom the people were and 
whence they came. They were generally 
considered to be autochtonic — the produc- 
tion of the soil — children of mother earth. 
Cicsar said that "the inland parts of Brit- 
ain are inhabited by those whom fame re- 
ports to be the natives of the soil. The 
-;ea coast i^ jieopled with Belgians, drawn 

4 



51 



thither by Llie love of war and plunder."' 
And Tacitus2 expresses the opinion that 
the Germans were an indigenous race, the 
original natives of their c'ountry. No con- 
sistent theory as to the origin of the hu- 
man race was adopted until the writings of 
Moses became known ;■'' aided and inodified 
by Christianity and science. The history 
given by Moses of the three original fami- 
lies of the hiMTian race, is one which stands 
the test of criticism and science. The 
classillcation thus made, was admirably 
sustained by Josephiisi at the commence- 
ment ot our era, unaffected by Christian 
doctrine; and no ancient author at the 
commencement of the Christian era, pos- 
sessed so many advantages of being aided 
by all the learning of the civilized world — 
Greek and Roman, as Josephus; much of 
which has been entire!}' lost to the world. 
The theory we have adopted accords with 
that, and assumes that the inhabitants of 
the British Islands, who became known to 
the Roman world about the commence- 
ment ot the present era, were of the Ja- 
phetic or Aryan race; and were all of the 
Celtic family, divided into two branches; 
— that in the south part of Great Britain 
were of the Cymric, and those in the north 
and northwest, and in Ireland, were of 
Gaelic branch of the race. Modern inves- 
tigations have established the position, that 
these people, as well as the German race, 
belonged to the Aryan or Indo-European 
races ;•"' and it would appear that where 
these two races have united, — the Celtic 
and the Teutonic, — the result is that there 
has been no evidence of deterioration, but 
a happier development than in the imion 
of any other two races. 

Britain became known to the ancients, 
at a \ery remote j)eriod, b\- \ery slow 
degrees. Previous to Cfesar's time the 



1 C;vsar's Com., M. v, §10. 

2 Gernianiii 2. 

3 Gencsi.s, cli. x. 

4Jcwi.sh Antiquities, B. i. ch. vi. Sec hi^' two 
Books against Apion, wliicli shows him to have been 
the most !eai-necl historian of liis day; having' access 
to a]l the ancient historians. As to the descendants 
of Japhetli, see, also, Jonathan Kdward's works. 
Josephus says that tlie Galatians (Gauls) were Gomer- 
iles. Ut supra., ch. vi. 

5 Ut supra., B. i. ch. i, p. 39. Also, Palgrave's 
Hist, of the Anglo-Saxons, ch. i. 



52 



THE BRITISH PERIOD 



whole group of Islands were known to 
the ancient classics as Britannicte Instilcef> 
and it is said that Ciesar was the first to 
confer upon Great Britain the name of 
Britannia, which we anglicize Britain. 
But this is doubtful, for that name was 
used by Aristotle three hundred years be 
fore Cajsar's time, and from him it foimd 
its way into various ancient geographies. 
Various theories have been had as to the 
derivation of the name; most of wliich 
are fanciful and mythical; but the most 
probable is that it is a name derived 
from the Phoenicians, who it seems were 
accustomed to visit the islands more 
than a thousand years B. C. It is said 
that brit and bruit, or a word of 
that sound, signified tin in both the Phoeni- 
cian and the Celtic languages;" and it is 
probable that it is a Phoenician name, and 
that Aristotle derived the name from that 
source, by adding to that term, that oi tart, 
so common in all Aryan languages, added 
to other words to denominate land or 
country. Thus by adding these two words 
together — Brit-tan — as in the like instances 
of Mauri-tan-ia, Aqui-tan-ia, Lusi-tan-ia, 
Kurdis-tan, Hindos-tan, and the like, w'e 
obtain the ap])ellation of Britain, or the 
tin-land; which corresponds with the (Md- 
est Greek name, — "the Cassiterides (Tin 
Islands) whence," says Herodotus, "the tin 
comes which we use."*' At a verv remote 



6 2 Chambers's Encyclopodia y^^. 

7 See Cniik's i Pictorial Kn<;l;ind 9 llorod., B. iii, 
■ h. 115. 

S Herod., B. iii, ch. 115. 2 Ilawlinson's Herod. 
416, and n. 7. Herodotus further .says: "Of the ex- 
treme of l^^urope towards the west I cannot speak 
with any certainty; .... nor do I )cnow of any 
islands called the Cassiterides." See al.so i Turner's 
Ansflo-Saxons, eh. 3, p. 54, ii. a, and he cites Borhart's 
Canaan, lib. i, ch. 39, p. 262, where it is .said : — "Bara- 
tanac," (in Hebrew and Phcenician; 'which means 
the land of tin." See also Anthon's Clas. Diet., 
"Brit'umia," p. 266. See also i Giles' Historv of the 
Ancient Britons, p. S; who quotes from Aristotle: — 
"Beyond the pillars of iterciiles is the ocean which 
flows round tlie earth. In it are two islands, and 
tjjosc are very large; called Brifcinnic — Albion and 
lerne, which are larsjfer than those I before mention- 
ed, and lie beyond the Celts." De Mundo, §3. who 
wrote about 340 B. C. and a hundred years after 
}lerodotiis. It is claimed thai Britain and its tin 
traffic w;is known to th(! Phcenicians 1000 B. C. Tlie 
(ireeks wrote the word Bperra^'/, (-see 2 Giles' An- 
cient Britons, p. 90-91, from Plutarch vitx C;es.) 
Aristotle wrote it — JipsraOlKai. The word was by 
the Greeks variously .spelt; sometimes only with one 
t, and sometimes with the tirst vowel changed irom 
an e to an i, as in Latin and Knglish. We imi.st con- 



[Book I, 

period the Phoenicians had traffic with 
Britain for tin; and the name Britannia at 
an early date became familiar to the classic 
writers; but probably before Caesar's time 
was not used by the natives thetnselves. 
They called the island Alban or Albion; 
but the Romans called the north part of 
it, Caledonia; and Ireland they called Hi- 
bernia or lerne.'-' 

There can be but little doubt, that the 
Phoenicians were the first to extend their 
commercial pursuits from the Eastern 
World to Britain; and it is credibly said 
that this intercourse with the British 
Islands for tin, existed more than a thou- 
sand years before the Christian era. The 
historv of this people, with their enterprise 
and commercial pursuits, is one of the 
most interesting, if not astonishing, chap- 
ters in the history of maTi. They possess- 
ed a narrow margin of land on the Levant, 
the eastern shore of the Mediterranean 
Sea, where thej^ Avere distinguished for 
their manufactures and commerce; devot- 
ing much attention to the affairs of the sea, 
and but little to agriculture. Their em- 
pire was on the sea and not on the land. 
When asked where they were originally 
from, they replied that they were from the 
Erythaen Sea, a sure indication that they 
came there as a seafaring people and not 
given to agriculture or the land. Their 
country possessed a few good commercial 
advantages. Their sea-ports and shipping 
were improved and cultivated to the asLon- 
isliment of the world. Xenophon in the 
fourth century B. C, v\ hen on a visit to 
Tyre, was utterly astonished at the perfec- 
tion to which this people had brought their 
shipping and commercial aflairs. 



elude that tlie etymology, which derives the word 
from Brutus, and from "Brydain" and "Brython," and 
(he like fancies, is all a ni)lh. Undoubteclly the tirst 
nil ine given to the island bv llie Cvmry was Alban; 
from the high white clifls as seen from Gaul ; and 
then Cyniru. 'I'he people were called ('in the ])lural) 
Cymry, of which Cymro was the singular number. 

9 It .seems thai in old Gallic or Celtic Britain was 
denominated Albinii: that is, Alb, white or high; 
and Innis, island, or Wliiic Lsland; and the Cvmr\ 
called it Innis-Wen, which .signiiied tlie s;'.nu- thing. 
They us;iiallv denominated Britain, Prydain: Scot- 
land, Celyditon, and Ireland, Iwerddon. The Welsh 
called their country Cymru: themselves, Cymry; a 
Wel.shman, Cymro; the language, Cymraeg. See i 
Craik's Pictorial Kngland, Introduclio:!. i>^. §iii. 
Cirant's Thoughts on the (iaitl, 297. 



rHK BRFTONS IN ANCIKNT HISTORY. 



Chap, n.] 

This was the work and entcr[)rise of a 
few cities within the distance of about one 
hundred and fifty niile.s, commencing at 
the north with Aradus, then TripoHs, I5ery- 
lus, Sidon ami Tyre. These Phoenician 
cities, alike distinguished for their manu- 
facturing and commercial enterprises, sent 
their shipping and colonies to various dis- 
tant places, as Carthage in Africa, Cadiz in 
Sjjain, and other places, in the proinotion 
and advantage of their commerce and in- 
dustry. IJut one of their oldest enterprises 
was that of extending their commerce to 
Hritain, in order to procure tin, which "was 
then so necessar\- for their manufacturing 
operations in bronze, which was then more 
exteuhively used, wherever commercial 
traffic existed, than iron; and for this ex- 
tensive business tin w-as necessary. The 
Britisli Islands were almost the only coun- 
try where this article was then procured in 
sufficient quantity. In this lucrative trade 
their colony, Carthage, early participated. 

From the Carthaginians we derive the 
best information of Ancient Britain, •"though 
such information comes to us, as borrowed, 
ior the original report is lost. About 510II 
B. C. the enterprising Carthaginians sent 
two expeditions of discovery with a view to 
colonization, commerce and trade. The one 
was under the command of Hanno, who 
was to sail with a fleet of sixty fiftv-oared 
galleys, with a body of thirty thousand men 
and women, by the Pillars of Hercules to 
the Atlantic, for the purpose of discovery 
on the north-western coast of Africa, with 
a view to colonization and commerce I'lie 
other expedition was under Himilco, who 
was also to sail to the Atlantic, and then 
proceed in an opposite direction, to recon- 
noiter the coast of Spain and (Jaul, as far as 
the British Islands. The object was to re- 
open the trade with the tin producing coun- 
try, and recover the once lucrative traffic of 
the Tyrians of Phccnicia, which iiad been 
destroyed by the war with the A-^svrians, 

10 I Turner's An<rlo-Saxons, B. i, c!i. iii, p. 5,?. 

11 This dal'' is nssuiiiccl liy I^'-iiorinant, 1 Aiuienl 
] list. 21)0: but in 2 U;i\vlinsnn's lleroil. 41O, n. 7, sets 
Iho voyage of Himilco hctwi;ij!i.^6_' ami 350. Vautjhan 
in his lii.story of p:ns;land .<;ols it at ,5(10 B. C. t'lii.s 
later ilati- is assaiucd as the most probable; ami isal.so 
in.«t probable that Ilimilco's voyag-t; was .some time 
;;!'.or that of Ilanno, which may have been in 510 B.C. 



.S3 



and the opposition of the Greeks. Unfor- 
tunately the report of the voyage is lost, 
and historians are depend.'mtfor its contents 
upon iVagments translated and incorporated 
in a Latin poem of Festus Avienus. The 
voyage lasted four months, coasting along 
the shores of Spain tiiid Gaul to the British 
Islands and back. The account we have of 
this voyage, enumerates many interesting 
observations made, which affords us inore 
information upon the subject, than any 
other source of history . On their way from 
Gades to the promoiitory Sacrum (Cape 
St. Vincent) they found many Phoenician 
colonies established dining the time of 
Tvrian prosperity. None were found on 
the northern coast of Sptiin, but the inhabi- 
tants were friendl_\', and their ports open to 
them. . Along the coast of the Bav of 
Bisca}', navigation was dangerous; thcv 
therefore steered directly lor Nantes. There- 
at the inouth of the Loire, they found a safe 
port, where they could take shelter, refit 
and revictual, before continuing their voy- 
age. They found the commerce of the 
place verv considerable. The river brought 
down the productions of Central Gaul in 
large quantities; and there the shippers 
from either Gades or Carthage found shel- 
ter and tr;il>ic on their way to the Tin Is-,'' 
lands. The cit^^ enjoyed a large trade, and 
possessed much importance from its having 
been frequented by the Phoenician mer- 
chants and traders from Gades ever since 
the commencement of that commerce. 
They coasted along the shores of Armorica 
from Nantes to the Veneti (Vannes) where 
they were hospitably received, and stoppetl 
tor the last time belbre setting out upon the 
open sea. While )>assing through the Bay 
of Bisca\- they observed numerous whales 
spouting. The Veneti also carried on a 
considerable trade and were acquainted 
with the art of navigation, which was ac- 
quired in their former intercourse with tiie 
Tyrians and Cartliaginians. They pos- 
sessed great riches, and capable of forming 
and managing great tieets, which was at'ter- 
wards fully demonstrated in C:esar's time, 
l-^'otn the (Julf of Morbihnn llimileo 
saileii for the Cassitcrides, (supposed to be 
the Si-ill\- Is'nnds on th.e coast of Corn 



54 



THK BRITISH PERIOD. 



Book 



wall) a country rich in metals and especial- 
ly in tin. The inhabitants were found to 
be numerous and industrious, occupying 
themselves in commercial affairs, and went 
to sea in vessels covered with skins. In a 
few days the expedition went to the Holy 
Island (Hibernia or Ireland) and then on 
their way back to the coast of Albion 
(Britain). From the neighboring countries 
the natives brought to them the metals 
there found, in boats, which were exchanged 
with the Carthaginian merchants for their 
wares, consisting principally of cloth, bronze 
implements, pottery and salt. Such is the 
interesting abstract given of this celebrated 
expedition of Himilco, so important in de- 
veloping the ancient history of Britain at 
so early a period. '2 

Tills commerce and Iratlic of the Cartha- 
ginians with Britain continued until de- 
stroyed by the Greeks and Romans. These 
for a time succeeded in this intercourse 
with Britain, and it is from the Greek 
Mriters we obtainythe interesting and relia- 
ble account of it. Polybius, who wxote his 
historv more than a liundred vears before 
C<Esar's time, and traveled through Spain 
and Gaiil, speaks of "the Britanic Islands 
and the working of tin," hut little, however, 
is to Ik- obtained ol" Britain and its people 
from hi;n. But it is iVom the (jreek writers 
— Diodf)rus, the historian, and .Strabo, the 
gef)gra]iher, -who wrote about Ca-sar's time, 
but tbundcd uiKjn previous intbrmation, 
tliai we deri\e the most satisiactorv ac- 
count of Britain and its people, of that earlv 
date, though 'hat i-; tVagm-ntai-y and >c;nit\- 
enough. 

Diotloru> wriles that "the Britons. '2 who 
dwell on tile promontory called Belerium 
(the I^and's End) were tbnd of strangers, 
and. from their intercourse with foreign 
merchants, ci\i!izeii in their manners. 
Thesj peojile obtain tin b\' ski!lfnl!\ work- 
ing the earth. which produces it. The soil 
being rocky, has crevices in the hard earth 



from which they w ork ovit the ore, which 
they fuse and reduce to a metal. When 
they have formed it into cubical shapes, 
they convey it to a certain island lying off 
the coast of Britain, named Ictis; where at 
low tides, the intervening space being dry 
land, they carry it thither in great abund- 
ance in wagons. There the merchants pur- 
chase the tin from the natives, and then 
carry it across into Gaul, whence it is con- 
veyed on horses, through the intervening 
Celtic land to the people of Massalia, and 
to the city called Narbonne." This ac- 
count substantially agrees with that given 
by Himilco some centuries before. 

Strabo describes the Cassiterides as is- 
lands, ten in number. "One of them is a 
desert, but the others are inhabited by men 
in black cloaks, clad in tunics, reaching to 
the feet, and girt about the breast. Walk- 
ing with staves, and bearded like goats, 
they subsist by their cattle, leading for the 
most part a wandering life. And having 
metals of tin and lead, these and skins the>' 
barter with these merchants for earthen- 
ware, and salt, and brazen vessels. For- 
merly the Phcenicians alone carried on 
this traffic, and concealing their passage 
from every one; and when the Romans 
followed a certain shipmaster, that they 
also might find the mart, the shipmaster, 
out of jealousy, purposely I'an his vessel 
upon a shoal, and leading on those who 
followed liim into the same destruction, he 
himself escaped by means of a fragment of 
the ship, and reco\-ered trom the state the 
\alue of the cargo he had lost."" 

\\'hcn the \ oyage of Himilco to Britain 
actually took place is somewhat doubtfid. 
Lenorniant puts it about ^lO B. C, but 
Vaughan at 3Cxj: and the (jucstion might be 
asked, had the C_\ nir\ at that time arrived 
in Britain.' There is about !4() years be- 
tween the lime the_\- lei't I>_\-dia in .\sia 
Minor and the visitof llimilcc^ it" we should 
take the date of Lenormant; and about 
3CX3 years if we take the tiate ui\en bv 



i!niK- uc- ' "^':'i'.i^l'';i'i-'^ Either date Mould enable them 



12 3 L<.:n()rin:int Ilist. of thi- Kast. 
\':iutfliair.-- Hcvo. in Kiijj. History, 4. The- 

coiini is also iri\cri ill Hcrron's Ancient Nations. | to have been there before that time. The 

„.:^ ^, atcf ^[od-^rV/b'^^^d!: Tl!'^. 't^ | PJy '^outh colony of Massachusetts catne 

also all this aiuir.nthistor\ of Uritain most intci-cstinir- 1 ~ ' — 

Iv coll,:otc(i by Mr. I.athaiii in his Kthnoloji-y of ilic j 't ^'-''-' ^ ;i»i,-han ut supra. .Strabo Lib. iii, ; h. v. 

iViti.-.li lshlnll.^. i-h. ii. 15 Ul supra., p. 5,^. n. 1 1. 



rHE BRITONS IN ANCIENT HISTORY. 



Chap, ii-l 

to New England in 1620; their descendants 
in less than 150 years had spread them- 
selves into all the other colonies from 
Massachusetts to Georgia. But Vanghan's 
date would givi- the Cvmry more than 
ample time to have been the people who 
left Ljdia about 650 B. C. as the Cimmer- 
ians, and passed by the way of the Danube 
and the Elbe to the Cimbric Chersonesus 
and to Britain ; taking with them their war 
chariots, which they had learned to con- 
struct and manage while in that school of 
arts and science of fifty or seventy years 
in Asia Minor; taking with them the 
knowledge they had acquired of working 
metals, especially bronze and iron; also 
their notion of religion and theology, as 
well as whatever might be then know^n 
and learned in Asia Minor, the most en- 
lightened and civilized p:irt of the world. 
This enabled the Cymry to form that ex- 
traordinary institution — the Druids — which 
was the remarkable characteristic that dj-s- 
tinguished them from all other people of 
Western Europe, as well as their war 
chariots. As already suggested, they must 
have soon left their stay in the neighbor- 
hood of the mouth of the Elbe, for the 
south ; taking with them the heart of the 
nation, but leaving there, as part of their 
mmibcr, two colonies, which afterwards 
became known to the Romans as the Cim- 
bri and the Ccestii;"' who were seceders 
from the main body of the people, and who 
were more rude and less cultivated. On 
their way the same thing was done in Bel- 
giuin, and the Belga; became separated 
from the nation. When they arrived in 
Nustria, or Armorica, (now Brittany), a 
more permanent stay A\as niaiic, and they 
impressed upon the coinUrv, more decided- 
ly, their own characteristics; and identified 
those who remained there, more intimately 
with themselves. The main part of the 
nation, however, soon passed over to Brit- 
ain ; taking with them whatever peculiari- 
ty distinguished them from the old Gallic 
— Celtic race, who for so long a time had 
preceded them in Gaul. But ever .ifter- 
wards there subsisted between the Cymry 



^S 



iCi Ut supra., ch. i, §3, pp. .fS — ■><'. 



of Britain and Armorica the relation of 
one people, and brethren, with similar in- 
stitutions, only the Armoricans looked to 
the Britains as their master.- in the learning 
of the Druids and their arts.'? For the Brit- 
ish Cvmry were the more distii\guished for 
their Druidical institution, and for their 
advancement in' the arts.'* 

It is believed that the Cymry arrived in 
Armorica, and probably in Britain, before 
the voyage ot lliinilco, not only from the 
dates given, but also from a fact stated its 
the fragment we h;ive of his report, that 
on his way from the Gulf of Morbilian in 
Armorica, to the British Islands, he reach- 
ed the island of Sena, now L' Isle De 
Sein, not far from Brest, where there was a 
celebrated institutionof the Druids. Then 
the account given of the Britons, that they 
mined the tin ore fi-om the earth, — reduced 
it to metal in cubes, and brought it to the 
shore for sale in wagons; all of which 
shows a great advancement in the arts and 
habits of industry, showing great progress 
in civilization. 

Bj the investigation and discoveries 
made in the antiquities of Britain, we are 
warranted in assinning that the Turanian 
race had preceded the Celts both in GauJ 
and Britain. This has been so particularly 
demonstrated by the mounds and barrows 
opened and e.vamined, of a moreancient 
date in all their appearances, the work of a 
pre-celtic race, in which were tound imple- 
ments of stone and bone, but none of 
metal ; and the skulls of those buried were 
of rounder heads than those of the Celtic 
race of Western Europe. These were the 
relics of the Turanian race, — those people 
who left the parent family of mankind be- 
fore the habits and language of the Aryan 
race were formed and fixed. — who were 
the first to wander to distant parts, and 
their habits and appearance would become 
more and more savage and barbarous, than 
those who were improved by association 
in society. These, therefore, woidd be 



■ 7 CjEsar's Bel. Gal. vi. §13. 

iS In this connection shoiikl be remembered the 
skill with which tlie Venilians had constructed their 
i^eat naval power in the iiiiie of C^es.ar. 



56 



THE BRITISH PERIOD 



specially represented by the stone, and the 
pre-historical ages. 

These people, from evidence found, in 
these relics, of their habitsi and customs, 
are supposed to have been horribly savage 
and even cannibals. Their moimds and 
burying places are found to be entirely dif- 
ferent from those of the second race of 
people, which imdoubtedly were the Celts 
from Gaul; which may have been as early 
as a thousand years before Christ, or esen 
earlier. But the C^mry did not arrive in 
Britain until about 550 B. C.i» The Celtic 
race found tlie Turanian and pre-occupving 
race so very different from themselves, 
that they entirely disappeared before them. 
When two races meet in the same country, 
who have an affinity between each other, 
and similarity of personal aj)pearance, as 
between tiie Celt and the German or the 
Ifalian and the like, they readily unite and 
amalgamate, and the one, the most numer- 
ous, absorbs the other; or the union forms 
a new variety; as we every day see in our 
experience with tlic diversity of races in 
the United States ; or as witnessed in the 
Franks and the Celts in France, or the 
Northmen with Celts of Nustria or Nor- 
mandy ; or the Saxon with the Briton in 
England. But where one of such t>vo 
races are so inferior as to be degraded and 
hateful, then such races do not so readily 
unite or amalgamate; but such inferior 
race soon entirely disappear before the su- 
perior race; as is the case with the Ameri- 
can Indians, the Mongols, the Negroes or 
Hottentots, except where they are suffi- 
ciently ninnerous to protect themselves 
against the infiuLMice of the opposing race. 

It must be true, that the Gallic Celtic 



19 See post ch. iv; una Richard of Cirencester, B. 
ii, ch. i, §S and 9, in Bohn's Ed., p. 464. The date of 
550 B. C give llie Cyinry ample time to accomplish 
their emigration fron'i A-sia Minor to i5ritaiii, and of 
course tliey were in BriUiin before the arrival of Ilini- 
ilco. Miciielct puis (lie arrival of the Cyniry in Gaul 
at 600 B. C. ; and a part of them may have immediate- 
ly passed over to Britain: which would be _i;o or 60 
years after their e.xodus from J^ydia. The distance 
by the Danube and Elbe is less (ban 2000 miles. The 
distanee from the Missis.sippi lliver to California is 
about the same. The first emigrants on this route, 
witli their flocks and lierds, over tlic Rocky Moun- 
tains and the desert, accomplished their journey in 
sixor eight months. The emiwralion from Lvdia to 
Britain could be accomplished in five years, and allow 
for every contingency, even raising their crops of 
grain on tlie way. 



[Book t. 

race had long before the arrival of the 
Cymry, taken possession of Britain, and 
were in the occupancy of the inost enticing 
valleys and places on the Island. It is 
probable that when the Cymrv arrived in 
Britain they were received by their Celtic 
brethren, as they had been in Gaul, as 
friends and brethren. They were received 
as brethren who had received better oppor- 
tunities, and higher education, during their 
residence in Asia Minor; and were there- 
fore received as members of the same fam- 
ily who would be of service to them in 
teaching arts, science and religion. In Gaul 
the two varieties of the Celtic race readily 
united and amalgainated as one people, and 
had so extended their jxjwer and influence 
that by Caesar's time, the central part of 
Gaul and all the northwest, had become 
Cymric; so that Autricum (now Chartres) 
was their capital, and Genabinn (called by 
the Romans Aurelian, now Orleans) be- 
came a considerable place in their commer- 
cial operations.^o But it was at the mouth 
of the Loire, probably Nantes, was their 
great commercial depot and operations of 
the Armoricaii Cymry, where Himilco 
found tnuch shipj)ing and commercial traf- 
fic; probably first encouraged by the 
Phoenicians and Carthaginians, and who 
carried on much of the tin trade between 
Britain and the overland route, by the way 
of the Garonne, and thence by land to Nar- 
bonne^^ on the Mediterranean, as testified 
by Diodorus. And Polybius,22 the Greek 
historian who traveled into Gaul about a 
century or more before Caesar's tiine, speaks 
of the "Britanic lies and their working in 



20 "The Gaulic branch of tlie Keltic race possessed 
the middle of Gaul." Says Godwin, (History of 
France, 14 — 16), "Among their leading tribes were 
the Pictoncs, tiie Lemovikes, Ihe'Santones, the Nan- 
netes, the Carnutes, whose capital, Autricum (Char= 
tres), the reputed centre of Gaul, was the headquar- 
ters of Druidism, and whose second city. Genabum, 
(called 'Aurelian by the Komms, and now Orleans), 
was a place of considerable conmierce; .and the 
Lingons, Cenomans and Senones, whom we shall 
hereafter meet in It^ly. In spite of a supposed com- 
nnmily of origin, the Kymri ditfer from the Gaels in 
many respects, both physical and moral. The Kymri 
were smaller, darker, and more reserved, not .so tur- 
bulent and enthusiastic as the Gael, and remarkable 
for their attachment to their coimtry, their customs, 
and their creeds." 

21 Sec Vaughan's Eiig. fli.st., 6, who cites Diodorus 
Lib. V, ch. 21, 22,3s. 

22 Lib. iii, ch. 5 ; Turner's Anglo-Saxons, B. i, ch. 

4. !'• 59- 



THE BRITONS IN ANCIENT HISTORY. 57 



' Chap. II. J 

tin" as though the commerce was large and 
the traftic of importance to the Greek and 
Roman world. 

It was here, too, among the Veneti of 
Armorica, that grew up that great naval 
power, which in the time of Ciesar was 
able to present against him a large and 
well equipped fleet, which gave C;esar great 
anxiety as to the success of his campaign, 
and required all his skill, aided by all of 
the Roman power, to meet and conquer .23 
And here it may be remarked as a matter 
contrary to the assertion of most of the 
English historians, that the Ancient IJritons 
were incapable of becoming seamen, and 
were only acquainted with their coraclc,2' 
but it should be remembered that Ca;sar 
complainod of them that they had contrib- 
uted to the fleet of the Veneti, that had 
fought him in the great naval battle in the 
Gulf of Morbihan. That battle, for that 
time at least, annihilated the Cymric naval 
power; yet it may be with truth claimed, 
that no people have ever produced more 
daring, courageous and hardy seamen, than 
the Cymry of }3rittany and Wales. 

Diodorus, on the authority of Hecutteus, 
a Milesian historian, gives us this interest- 
ing account, which cannot apply to any 
other country than Britain. "Over against 
Gaul, in the great ocean stream, is an is- 
land, not less in extent than Sicily, stretch- 
ing towards the north. The inhabitants 
are called Hyperboreans, because their 
abode is more remote from us than that 
wind wliich we call Boreas. It is said that 
the soil is very rich and fruitful, and the 
climate so favorable, that there are two 
harvests in every year. Their fables sav 
that Latona was born in this island, and on 
that account they worship Apollo before 
all other divinities, and celebrate his praise 
in daily livmns; conferriiig the highest 
honors upon their bards,, as being his 
priests. There is in this island a magnifi- 
cent temple to this god, circukir in form, 
and adorned with tnany splendid offerings. 
And there is a city also, sacred to Apoilo, 
inhabited principally by harpers, who in 



23 See 2 Boniiparto's Csesar, B. iii, clu vi, p. 141. 

24 Set; Palg-i'.-xvo's History fif thi; Ans;lo-Saxon.s 
p. 4. 



his temple sing sacred verses to the god, 
accompanied by the harp, in honor of his 
deeds." 

"The language ol the Hyperboreans is 
peculiar, and they are singularly well af- 
fected towards the Greeks ; and they have 
been so from the remotest times, especially 
to those of Athens and Delos. It is even 
said that some Greeks have traveled 
thither, and presented ofterings at their 
temple, inscribed with Grecian characters. 
They also say that Abaris, in former days, 
went thence into Greece, to renew their 
ancient friendship with the Delians."25 

This account of the Ilyperboreiand their 
island can apply to no other country and 
people except Britain and the Britons; and 
their circular temple must have been what 
we now call Stonelienge, with its bards and 
priests as the Druids. The account in the 
main must be true, and making some al- 
lowance for what we may say is ftibulous, 
it is precisely the description we would ex- 
pect. The hospitality of the people is in 
accordance with all other accounts given of 
them, except when they met enemies in 
w:ir — "enemies in war, in peace triends.' 
It is very probable that at that early time, 
the Greeks only knew of the inhabitants 
of Britain as Hyperborei; for the tirst in- 
formation received at Athens that the 
Gauls had taken Rome, was that it had 
been taken by an army of Hyperboreans. 

The name of Abaris and the Hyperbore- 
ans so often occur in the ancient classics, 



25 Diodorus, Sic. ii, ,i. llcc.ilaius, of Miletus in 
Asia Minor, rcferri'c". to by Herodotus, whose liistory 
i.s lost, except the frasrinents copied in some more re- 
cent writers, as Diodorus, Pliny and others. Il is 
said he died about 476 l)efor<: Christ. In order to 
make these dates harmonize it is nece.ss.iry that tlie 
(,'yinry, who left Asia. Minor about C-Jo or 675 B, C, 
then they mu.st have been in Britain about yni B. C, 
in about 150 or 175 years, a time which would 
hive allowed theiri to have built .Sionthenge; 
but the circular lemjile may have been one of 
the ruder circular temples in the Avebury to which 
Hecatjcu."? referred to, and StonelK-ris^e, a better 
architectural work, m.iy be a later erection, iiither 
tnc temple at Avebury or that of .Stonehent,'-e may 
have been the temple referred to. Abaris h.is been 
claimed as a Druid, and the priests and bards de- 
.scribed may well be taken as Druids. See Davics' 
Celtic Researches, 181, &c. As to .Vbaris see Bayles' 
Dictionary. Hecata;us may have received some of 
his inforniation directly from Abaris, on Ins visit to 
Greece. There was -.mother Ilecatanis. a historian 
and known as llecatxus of Abdera (3 Kawl. Herod. 
23, n. S; Anthon's CI. Dirt., title Hecatfcus) who as 
\vell as the first wrote: about Aliaris, Hy|K;rborei, &c. 
Difxlorus and Strabn collected from both of these; 



58 

that v.\- arc compelled to admit, though 
they may bo accompanied bv myth and fa- 
ble, that they refer to an actual person and 
a real people, llcrodotus^e writes of the 
Hyperboreans ; and says with extreme cau- 
tion as to what he was not fully informed, 
— "as for that tale of Abaris, who is said to 
ha%-e been a Hyjierborean, and to have gone 
with his arrow around the world, I shall 
pass by in silence." . . . "Nor do 1 
know of the islands called the Cassiterides, 
whence the tin comes, which we use."^' 
Although he speaks thus cautiously of his 
information, yet he fully admits that there 
was an island from whence came the tin 
they commonly used. lie puts the Hyper- 
boreans and Abaris in the same predica- 
ment as to his definite knowledge of them; 
but refers to them as well known subjects of 
inquiry. They have been a theme with all 
Greek geogra})hers and historians from 
HecatcEus to lamblichus,-'^ as a real subject, 
but inuch distorted by the imagination of 
the poets. The term Hyperboreans was 
first applied to people living far nortli or 
west, whose particular residence and char- 
acter were unknown, and a mere myth or 
fable. At length the term wa.s definitely 
applied to the Celts of Western Europe 
and of Britain. The taking of Rome by 
the Gauls was reported at Athens as ha\ - 
ing been ;iccomplished by an army ot Hy- 
perboreans. Diodorus places them on an 
island as large as Sicily, in the ocean op- 
posite the coast of Gaul ; and which Rawl- 
inson and Logan say, must be recognized 
from the description as Britain This has 

whose origiiuil works are lost, ;ind we have onlj' 
fragments quoted by others. The latter Hec:ita;us 
was a coteinporary of Ale.xander tlie Great, and 
therefore about i.tjo years after the time of the other 
Hecataiiis. The first was a cotemporary of Abaris, 
and perhaps only wrote of him. But the latter may 
have written of the island as lars^-e as Sicily over 
against Gaul, when Bnti^in and its inhabitants and 
their circular temple, «&c., were better known to the 
Greeks, than in llie time of Abaris and the first Hec- 
atxus and Herodotu'.. Anthon's Clas. Diet., title 
Abaris; Ilerodoius, B. iv,36; 3 Rawl. Herod. 25, n. 5; 
I Pict. ilistory of England, p. 13, 65; Logan's Antiq. 
156; Anthon's CI. Diet, title Hyperborei : 3 I'awl. 
Herod., p. 9, 23; Logan's Antiq. 23, 41. 

26 B. iv, 33-36, and n. S and 9, by Rawlinson. 

27 Herod., 1$. iii, 115; and ilawlinson. n. rtand /. 
vol. ii, p. 415. 

28 This includes a period from about 500 B. C to 
310 A. D. See Anthon's Clas. Diet.; also 3 Rawl. 
llerod., p. 25;. n. =;; I,o<rin's .•\ntiq. 23, 156. 



THE BRITISH PERIOD. [Book i. 

been received as a solution of the myth 
and fable on the subject.^^ 

The Greek writers have many allusions 
to the Hyperboreans which can only be re- 
ferable to the Celts and Britons. Thus 
they represented Abaris as a high priest of 
thai people; and that he passed around the 
world, aided by a magic arrow he had re- 
ceived from Apollo. He is represented as 
clad in Celtic costume, — with pantaloons 
and plaid mantle. His people lived on a 
large island; used their own proper lan- 
guage ; woi shipped in groves and a circular 
temple erected to the service of Apollo; 
and played on the harp. They were kind 
and hospitable, and had great esteem for 
the Greeks, between whom from ancient 
times there existed an intercourse in rela- 
tion to matters of religion and philosophy, 
of which that of Abaris is the most noted. 

The fir.st of these Grecian writers was 
Hecata;us, a native of Miletus, who was 
followed more fully, about a century and a 
half subsequent by Hecataius of Abdera in 
the time of Alexander the Great, when 
more was known of Britain and its people. 
From these sources Diodorus, Strabo, and 
'Pliny drew much of their information con- 
cerning Britain and its inhabitants, and the 
land of tin. All represent that Abaris and 
Pythagoras met, and interchanged with 
each other their several information as ta 
the atfiiirs of the world, religion and mor- 
ality, upon which was built their notions 
of theology and philosophy. No two men 
were better qualified to meet. They were 
both men of extraordinary genius, great 
travelers in their respective parts of the 
world, everywhere received with great con- 
sideration and kindness; and as extraordi- 
nary magiciatis and physicians, who effected 
Avonderfvil acts and cures. After Abaris 
had received the instructions of Pythagoras, 
and added them to his own, he returned to 
his own country, bearing the gifts of Greece 
to be consecrated in the temple of his peo- 
ple. From the.se historical legends, it has 
been claimed with great force that Abaris 
was a British druid. He was an Hyper- 



29 Logan's Anlicj. of Scotl.and 23, 41, 156; Antlion's 
Clas. Diet., title Hyperborei; 3 Rawlinson's Herod. 9, 
23, n. S, 25; Pliny Nat. History iv., 12; Mela i, i; 
Str-.ibo I. )). 60; Diodorus Siculus ii. 3. 



Chap ii.J tup: 

borcan of the island ; his attiro ' was a 
Celtic dress ; and tht- arrow wil h which 
the Grecian writers relate he traveled, 
and was the gift of Apollo, was in 
reality the usual long stafT of the Druids. 
This too will account for so many things 
heing found in the religion and philosophy 
of the Druids in common with the disci- 
ples of Pythagoras. These were added to 
those that the Cymry had previously ac- 
quired during their residence in Asia 
Minor.-"'"' 

From Strabo^'i we learn Ihul the Romans 
early became acquainted with the tin trade 
and Britain, by following the route pursued 
by the Carthaginians. He says that Pub- 
lius Crassus found his way thilher; and 
discovered that the metals were easily ob- 
tained, that the people were undisturbed by 
war, and fond of maritime affairs 32 He 
pointed out to them the advantage of the 
passage on which he came, though it was 
a longer passage to Britain, than the direct 
one through Gaul. This quotation I'rom 
Strabo, and that from Ciesar's Comnienta- 
ries, in which he alleges against the Britons 
that they had aided the Venetians in fitting 
up their great naval armament against the 
Romans. These passages contradict the 
unfriendly assertion sometimes made, that 
the Ancient Britons were imacquainted 
with maritime affairs: and had no aptitude 
for sea-faring life, and were acquainted on- 
ly with their coracle and boats covered 
with Jiides. This proves, also, that the Ro- 



30 It is well to observe the dates of tliese evtnts .ind 
.see how they harmonize with the facts claimed. We 
have stilted that the most probable dale of the exodus 
of the ancestors of the Cymry from Asia Minor to be 
at least as early as 1175 B. C. Pyth.i^^oras, it is said, 
died in 496 B. C. at the age of 75 or So, and w.as of the 
ajje of alHiiit ('o when he returned from his eastern 
travels. So that the meetincj of Pythasroras and 
Abaris must have been about 500 B. C and so<^n after 
the rciirn of Crcesus which terminated about 54S B. C. 
'ITierefort! Pytliasjoras, Abaris and Croesus of Lydia 
must have been cotcmpOraries. Hecatxus of Miletus 
lived and wrote soon afterwards, but some time before 
Herodotus, who flourished about 450. He(ata;usof 
Abdera, who wrote of the Hyperboreans and Abderis, 
flourished about 335, and was cotemporary of Aristo- 
tle and Alexander the Great. S<;e the previous notes 
in this chapter. 

31 B. iii. See, also, Giles' Anc. Brit., vol. i, p. 11: 
vol. ii, 32 ; I Pict. Hist Eng-., p. 88. 

32 "This passage," says the Pictorial History, "has 
attracted less attention than it would stem to deserve," 
both as to the carl)' intercourse with tb.e Romans, and 
the attention of the Britons to maritime aflairs and 
traffic. • 



BRITONS IN ANCIENT HISTORY. 59 

mans had mercantile transaction with 
Britain before Ca'sar's time.^ 

We have no definite account of the 
Britons as they appeared in the interior 
and far north until Ctesar came. All before 
that were casual and fragmentary accounts 
of what was seen at the sea-shore. But in 
Caesar's Commentaries and in Tacitus' 
Life of Agricola, we have a fuller account 
of the Britons over the whole Island, a.5 
they appeared as Ancient Britons previous 
to the Roman conquest. Even the ac- 
counts given by these very competent men, 
though very able as tar as they go, are 
still tlie accounts of the country and peo- 
ple as given of them in a soldier's point of 
view, in time of conquest. Cicsar's Com- 
mentaries are iinequaled in point of com- 
position, and as to military operation en- 
tirely reliable ; but as to other matters are 
often hasty and of doubtful accuracy. They 
were written ibr the purpose of creating a 
favorable impression of his operatioVis, and 
create a sensation at home ; and they were 
undoubtedly extensively copied and read 
at Rome. What w^e are able to gather 
from Tacitus is more satistactory. But 
they entirely ignore many things that an 
ethnologist and traveler of the present day 
would give us. They tell us that the peo- 
ple of the coiuitry are liivided up into 
niuncrous tribes or nations, constituting 
various states, and give us their locations ; 
but they do not tell us how those people 
differed from each other in language or 
speech. Thev give us none of their words 
except names, which they always Latin- 
ized ; and this is to be regretted, as by such 
information we could judge whether their 
language was radically different or merely 
a different dialect of the same language. 
The great works of the nation are super- 
ficially overlooked, such as their mounds 
and barrows, their roads and highways, 
their towns and villages, those great works 
at Stonehenge and Avebury ; as well as the 
shops and manner in which were construct- 
ed and manufactured the many thousands 
of chariots, which these historians say were 
brought into the field against the Romans. 
Nor do they inform us as to the manner 
they procured and wrought the iron and 



6o 



THE BRITISH PERIOD. 



[Book I 



other metals necessary for the construction 
of those chariots; or the harness necessary 
to gear their horses to them. As to most 
of these matters, so very important to the 
development of these questions, the evi- 
dence they would afford is left principally 
in the dark; and only partially relieved by 
subsequent historians, but mostly by exam- 
ination of the antiquities of the country. 
It is from these latter sources of informa- 
tion that we derive the most satisfactory 
and desired information upon these inter- 
esting questions, of which we will treat in 
a subsequent chapter. 

But as already said, all we can gather 
from Czesar and Tacitus satisty us that at 
their time, with all the diversity of tribes, 
and states, there was but one ethnic race ; — 
the Celtic, and this was represented by two 
branches, or families or dialect, — the old 
Gaulic or (iaelic and the later Cymric fam- 
ilies, ()f the one original race, language and 
people. The first occupied at that time 
the north part of the Island and were known 
by the name of the Caledonians, — the lat- 
ter by the common name of Britons.33 This 
is confirmed by both historical researches 
and investigation into the antiquities of the 
country. And in advance of the fuller de- 
scription of the antiquities of the country, 
it may be said that the most satisfactory 
evidence is produced of progress in the arts 
and civilization by the investigation of the 
ancient mounds, barrows and burial places; 
and which also most satisfactorily disclose 
three distinct periods in their construction. 
The first and oldest bear the evidence of a 
very rude and uncultivated people, if not 
the most immitigateJ savages. Their 
mounds are generally of a different form, 
and when opened, disclose that the people 
were in the stone age; all the implements 
found were of stone or bone, with no evi- 
dence ol any metals; and the skulls of the 
person.s buried, were round compared with 
those of the Celtic race. This proves con- 
clusively that these people were of the el- 
der population of Western Europe, — the 
Turanian race. 

The other mounds and artilicial monu- 
.{.; Ut su])ra., ch. i. g.^, p. ,\i). 



ments when examined give clear indication 
of being the work of a difterent race, but 
of one people divided into two branches, 
the elder and the more recent branches. 
The elder of these Celtic monuinents con- 
tain evidence, upon examination, that the 
people still lingered somewhat in the stone 
age, but with them are found bronze and 
iron implements, — sure indication that the 
people were connected, at least distantly, 
with civilization. The second class of these 
Celtic monuments disclose clear evidence 
of a more advanced period in their history. 
In them are found metals of various kind; 
as tin, bronze, iron, in various forms, as the 
warriors' arins, the domestic utensils, orna- 
ments of skilled and refined workmanship; 
— warriors buried in their glory with their 
arms around them, and in some instances 
their horse and chariot, giving full evidence 
how the chariot was constructed, wood 
and iron, how the horse was geared to it, 
showing the harnes.s, with its buckles and 
fastenings, bringing into history of the 
times the undoubted evidence of the ad- 
vancement that the people had made in the 
progress of civilization, which the written 
histories of those times almost entirely ig- 
nore. ~ 

We now bring on to the stand a most 
unwilling witness, but o"iie well informed 
upon the subject; who testifies thus:-''* — 
"The sepulchral mounds or tmnuli the 
cromlechs, and the language of Wales, 
furnish the grounds on which we can de- 
termine the origin of the Welsh nation. 
We shall notice each in turn ; and it will 
be seen that the fullest testimony is given 
in this case by the language; and that 
though similarity in this respect is regard- 
ed by ethnologists as establishing only a 
supposition in favor of relationship between 
nations, the result obtained in this manner 
is so supported by the evidence derived 
from other sources, that no doubt can re- 
main that the Kvmry are one of the most 



.^4 15. B. Woodward, — History of Wale.s, B. i, ch. 
2, pp. 21, 36, 31. Tills witness is introduced, though 
an unwillinu; one, for we wi.sh to draw our evidence 
from sources tliat cannot 1)0 called too partial to us. 
Yet we must here say that Mr. Woodward has in his 
history manifested a hitter enmit^' and hatred of the 
Cymry; — that lie has been the detractor and calumni- 
ator of iiis subject; more so than any per.son who has 
been the historian of a people. 



mi-: HRiroNS in ancient ihstorv 



Chap. U.J 

ancient people of Europe, and that they 
are no unworthy branch of the great and 
widely spread family which has been de- 
nominated, from its geographical range, 
Indo-European." 

"We begin with the sepulchral mounds. 
. . . . Dr. Pricliard states that the 
form of the skulls discovered in these rude 
tombs, [first chiss or Turanian], which 
have been examined, is rounder than that 
of the true Caucasian variety, and ap- 
proaches the Mongolian type 

Mingled with these mounds, and inidis- 
tinguished from ihem in outward ajipear- 
ance, are others which show a v<.t\ con- 
siderable progres.^^ in ci\ iliz.ition. In some 
of these ai'e found ornaments, implements, 
and weapons, of bronze, silver, and gold, 
as well as of bone and flint; while in oth- 
ers, besides articles made of those metals, 
are implements and weapons of iron. 
There seems thus to be two distinct ad- 
vances clearly jnarked during the time that 
this mode of burial was practiced by this 
people; — that indicated by the use of 
metals, and the farther one of which the 
use of iron is the sign." 

"Yet even in language," continues this 
witness, "there is a diversity sufficient 
to establish a subdivision ; the language 
spoken by the ancient Erse or Irish, the 
Gaelic ot the Highlands of Scotland, and 
that by the natives of the Isle of Man, 
called the Manx, form the first division ; 
and that by the \\'clsh, the provincial dia- 
lect of Cornwall, and that of Bretagne in 
F'rance, the second division, has proved 
the close connection of the different people 
using them ; and the languages and people 
are generally denon\inated Celtic ; the three 
first named being classed together as the 
Gaelic; and the three last named as the 
Cymric, dialect." 

Atler making a thorough re\ iew of the 
mounds and the languages, he concludes: 
— "From this examination we derive these 
results: — that the inhabitants of Wales 
migrated thither directly from the great 
fountain-head of the nations, the land of 
the Euphrates and the Tigris; — that they 
went in successive bands, each in a more 
advanced stage of civilization thati its pi-e- 



6i 



decessor; — t!:at they carried with them a 
peculiar language, and peculiar arts and 
superstitions, by which it appears that their 
settlement in this island was both begun 
and completed at a very early period ; and 
tliat they are immediately related to those 
races which have played the most distin- 
guished part in the history of human pro- 
gress and civilization ; but became a distinct 
people before the difVercnce between that 
family and others of less eminence had be- 
come so strongly pronounced as now we 
find them." 

In addition to this testimony, and the 
concurrent course of history, we have the 
equally strong testimony of Michelet in 
his history of France, of the whole West- 
ern Europe, France and the British Islands 
being peopled by one race, the Celtic, but 
being divided, as stated, into two branches, 
the Gaulic, and the Cymric race; and 
states about the time of their coming the 
Cvmry, as a newer branch of the elder Cel- 
tic, and settling amongst them as brethren 
of the same family .35 

In this connection we are not to over- 
look tiie ancient historical accounts given 
by the Cymry themselves. They consist 
of traditions the most ancient, but we 
know not how early committed to writing, 
but were undoubtedly the work of the an- 
cient Druids. These were, in their com- 
position, embodied in their Triads,3fl which 
liave come to us in manuscripts of a more 
recent period, like all other books of an- 
cient times. But they have been woven 
and copied into history, — recited in poetry 
and song as undoubted and reliable as the 
traditional history of any people. They 
confirm the theory that they came»" from 
Asia, from the Land of Summer near Con- 
stantinople, and were led hence by Hugh 
the Great, to Britiiin and Armorica; and 
through the Hazy Ocean to this Island. 
They represent that they came and settled 
in Britain in peace; no one opposing them. 



3S C^- '' §3> P- 4^- 

36 For an account of the Triads, see the last chap- 
ter of this book. 

37 Woodward's HUtory of Wales, B. i, ch. 3, p. 
34; Historical Triads, 5; Turner's Ang-lo Saxons, B. 
i, ch. 2; Palgrave's Anirlo-Sa.xons, 3; Davies' Celtic 
Re.searches, 153; Thierry's Norman Conquest, p. 2. 



62 



THE BRITISH PERIOD. 



[Book I. 



Among the followers of Hugh was Aedd 
Mawr (the Great) and his son, Prydain; 
who first established government and set 
up royalty in the Isle of Britain. For be- 
fore his time there was no justice, but 
everything was done through favor; and 
there was no law, but that of the strongest. 
Prydain, benificent sovereign, joined all 
the tribes of Britain in a system of federal- 
ism, and regulated the affairs of each tribe 
both within itself and with its neighbors; 
therefore was he made monarch within the 
whole limits of the Cymry, by the conven- 
tion of the country and border country ; 
and the Island was called after him, Ynys 
Prydain. Thus this land was governed 
under a monarchy and the voice of the 
country ; and to this !\ation belongs the 
establishing of the n'.onarchy by the voice 
of country and people, according to priv- 
ilege and original right And every royalty 
ought to be under the protection of the 
voice of the country ; for it is said as a prov- 
erb, "a country is mightier than a prince." 

"And Dyfnwal Moelmud, his son (Ail 
Prydain), destroyed the oppression wliich 
sprang from the frenzy of the country un- 
der the pressure of the violence and law- 
lessness of princes, by framing an equita- 
ble system of mutual obligation, between 
societies, and princes, and countries; so 
that right and justice might be obtained by 
every one in the land, small as well as 
great, under the protection of God and his 
peace; and the benificent sovereign, Dyin- 
wal Moelmud, was reckoned the 'tliird 
pillar' of the nation ot the Cymry. 

"The three Social tribes of the isle of 
Britain. The first was the nation of the 
Cymry. that came with Hugh the Mighty 
into the isle of Britain, who would not 
possess the land by fighting and oppres- 
sion, but through justice and in peace. 
The second was the tribe of the Lloegrwys, 
(Loegrians) who came from the land of 
Gwasgwyn, (Gascony), being descendants 
from the primitive nation of the Cymry. 
The third were the Brython, who came 
from the land of Armoi ica, and had their 
descent from the same stock. These were 
called the three tribes of peace, because 
they came by mutual consent, in peace and 



tranquility ; and these three tribes were 
sprung from the same origin, and were of 
the same language and speech." 

Such is an abstract ot the most ancient 
historical account given by the Cymry of 
themselves, as taken from their Triads, 
which was undoubtedly composed by the 
ancient Druids. It is so much in harmony 
with all the accounts we have from all 
other historical sources, that little or no 
doubt can be thrown over it. As such 
Turner in his History of the Anglo-Saxons 
refers to it with approbation, and recites 
manv historical facts in support of the his- 
tory thus deduced from the Triads ; and 
says they may be read without incredulity 
as to this claim of the Cymry; — "their 
Druids are certainly evidence that a part 
of the population had made some intellec- 
tual progress. The facts connected with 
the analogy of the language satistacloriiy 
prove that our earliest population came 
from Kimmerian and Ke'.tic stock." 

The Cymric historical works in reference 
to the time of Ca2sar, divide Britain into 
three parts. They then confined the name 
of Alban to what is now Scotland; they 
calledthe south and east Lloegyr (Loegria), 
where the late immigrants frotn Armorica 
and Gascony were permitted to settle, and 
the west of the Severn and the southern 
Avon and the central ridge of Britain, was 
denominated Cymru, more decidedly the 
country of the Cymry. But they were all, 
at least the two southern portions, essen- 
tially one people, amalgamated as one, in 
language, in their institution of the Druids, 
in their mode and manner of warfare, and 
their federal organization. They were all 
Cymry — from the same original stock, and 
received as brethren; and their only dis- 
tinction between them was founded upon 
that of tribe and locality. The elder branch 
of the Cymry first settled the south, made 
improvements, and probably built Avebury 
and Stonehenge; and in a later generation, 
by consent, agreement of sale and purchase, 
disposed of their possessions to a new 
comer, and moved to the west or north, un- 
til the population connected by the nearest 
affinity were changed in their locality with- 
out actual change in their nationality. In 



tup: r.RiTONS in anctkm- history. 



Chap. II. 1 

the United States and in all new countries, 
^^uch changes arc frequently witnessed. A- 
town in Pennsylvania, perhaps, known as 
of" a people of one denomination, will dis- 
{io.se of their possession pcrhajis to a New 
England immigration, and in the course of 
a generation or two the denomination of 
the population has changed without any 
change of their nationality. In this man- 
ner a town of European emigrants has been 
known to change, in a generation, to that 
of a New England population. All the in- 
dications an- that the immigrants who came 
from Armorica and Gascony were an im- 
migration of a very recent date compared 
with that of the original Cymry, — a second 
immigration of the same people. 

The history given by the Ancient Britons 
of themselves, as staled in the Triads, be- 
ing only sententious statements or facts, is 
more satisfactory and reliable than the same 
history as narrated by subsequent chroni- 
clers, bards and historians. The Druids in 
their Triads arc more satisfactory than the 
subsequent writer.-^ of the nation. The 
latter are more legendary and fabulous, 
with more of that whici\ is sensational and 
jioetical worked into the original matter. 
All agree that the ancestors of the race 
came from Western Asia. One statement 
is, that they came fi-om the land of Sum- 
mer, near Constantinople, and were led 
tVom thence bv Hugh, the Might\, by the 



63 



Britons, mixed up with interesting legends 
and inylhs about Troy. yEneas, and the 
posterity of Helenus, son of Priam the 
king of Troy, and the like fables in poetic 
fancy; very different in style trom those 
contained in Triads of the ancient Druids. 
.\nd tins would give an idea that these 
sto^ie^^ had been somewhat tinged with 
Latin literature. But Nennius, an old 
Cambrian writer, who wrote his History of 
the Britons^w about A. D. 860, after giving 
this Trojan and Brutus account of the ori- 
gin of the Ancient Britons, says: — "I have 
learned another account of this Brutus trom 
the ancient books of our ancestors;" and 
gives the whole of Europe to the descend- 
ants of Japheth, and deduces the descent 
of Brutus, by a genealogical table, iVom 
Japheth. "We have obtained this informa- 
tion," he continues, "respecting the original 
inhabitants of Britain from ancient tradi- 
tion. The Britons were thus cgilled froin 
Brutus. . . . But Japheth had seven 
.sons; from ihc first, named Gomer, de- 
scended the Galli;from the second, Magog, 
the Scythi and Gothi ; from the third, 
Madai, the Medi ; from the fourth, Javan, 
the Greeks; from the fit'th, Tubal, arose the 
Hebrei, Hispani, and Itali; from the sixth, 
Meshech, sprung the Cappadoces; and from 
the seventh, named Tiras, descended the 
Thraces."*" 

These trailitionarv histories of the An- 



way of the haz^- ocean to Britain. The i cient Britons, previous to the Roman 



other is, that it was Brutus, a descendant 
of the refugees from Troy, who lead a colo- 
ny of his peojile froin Italy and Greece, 
first to Gaul, w here ihe\- built Ihe citv ot" 
Tours, which was so named trom Turunus, 
one of their leaders, who had fallen in a 
battle and was buried there. Alter that 
Brutus, with the descendants of the Tro- 
jan.s, came to "this island, named from him 
Britannia," and biiilt a city, which '-he called 
New Troy, but afterwards designated 
Trinovantum : aiul wlseii King Ludd had 
surrounded it with statelv walls, it was after 
him called Caer Ludd.'-^or London." Such 
is the story iVequentU' foun;i incoi'porated 
into the Cynnnc history t)i the Ancient 

,^'> i;i)hii's Six Old Chronicles; (IcoftVcy of Mon- 
inrjllth. p. loS. 



period, though much involved in legends, 
mvths and fable, must still contain in them 
a nucleus of truth upon which they rest. 



J9 Histoiiii ISiitonuin. Sue Boiin's Six Old En- 

i>lisli Chroiiiclo.--. 

^o V\. siipni .Six Old Clii-oii. iii tiiiil collection wc 
found four Britisli lu.storics which arc well worthy the 
iiltciitioii of the hisloriun and aiilic(iiarii:n, i. e, Giidas, 
who wrote ahoiil .\. D. 546; Xennius, between 796 
and 'y.-o: GeoilVev of Monmouth who iiounshcd about 
115J, and Richard of Circnc<.ster from 1,5^7 to 1599. 
All these are interestin-j- books by these authors.^ 
CJildas is the least deserving- the ulace. Instead of 
ariving- us the facts of history, hU history is distorted 
hv a tirade lif .Monkish abuse of his people in the 
stvle of the ancient prophet denouncins,'- his people 
whenevtr the times turnfjd atfainst them. These au- 
thors and histories are strictly Cymric, and the best 
informed ot' the hi.story of llieir peofile in the dav in 
wliich thev lived. (Jcoftrey's liook thousjh, as a com- 
position, is the most interesting- and well written 
book of Euro]ie of that day, is loo letfendarv and 
fabulous for historical truths. .As a book it must be 
noticed, in a s_ubse()uent chapter, when speakin^■ of its 
literary merits. 



64 



THH BRITISH PERIOD 



It is but seldom a tnidition exists, though 
much covered up by legendary and fabu- 
lous myths, but that which is founded upon 
some truth and real fact. In ascertaining 
the truth the story must be analyzed, and 
we should ascertain what is consistent, aad 
and corroborated by other known and es- 
tablished facts and circinnstanccs; or w here 
two or more independent stories and facts 
unite in sustaining the same hypothesis. 



[Book 1. 

origin, as e\idence corroborative of the 
same matter. But this is objected to, be- 
cause the matter is shrouded and disguised 
by traditional legends, fables and myths 
which render it so doubtful if not incredi- 
bie. This objection to such tradition when 
used l)y itself is legitinuite, but not so when 
used merely to corroborate authentic facts 
and circimistances. 

But wlien this Iratiitional history is ex- 



Where such corroboration exist or union mnincd. we tiud in it a nucleus, which agrees 

of independent facts tending to prove and 

sustain the same thing, it is to be received 

as evidence and as morally sustaining the 

proposition, unless refuted by other facts 

and circumstances equally strong. 

Now the proposition assumed is this, 
that the Ancient Britains are the descend- 
ants of a people once settled on the north 
side of the Euxine claimed to be the de- 
scendants of Gomer, and known to the 
ancient Greeks as the Cimmerii; that these 
people in various bodies, and at various 
times emigrated west, and settled in Gaul 
and Britain, and at an early day became 
known to the Greeks and Romans as the 
Celts. At a subsequent day the last of the 
Cimmerii were driven by the Scythians 
around the east end of the Euxine into 
Asia Minor, where they remained fifty or 
eighty years as conquerors of the country 
for the time, and had taken Sardis the cap- 
ital of Lydia. These • afterwards, about 
6t;o B. C. left Asia Minor and went west 
and north until on their way they became 
settled in the Cimbric Chersonesus, and 
subsequently known to the Romans as the 
Cimbri. They moved on, leaving colonies 
as thev progressed, near the mouth of the 
Elbe and the Baltic; also in Belgium, in 
Armorica in Gaul, to Britain : calling them- 
selves the Cymrj'; but other historians fay- 
ing thev were the descendants of the an- 
cient Cimbri. We have endeavored to 
prove this by references to ancientauthors, 
and the opinion of modern historian.s; and 
this is corroborated by the express declara- | 
tion of the Triads of the ancient Druids as 
stated by themselves. We liave quoted 
the declarations of ancient British authors, 



with, and is a part of, our proposition. The 
story of Brutus and his descent from 
^neas, and his people being descendants 
of the ancient Trojans is by itself a myth, 
entirely incredible. But this story was al- 
ways accompanied by the uniform declara- 
tion of the Cymry, that they were the 
descendants of Gomer, and that they came 
from Asia, — near to Constantinople, and 
that they came by the way of the hazy- 
ocean. Now when the story of Brutus 
and the Trojans came to be mixed up with 
tiie true story, by poets and bards, who 
cared more to be sensational and poetic 
than truthful, we know not, but the story _ 
of Troy might have been learned while 
they Avere in Lydia. When the ancestors 
of the Cymry were in Asia Minor they 
were in the immediate vicinity of the ruins 
of Troy, which liad been destroyed about 
four or five hundred 3'ears previous, and its 
destruction was the great event of the 
world; and was constantly referred to in 
all their subsequent narratives and poetry. 
It was carried with them as the most nota- 
ble event in history. Nothing was more 
natural than to connect their own historv 
with it; and when they became acquainted 
with the Roinan classics it was quite as 
natural to tinge their story with the Latin 
dress. But when stripped of such foreign 
garb, the truth — nucleus of their historv — 
still remains; and Gomer, Asia Minor, near 
Constantinople, the Hazy Ocean, and Ar- 
morica still remain; and come up as im- 
ciuestionable e\idencc in support of that 
which has preceded it. And we find notli- 
ing in history that militates against it: 
but all bringing up the foot-marks in tlie 



as to tlie traditions received from their an- patn of history, which leaves little or no 
cestors and ancient authors, as to their \ room to tioubt the conclusion to which it 



rilE BRITONS IN ANCIENT HISTORY. 



Chap. II.] 

carries us, and t(j which wc ai rive. Then 
when we connect all this with othei" facts 
which admit of no other hypothesis, as tiie 
Drniiis and tlieir learninj^, tiieir chariots; 
all of which directly connects them with 
Asia Minor, without any otlier manner of 
rationally accoimtinj^ for them ; we may 
claim our proposition is proved. 

Between 390 B. C. and Ciusar's time, the 
the history of Europe is filled with the ac- 
count of various movements and expedi- 
tions of the Gauls and Cimbri, from West- 
ern Europe to the south and cast, — into 
Italy, Greece, Thrace and Asia Minor. 
This historv uniformly shows that these 
people were one and the same race. Ac- 
cording to Roman history, though often 
called Gauls, especially in the earliest part 
of it, yet we see that they were all brethren 
of the same race with the Cimbri. None 
of these movements and expeditions com- 
menced in or proceeded from Britain; yet 
tradition, the Triads and history connect 
the Cymry of Britain with them. It is, 
therefore, proper that we should notice 
these, in connection with the historj' of the 
Ancient Britons. 

The history and character of the Cimbri 
is more at large spoken of by Tacitus, than 
by any of the ancient historians. He speaks 
of them as having been settled in the Cim- 
bric Chersonesus and conferred upon it its 
name. In the immediate vicinity of these 
he places the ^styans, and says they were 
a people, who in dress and inanners re- 
sembled the Suevians, but in language they 
had more affinity to the dialect of Britain.'*! 
It is probable that these were a part of tiie 
Cymry, left there by the parent stock, in 
their migration to Britain. <'^ Posidonius 
thought the Cimbri were the original peo- 
ple of the Cimmeri extending their arms 
eastward, giving their name to the Bosphor- 
us;<3 an opinion in which Strabo seeins to 
concur.'" Although the history of most 
of these expeditions come to us under the 



f^^ 



41 Tiic. Germ., XLV. 

42 Ut supra, ch. i. 

43 This is frequently the case with ancient historians, 
in consequence of Iheir not understandinaf that all the 
ifreat miiirations were to the west, those to tlie cast 
were only secondary. 

44 Lib. vii, p. 293; Logan's Celt. M., p. 24. 



name of Gauls, yet we find abimdance of 
traces in history that they were Cimbri; 
and that Cymric Celts took a leading part 
in them. Under the name of Cimbri, 
Tacitus passes upon them a higli eulogy, 
and represents them as ''a people then of 
small consequence, though their glory can 
never die. Monuments of their former 
strength and importance are still to be seen 
on either shore*" Their camps and lines of 
circumvallations are not yet erased. From 
the extent of ground which they occupied, 
you may even now form an estimate of 
the force and resources of the state, and 
the account of their grand army, which 
consisted of such prodigious numbers, 
seems to be verified" .... "and which 
renders their glory and renown ever to be 
remembered. "■*'J 

At some early period, and before the 
Cymry left Asia Minor, the Celts of Gaul 
invaded Spain.47 Spain, it is supposed, was 
first settled by the Iberians, whose origin 
is unknown; but it is thought that they 
were Turanians, and progenitors of the 
modern Basques in the Western Pyrenees, 
and the ancient Iberians in Acquitania, the 
southwest corner of Gaul ; and also of the 
Ligurians in the northwest part of Italy, irf 
the midst of the Mediterranian Alps. This 
movement of the Gauls into Spain, appears 
to have been the first of the Celtic race. It 
appears to have had an important effect 
upon Central Spain, for its inhabitants af- 
ter that were denominated Celtiberi; or 
Celt-Iberians, who were a mixture of the 
two people; and occupied the centre of the 
peninsula. 

At a subsequent, but still an earlv, date, 
the Gauls invaded ltaly,''s and took posses- 
sion of the whole of the valley of the Po, 
and the shores of the Adriatic Sea. The 
coimtry thus taken in Italy was known as 
Ombria (or Umbria) ; and afterwards called 
by the Romans Gallia Cisalpina^ to dis- 

45 /. e. the German ocean and the IJaltic. 

46 Tacitus' Germ., xxxvii. 

47 See Godwin's France, 20; and n. 3, by which it 
will be seen that Michelet and Thierry (Aniad.) put 
this date at about ifoo B. C. But it is uncertain. 

4S See Godwin's France, 20 — 26. Also Anihon's 
Clas. Diet., 53S; Pliny 2, 14; 2 I-ivy (Lib. ix, §36, &c. • 
(Too, Bolui's Ed. 



66 



THE BRITISH PERIOD 



tinguisli it from (uillia Tyansalpina. or 
Gaul over or bevoiui the Alps. But these 
were moveinents ol" the Celts before the 
time of the Cymrj ;. and though there 
were frequent invasions of Italy by the 
Gauls previous to the taking of Rome un- 
der Brennus. there is no circAunsUmce in 
history, that will enable us to suppose the 
Cyinry to be connectetl \\itli them until 
the expedition eonnected with that event; 
which is generally ascribed to 390 B. C 
The arrival of the Cymry in Armorica, 
must have been many years before :^9 and 
though they came peaceably and as breth- 
ren of the ancient Celts in Gaul, yet that 
event would increase the population, so as 
to stimidate the expeditions and migration 
to Italy. 

The Cymry had now been so long settled 
in Gaul and Britain, that between them and 
the original Celts the country had become 
largely filled with people. They had taken 
possession of the centra! portion of Gaul; 
and the country^ on the Loire and between 
it and the Seine, had become Cymric terri- 
tory and divided up into a number of small 
states. Between the time of their advent 
into Gaul,^o and the period now under con- 
sideration, they had become a numerous 
and powerful people, besides those who 
were left on the Baltic and in Belgium, and 
those who had gone to Britain. Gaul had 
already furnished frequent exjieditions ol 
her eider Celts, in quest of new land and 
country to settle on ; and in that they had 
been extremely successful in Northern 
Italy on the Po. ""Lastly," says Micheiet,^' 
"the Cvmrv, becoming jealous ol" the con- 
quests of the Gauls, passed the Alps in 
their turn; but finding the \al!e_\ of the Po 
already occupied, they are forced lo jiro- 
ceed as far as the Adriatic, and found Bo- 
logna and Sinigaglia." Livy enumerates 
the states in Ciaul, wliose people had fur- 
nished recruits to these expeditions ;^2 and 



ap .S'jf Godwin's Fraiux- 27, \v1k> thcic cili,s 
Thierry Hist, dc.^ Gaul, T. i, I., i, ch. i. 

50 Between tSoo and 390 B. C. See \ Michclefs 
Hist. France, ji. 35, B. 1, c. 1. Also CJodwin's Hist, 
(""laiice 27, n. 3, where Tliicrry is referred to in rela- 
tion to the Cymric invasion of Gaul. 

51 T_'t su])ra, p. 36. 

5_> B. V, e. 31. Ul supra, ]i. 3'^'5. 



[Book I. 

the most of them, if not all, are known to 
be Cymric states. He says, that Ambiga- 
tus, who held the supreme go\ernment of 
the Celts, was very much distinguished by 
his merit, both as to his great pro.sperity in 
his own affair.s, and in those of the public. 
Under his administration Gaul was so 
fruitful and so well peopled, that it became 
very difficiilt to restrain and govern so 
great a population. He. was now advanced 
in years, and anxious to relieve his country 
of so oppressive a crowd; declared his in- 
tention to send his sister's sons, Bellovesus 
and Sigovesus, two enterprising youtlts, in- 
to whatever settlements the gods, by 
augury, should send them. They were 
permitted to take with them as many men 
as they pleased; so that no nation would be 
able to obstruct them in their prog. ess. 
By the oracle, to the latter of these young 
men, was assigned the Hercynian forest; 
but to the former was .assigned the much 
cheering route into Italy. With Bellovesus 
there went out w hatever superfluous popu- 
lation they had, from the Biturigians, the 
Arvernians, the .Senonians, the yEduans, 
the Ambarrians, the Carnutians, and the 
Aulercians. These were all, or nearly all 
Cymric Celts. They passed over the Alps 
through unknown and difficult passes, and 
met on the head waters of the Po, where 
now stands a tower, knoAvn as Milan the 
beautiful. Others came alter them until 
the valley of the Po was filled with inhabi- 
tants, and then, as abo^■e stated, passed on 
tow'ards .Southern Italy along the western 
shores of the Adriatic. 

Atler these came the Senonians, the last 
of the^e emigrant's, who are undoubtedly 
Cymry, and are the Gaul> noticed in Ro- 
man history, as those who attacked Clusi- 
um, and sacked Rome under Brennus. 
Whether in this they were alone, or aided 
by others of the Cisalpine Gaul, says Livy, 
is not duly ascertained. ^^5 This is a most 
interesting story, and the most terrible to 
Rome, ofanvin here\entl\d histor\-. The 
Senonians attacked CUisiuni, and demand- 
ed of them land upon which to settle. This 
was refused, and the Clusians sent to Rome 

53 Livy B. V, ch. 35. <;od\vin's Hist. France, 2S. 



rilK IJRri'ONS IN ANCIEN'l" HISTORY 



Cliap. 11. 1 

tor aid in Ihcii- dL-tcnc-c. Tlu' Romans 
cautioush sont no arniv, Init in its stead, 
^onl lln-oc cn\o\-> to mediate and settle the 
matter it" possible. 

Tiie en\o\> to Clusium taileil in their 
object, aiui a battle ensued between the 
contending jiarties ; in w hicli the en\oys, 
contrarv to theii" dn!v :iiui international 
law, incautioush took a part and with great 
spirit fougiit willi tiie C'lusian>, who were 
tieteated, ant! one of theen\<)\s was taken 
prisoner in liie battle. This rash conduct ot" 
the en\o\s gi-eath offended the Celts, who 
demanileil satisl'action ol" their principal. 
This not being conceded, they immediately 
marched upon Rome itself". The Romans 
met them on the banks of a small stream 
about twelve miles from the cit\, called the 
Allia: \\here thev were defeated with great 
■-laughter: and the Gauls pushed on to the 
capital. The multitude lied the cit\ in 
terror and tlisma\". The gates ol" the cit\- 
e>en were not closed, and the enem\' 
marched in ^\ithout opposition. Some of 
the more courageous and spirited \oung 
men, ho\\e\ er, took jiossession of the cita- 
del wi^h a resolution to defend it. The 
hostile army on entering the city with so 
little opposition were themselves amazed, 
l"or the t"eai' of" some strategem, so strange 
and luiusual were all appearances. The 
senators finding themselxes helpless, de- 
termined to abide the result, anti sacrifice 
themsehes if necessary, took their positions 
in the torum sitting in theii" i\'ory chairs, 
witii the usual dignit\ of the .Senate, de- 
termined with honor and devotion to abide 
the e\ent of" their counlr\. Tlie Ciauls 
\\ bile atlmiring them as statues, w ere struck 
by one ot" the Roman officials, in the ex- 
citement of' receixing an insult: then the 
(iauls in resentment comnient-ed the 
slaughter of" those w ho remained, anil the 
conrtagration of the ci( w In their attemjits 
to ca]>turi- the citailel they t"aileti, bLil e\'er\ - 
where else the\- triumphanth plundered 
and destroyed wbate\ei- thev would. Af"- 
ter some time f)l" horror, sufi"ei-ing and 
want, those- in the citadel, rather than an\ 
longer endure their suft'ei-ing and death, 
insisted that there should be a surrender or 
Hie enemy bought off on anv terms possi- 



67 



ble Tlie (jauls were indisposed to relin- 
ciiush their position upon easy terms, but 
at length the Romans were able to arrange 
with Bremuis, the Celtic chief their ran- 
som in gold. When the money was being 
weighed the audacious Hi-ennus cast his 
sword into the scales, claiming it should be 
weighed dow n with gold, and exclaiming 
without remorse, his tamous exclamation, 
Tte Z'irf /'.<'.' {wo to the \anciuished), which 
the Romans in at"ter years returned with 
terrible retribution, whicii so ot"ten iiappens 
in the wa\s c)f P)-o\ idence. 

Othei- bands of C\ niric Ci:uds, which 
tradition connects with those of" Sigovesus, 
were, in the meantime, piu'suing in the 
east the same success \vith their brethren. 
From the Hercynian forest, they pursued 
a triumphal course down the Danube and 
into Thrace, threatening Greece and Asia 
Minor, as though determined to return to 
tiie land where theii ancestors once 
tiMumphed. After some years, about 335 
V>. C, thex' xvere met by that renowned 
hero, Alexander of Macedonia, x\ hose sxni- 
pathx' for theii- fearless adventure and en- 
terprise induced him to receive them with 
kindness ; and asked them, what they most 
feared, simply replied, nothing but the fall- 
ing of the skies. Pleased with their swag- 
gering answer, he took some of them into 
his pav: who piobably afterwards assisted 
him in his subseciueiit conquest of the 
world. 

These adventurers remained quiet during 
Alexander's time and toi- some years after- 
wards; jierbaps resti-ained by his character 
and renoxx 11. But thex soon discoxered 
tlie incomi'>etent and inetficient character of 
his successors in Macedonia anil Cireece. 
.Vbout jSi B. C. these xvere re-enforced bv 
nexv bands of" Cvmric Celts tVom Gaul and 
Belgium, under the name of the Trocmi, 
the Tectosages, and the Tolistoboii. Mace- 
donia and (jreece were fe;u-t"ull\ inxaded, 
and raxageil. The Greeks, though dispir- 
ited by their numerous mistortunes and 
rex erses, w ere aroused to a momentarv res- 
olution, bx the recollection of the gloiy of 
their ancestors, and determined in the like 
manner to repeat their defence at Ther- 
mopx he. But the Gauls with skill ex aded 



68 



THE BRITISH PERIOD 



Thermopyhe, and passed over the moun- 
tains, and made their way to the temple of 
the Grecian god at Delphi ; which they in- 
tended to plunder of its vast wealth, dedi- 
cated to 'that oracle. But the legend is that 
the oracle promised to defend itself, and 
when the Gauls attempted to take the sa- 
cred offerings, the thunder of the deity's 
wrath fell irom the skies, the rocks tremb- 
led, and the earth opened. Either this or 
the valor of the Greeks caused the Gauls 
here great reverses. Their Brennus, in ut- 
ter despair and in order to facilitate their 
retreat, advised them to burn their booty, 
:ind cut the throats of their many thousand 
prisoners; which advice, it is said, they fol- 
lowed, except that they kept the baggage, 
and barely escaped with their lives into 
Macedonia; but Brennus, in his despair in 



[Book I. 

nin, which in Cymraeg means a king or 
chief; i. e., when these Romans and Greci- 
ans enquired who he was, were answered 
he was the "Brenhin," — the king or chief. 
St. Jerome also testifies that "the dialect of 
the Tectosages was the same as that of 
Treves," the capital of Belgium.-'i^ 

Another instance of the Gauls in Italy, 
mentioned hy Livy,5.'' should not be over- 
looked in this connection; being connect- 
ed with the name of the Senones, a name 
equally known and celebrated in Britain, 
Gaul and Italy. They were everywhere 
accepted and acknowledged as Cymric 
Celts, and as described by Livy in the mat- 
ter alluded to, must be claimed, from their 
mode of warfare in chariots, as specially 
connected with the Cymry of Britain.-'"' 
Livy says that in the year of Rome 457, 



consequence of these great reverses, killed 1 which would be 296 B. C, the Senonian 



himself 

Another body of these Gauls crossed the 
Bosphorus and threw themselves with 
terrible force upon the people of Asia 
Minor, and with great success took what- 
ever they demanded. They partitioned the 
country among themselves, and for many 
years held it against the feeble successors 
of Alexander. They were gradually com- 
pelled in later times to reduce their terri- 
tory, and with difficulty maintained their 
nationality against the Romans. But 
eventually they were able to establish 
themselves permanently as a people and 
nation; — their country as Galatia (or Gallo- 
Gr?ccia), and themselves asGalatians, with 
a civilization partaking of the three ele- 
ments — the Gallic, tne Grecian and the 
Roman; and acquired an honorable name 
as the Galatians in the New Testament, 
and as such known to the Christian world. 
"There," says Michelet, "we see our Gauls 
restored to the cradle of the Cymry, not fa)- 
from the Cimmerian Bosphorus — here are 
they settled on the ruins of Tro_\ , and in 
the mountains of Asia Minor." That they 
were Cvmry is the general belief from their 
names, language and traditions. The names 
of their tribes are known to be Cymric, and 
the same with those in Armorica. The 
name Brennus, so often repeated in Roman 
and Grecian history, is derived from Bren- 



Gauls came in a vast body to Clusium to 
attack the Roman legion and camp. In a 
battle which ensued between the Ro^nans 
and these Senones and their Italian allies, 
Scipio, the proprietor, was terribly defeated, 
of which Livy gives a distracted and con- 
flicting account. After that the consuls, 
Fabius and Decius crossed over with the 
Roman arm^- to the east side of the Apen- 
nines, and came upon their enemy in the 
territory of Sentinum. Then another bat- 
tle occurred, one of the most desperate and 
famous in the Roman history of that day. 
"The Gauls were posted on the right wing, 
the Samnites (their allies) on the left. 
Against the latter, Fabius drew up, as his 
right wing, the first and third legions; 
against the Gauls, Decius formed the left 
wing of the fifth and sixth." For a minute 
account of this terrible battle we must refer 
the reader to Li\y ; but we particularly 
call attention to what is said of the Gauls 
fighting W'ith their chariots, which e\er\ - 
where in Europe has been confined to the 
Cymric Celts. "Decius, more impetuous, 
being in the prime of life and full flow of 



i4 Michflet's Hist, of Fraruv. p. ,57: Am. Thier- 
ry i, 131. 

55 B. .\, ch. 26-2S. 

56 See Richard ot" Cirencester, K. ii, ch. i, who 
says: "3600 [400 K. C. | The Senones, havinaf emi- 
gratcd from Rritain, passed throviofh Gaul, with the 
intent to invade Italy, and altack Rome." .\s to 
this see tartlier in ch. iv. 



THE BRITONS IN ANCIENT 1^S^()R^• 



Chap. II.] 

spirits," savs Livy, "exerted whatever force 
he had to the utmost in the first encounter; 
and thinking the infantry not sutlicientlv 
energetic, brought up the cavah-y to the 



(nj 



their usual tribute, but to the Gauls they 
owed a deep resentment, and especially so 
to the Senonians, who had captured Rome. 
The terrible battle of Allia and the burniny' 



fight. Putting himself at the head of a j of Rome were never to be forgotten or for- 
troop of young horsemen of distinguished I given. For more than three hundred years 
bravery, he besought those youths, the | was the strife carried on, between the Ro- 
tlower of the army, to charge the enemy i man and Gaul, in repeated battles won and 



with him: telling them, "they would reap 
a double share of glory, if the victory 
should commence on the left wing, and 



lost. But the Roman, with the ad\antage 
that civilization and the arts ga\e him, 
gradually gained until all Italy, e\en Cis- 



through their means.' Twice tlv^}' com- i alpine Gaul itself, were his.- To the Gauls 
pelled the Gallic cavalrj- to give way. At | ot Italy, the privileges of Roman citizens 
the second charge, when they advanced ] could be eventually granted; but when 
farther and were briskly engaged in the | Sena was taken, the residence on the 
midst of the enemy's squadrons, by a i Adriatic of the. Cynuic Senones, the whole 
method of fighting new to them, they were ! tribe living there was exterminated to 
thrown into dismay. .V number of the i avenge Allia, and so that there should not 
enemy, mounted on chariots, made to- \ remain a single descendant of those w ho 
wards them with such a prodigious clatter ■ could boast of having burnt Rome.^"^ 
from the trampling of the cattle and rolling But another day of terrible fright wa-- 
of the wheels, as affrighted the horses of the ! fast approaching Rome. Some cause un- 
Romans, unaccustomed to. such tumultu- i known produced a mo\ement w ith the 
oils operations. By this means the vie- Cimbri, who were left behind, north ot' the 
torious caxalry were dispersed, through a j Elbe, by their Cymric brethren when they 
panic, and men and horses, in thier head- ! mo^•ed south to Armorica and Britain, 
long rtight, were tumbled promiscuously j What produced this movement is uncer- 
')n the groimd. Ilence, also, the battalions tain, but se\eral and distinct causes have 
'A the legions were thrown into disorder: been alleged. .Some attributed it to some 
through the impetuosity of the horses, and I convulsions of nature h\ which the coun- 
of the carriages which they dragged i try became inundated :nul the inhabitants 
through the ranks, manv of the soldiers in | driven out; others, to another race of peo- 
the van were trodden or bruised to death; ' pie pressing from the east, compelling them 
the Gallic line, as soon as they saw their i to leave; and others again, that both the 
enemy in confusion, pushed the ad\antage, Cymry and Teutons had friends at Sena, 
nor allowed them liiiK- to take breath cjr among the Senones, whose death the'v were 
recover themsehes." Thus the battle determined to re\enge. A residence there 
raged: and after Deciu- had purposeh- >ac- for about t'oiu' centuries since tlieii" better 
riticed himself in hopes <;f saving the arnu' ; informed brethren bail lett them, did not 



Fabius, on the othei- wingoi' the armv, af- tend to ini])ro\ e then). 



iie\' were re 



]iuted 



ter extreme exertion and management ' to be the most lerncious and war-like pen- 
gained a dear bought \ietor\ . This battle ' pie that the Romans had to conlenil w illi. 
was fourteen vears before the Romans j They were aceom]);mied b\ a like number 
wreaked their \ engeance on that part of i of Teutons, either as allies or conl'etierale-;, 
the .Senones who had settled at Sena, bv and pressed on towards tlie Roman dnmin- 



the destruction ol" their town and slaughter 
of its people.-"' 

The Roman powei" gratlually increased, 
imtil it bi-ought within its grasp the wlujle 
of Italy. Its general polic_\ 
its coneiuered people kindh, 



•r, Sec .\ntli(in"> Cl;is. Diet., \2io, title Scan 



ion in a \ast hoixie of li\ e or six hundred 
thousand, with at le:ist thi"ee hundred 
thousantl ligliting men.''' Tl;e\' were called 
the Cimbri and Teutons, and caused terror 
was to treat , .^^(^i tievitstation w here\er the_\- went. In 

! :;S I Michclct's Hist, of I-'runci:. p. ^6. 

59 Mii.liL-lL-t. ul Mipr;i.. +). 



THE BRITISH PERIOD. 



[Book I. 



passing tlirougli Belgium and Gaul the^- I soldiers and half of that number ot" camj) 



Ibund some C_vmr\ whom they elaimed as 
brethren, and left witii them some of then- 
baggage for safekeeping; but as thev pass- 
ed along, the people often fled from their 
approaeh, and the eounlr\- A\as stripped of 
all means of sustenanee, and famine and 
distress \\ere left in tlieir eoiirse.''" Their 
progress seemed to he in-esistihle, and 



followers and sla\es, onl_\' ten men are said 
to ha\e eseaped, of whom C;epio was one. 
The barbarians religiously kept their oath ; 
— slaving ever\' living creature they found, 
and taking the immense booty found in 
the enemy's camp; but with their rude \ir- 
tue of the barbarian, they only selected the 
arms, and threw the gold, siher and use- 



liaving gained a numlier of victories, they I It-'^s valuables into the Rhone.'''i This vic- 
sjiread terror and dismay to e\ eii Rome it- ; tory of the Cimbri was as terrible to the 
self l-'or about ten years they vacil- , J^omans as tiiat of the Allia or C'ann;e, and 
lated backwards and for\\ aiiis on the hor- 1 brought to their recollection what they 



der of the Roman republic, tVom Xoricum 
on the Danube to the Pyrenees ami Spain, 
trving to o\ercome the dilficultv of cross- 
ing the Alps into Italy. Al'ter a number 
of victories over Roman armies sent against 
them, liu'\' t'ound tlieniselves on tlie banks 
of the Rhone, tiemanding ot' the Romans 
an assignment of land to settle ujion. The 
Romans had lieen tor some years engaged 
in subjecting that part of Southern (jaid 



kne\\' of the Irightful day of the sacking 
of Rome. The way to Rome ^\ as now 
opened; lint the good fortime of Rome 
kept their enemies in the pro\inces west 
of the Alps and ga\e them time to breathe. 
[n almost despair, tjiex tuiMied to the re- 
nowned Marius, as liie onh man who 
could sa\ e them, but wiiosc habits and vir- 
tues were ,is rude as those of the barbari- 
an. With unlimited contidence in his 



bordering on the Mediterranean to their { abilities, he was sent to the Rhone, to meet 



dominion. This \\ as called the "Narbon- 
ensis," and embraced within it Narbo and 



and hold in check tlieii" dreaded enem\-. 
In the meantime tlie L'imbri and Teutons 



Tolosa. I'he latter city was a settlement j had separated, to take diflerent routes into 
of the Cymric Tectosage.s. and was then the Italy; tlie former l)y a more easterly one, 
wealthiest city of (iaul, haxing w ithin it | but the latter to take one more direct, and 
the rich plunder taken by their brethren at \ to meet at a gi\ ea time and place on the 
Delphi in (ireece. 'fiie inhabitants ot To- 
losa (now Toulouse) recognized the Cim- 
liri as liretlu-en, and called on tliein to aid to their place of destination 



Po. Thus each was to receix e the benefit 
of collecting subsistence on different wa\s 



them in a revolt. IIa\ ing thrown off the 
Roman \ oke, the Roman Consul. C. .Ser- 
\ ilius Ca-pio, stormed the tow n and sacked 
it; taking an immense boot\ in gold antl 
siher: w hicii. instead ol' beiuL; sent home, 
Mas t'raudulentix- emhe//led In- the ollicers 



Marius was then holding the Teutons in 
check on tlie Rhone, with as large an army 
as Rome then could collect. \Vith the 

skill ol' .in experieni'eti genei'al, he ff)r a 
long lime avoided an\- gener.d battle imtil 
he sliould be well ]ii'epareii foi" the event. 



and army, Ix'l'ore the Cinil)ri couki I'l^me ' lie spent bis time in liringing the countrv 
to the I'eliel' of the town. C;epio, emhoki- aroinul him into ]')rf)per subjection, in dis- 
en hv Ids cori-uption and success, tieterm- ciplining hi> ai'nn anei tlvorouglil \- jirepar- 
ineii upon an immediate attack upon the ing 1'or the tinal issue. Xo taunt or strata- 
Cimlii'i. lie insulted the ileputies w liich gemot' ihe 'i'eutons couki bring idm to 
thev bail slmiI Io him, which iniiuced them battle until he found himself re.adx. ,Se- 
again to swear vengeance against the Ro- ! cin-ed in his inti'enc-becl camp, from which 
mans. .\ lerriltle battle ensueil, brought he watched hisenemv — at fn---t near Aries, 
on bv the v;inil\, impudence and impru- i then uncler llie walls ol" Acpia- .Se\ti;e, 
<ience of Capio. 'i'he victory of the Cim- (Ai\), .Marius persisted in (.leclining liattle. 
bri was i-omjilete. ()utol eightv thousand After much delav in tiiis wav, considerable 



'>o Tlicir iiKivi-nK-nt was li<.'tvvL'<.'n 1 1,^ anil loi 15. C. | 



6i .Mi(.lK-kt"s ]list. (if Ki-aac 



Chap. II. 1 THK HRnONS IN . 

skirniishinj^- \v;is Iiad, ami a partial battle 
was tbuifht, in which the Romans were 
victorious. 'J\vo days afterwards, Marius 
drew on the tinal engagement by means ot' 
his cavalry. The enemy, carried away by 
their courage in attempting to cross the 
river in an ill advised attack upon the Ro- 
mans, were oxerwhelmed in its bed, while 
a bodv of three thousand Romans attacked 
them in the rear and completely decided 
the fate of the day. 

In this battle Marius had entirely anni- 
hilated the Teutons ; according to accounts, 
a hundred thousand of the barbarians were 
either slaughtered or taken prisoners. The 
\ alley w as so enriched with their blood and 
bones, as to become celebrated in the cul- 
ture of the vine in after times. 

Marius was now relieved to go to meet 
the Cimbri in the valley of the Vo. With 
great energv and resolution they had cross- 
ed the Alps amidst its snow s and difficul- 
ties. The change they met upon coming 
to the valley of the Po was ener\ating and 
fatal to them. The wine and abundance of 
Northern Italy prepared theni tor a com- 
plete destruction by Marius. When he ar- 
rived from the Rhone, Catulus was with 
his army in front of the Cimbri ready for 
his command. "As he halted," says God- 
win, <i'- "the K\mri sent a deputation to him 
to ask land both tor themselves and their 
brothers, the Teutons (of whose extinc- 
tion they had not yet heard). Marius re- 
plied, with sardonic irony, 'Oh I don't 
trouble voiu'sehes about the Teutons; 
they ha\ e land enough, which they are 
likely to keep forever!' Perceiving that 
he dissembled some jest, the envoys of the 
Kymri threatened him with the conse- 
(pience of a speedy arrixal of the Teu- 
tons. 'The Teutons,' he rejoined, some- 
what dramatically, 'they are here already;' 
and caused several of their captured chiefs 
to be brought Ibrth. Nothing daunted by 
the discovery of a fact, which was now but 
too apparent, the envoys retired to consult 
their people, who then sent a second em- 
bassy to him to ask him to appoint the 
place where and the time when it should 

62 lIi.storv of Franci;, p. 65. 



VNCIENT lllSTOR^■. 71 

be decided to whom llah belonged. An- 
swering that Rome tiiti not counsel with 
her enemies as to the time or place in 
which she might choose to defend herself, 
he yet condescended to indicate to them 
the third day thereafter, and the Rhaudian 
j Plain as tiie titting place." 

For that celebrated baltle, Marius had 
prepared his arm_\ with his usual skill. 
The Cimbri did not exercise equal care, as 
if depending moi-c upon their great force 
and terrific appearant'e than upon skillful 
maneu\-ei'. The\- hati forniect their inlan- 
try in an enormous square; ^upjiorted by 
their cavalrv, fifteen thousand sfrong, 
which in appearance, according to the his- 
torians of the da\ . presented barbaric ter- 
ror. The Roman- had the advantage of 
the wind, and the heat of the day; and the 
wind and dust contributed nuieh to the de- 
feat of the Cimbri. Tin' w ing commanded 
by Marius, soon after liie battle had began, 
fancied that the enemy's ca\ ah-y had taken 
fiight, spurred on in pursuit, and were soon 
lost to the sight in the dust. The enemy's 
infantry, like the waxes oi' the sea, rolled 
on and were broken on the centre, where 
Catulus and Svlhi commantieii; and then 
all became an undistinguishable mass of 
dust and carnage, until complete \ictory 
was acquired bv the Romans. iJut to the 
heat of the day and the dust must be as- 
signed much of the honoi' of the \ ictor\ . 
When the news of the defeat reached the 
camp of the Cimbri all was consternation, 
and determination not to survive its dis- 
grace. The women ui-)on the approach of 
the enemy determined to defend them- 
selves, and fought like the men; but when 
all was lost but their honor, they first killed 
their children and then themselves. Of 
their arm v. the most were slaughtered on 
the field or in the pur-uit; — all who were 
taken prisoners were distributed among the 
towns as public slaves, or de\ oted to glad- 
iatorial shows. Thus ended this terrible 
conflict, which for many years, like a 
trighttul storm, had threatened the destruc- 
tion of Rome, and of which they were now- 
relieved, by the utter destruction of these 
Cimbri and their allies. To Marius w-as 
conferred all honors and praise; who was 



THE BRITISH PERIOD. 



Iiailed as tlie preserx er of their country, 
and the second founder ot" Rome. 

This defeat of the Cimhri was so com- 
j'tlete and exterminating, and so joyful to 
tlie Roman.s, one would suppose that they 
could ha\ e afforded to forget Allia and the 
burning of Rome. But it \sas not so; af- 
ter a few years of peace, that ambitious 
and revengeful spirit, which had decreed 
the destruction of Carthage renewed the 
war against the Celt, and w;is not satisfied 
until Gaul was made their pro\'ince and 
tributary. .Still it ma\- be a serious ques- 
tion, whetlier such ambitious and unjust 
acquisitions are not far more injurious in 
the end, than lieneficial : — whether in the 
inscrutable wa\s of Providence such un- 
just and wicketi deeds are not alwavs re- 
tuiMied with a \engeance; and whether the 
\auUing ambition and c(~>nquest of the 
I-lomans tiid not in after \'cars induce the 
tcrrilile return of tlie liarbarian in the ut- 
ter o\'ei"t!ii-ow of the Roman empire, as a 
]'etributi\e measure ot" justice and provi- 
dence. 

In all these expeditions of the Gauls and 
Cimbri, tradition and historv have very 
generallv attributed them to the Cymry, 
and, imdoulitedly. rightfully so; but then 
it is a question, liow tar the Cvniry of 
Britain were connected with them.^ They 
have generally been considered as leaders 
in them. But T think lhi« is not support- 
ed 1)\- histoiical facts. It was so alleged, 
principallv from the fact that in so many 
instances the Greek and Roman historians 
alleged that the leader s name was Brennus, 
and brenhin in the Welsh and Cymric 
language was the word tor king; and this 
etvmology of' the word agreed with tradi- 
t.ioiT and liistory. Bu'. the same words 
were common to the Cymry of Gaul, as 
well as Britain; and it is believed that 
e\ery one of those expeditions were raised 
and put in motion on the continent, as we 
know the first and the last of them actual- 
ly were, as that stai ted by Ambigatus and 
the lastbv the Cimbri and Teutons. Such 
expeditions were usually gottefi up by vol- 
imtary enlistment, of all who were disposed 
to join them,- as was thecase with William 
the Conqueror, or tlie crusaders. And this 



[Book I. 

is just what we find in the ancient history 
of Britain, as recorded in the Triads, and 
repeated in tradition. The Triad is this : 
"In the days of Cadial there came from 
.Scandinavia Urb Lluyddawg, son of Erin, 
to seek assistance in a great expedition 
which he had planned. And it was agreed 
to grant him aid, .... thus he took 
away with him the flower of the nation of 
tlie Cymry, three score and one thousand; 
and there remained behind only children 
and old people, for it wa.- through ox'er- 
sight that this demand was granted under" 
an irrevocable condition. And of this 
mighty host there returned not one, nor of 
their children or posterity ; tor he led them 
as far as the sea of Greece, there remain- 
ing, in the land of Galas [Grilalia] and 
Afena, to this day; they lia\'e become 
Greeks. And this was the first of the 
three "Unwise Armament," tor thereby 
was the Island so greatly weakened. "f"'' 

This account is so entirely consistent 
with all we know of history, and taking 
into consideration the antiquity of the 
Tri;ids, that it carries with it conviction of 
its truth. It shows that the expedition 
which terminated in Galatia was not of 
British origin, but that the Cymry of 
Britain furnished men for that which start- 
ed from the continent, which went east as 
far as Galatia and never returned ; but were 
restored, as Michelel says, "to the cradle of 
their ancestors." 

CHAPTER III. 

THE ROMAX INVASION BY CESAR. 

451 — C(PS(n'\'! Prior Oprraiious in Gaul. 

Eor some years previous to the Cim- 
brian invasion the Romans had taken pos- 
session of some part of southern Gaul, and 
had commenced their Transalpine con- 
quest. But their dominion was confined 
to the borders of the Mediterranian, and 
Narbonne and Toulouse were their princi- 
pal cities. After Marius had defeated the 
Cimbri, for forty-three years, up to Caesar's 
time, they Avere relieved from the appre- 
hension ot" an\- serious enemv in that di- 



6t, See also ante ch. 2, n. 56. Richard of Cirencester 



Chap I [I. I THE ROMAN INV 

rectioii, and no doubt, that during that 
time, Gaul and Britain opened up to the 
visions of the ambitious men of Rome new 
lields of conquest and plunder. But the 
east then occupied the attention of their 
i;^rent nun, as Sylla, Pompey and others; 
A\ hich in Asia presented to their ambition 
a n'ore in\ itins^; field, and a more luxurious 
and sul)missi\e c<>n(|uest. But the time 
had n(n\ arri\ etl w hen the Roman mind 
was turneii towards the conquest of Gaul, 
and was lead in that arduous task by the 
ambition and acii\ itv of Julius Cicsar. In 
a vigorous war of eight years,' Cicsar was 
able, when aided l^y the arts and discipline 
of Ronian power, to reduce Gaul to tlie 
subjection of Rome, against the resistance 
of a gallant people, who made every exer 
tion to preser\ e their accustomed freedom. 
But neither the gallantry of her people, 
nor tlieir i^atriotisni and love of freedom 
could save Gaul from the consequences of 
the superior arts and discipline of the am- 
bitious and unscrupulous Roman. In the 
nati\e ciualities and talent of the Celtic 
leader, — known in history as Vercingetorix 
(general-in-chief), the Roman found his 
equal; and, although imfortunate, perhaps 
the better man. 

In the year 58 B. C, Ca-sar obtained the 
goxernment of the province of Cisalpine 
Gaul, hy a \ ote ot the Roman people, to 
w hich the senate added that of Transalpine 
Gaul, and he commenced one of those 
splendid campaigns, which, independ- 
ent of other deeds, would immortalize him, 
and have lendered his name and that of 
G;iul and Britain forever famous in history. 
In his first campaign he found all Gaul, ex- 
cept the narrow border on the Mediter- 
ranean, alread\- a Roman pro\ince, in a 
most distracted state either from assumed 
national di\isions among themsehes or 
the threatened invasion of powerful ene- 
mies on the outside. Helvetia was not 
Gaul, and the Rhine di^•ided Germany from 
Gaul. From both of these countries 
in\asions \\ ere imminent; and C;esar 
\\ as recei\ed into Gaul more as an 
ally than an enemy , on account of their do- 



.\SION BY C^SAR. 73 

t mestic dissensions and the threatened in- 

1 

vasion from these neighboring countries. 
Just at that time Helvetia was overstocked 
with people, who were seeking a more ex- 
tensive territory and congenial country, 
and determined to emigrate in a body into 
some part of Gaul. Ca-sar opposed them; 
but the Helvetians, notwithstanding, made 
their escape from the Rhone just below 
Geneva over to the Saone through the 
gorges of the Jura mountains, and thence 
to near Autun, where they were finally de- 
feated, after almost incredible exertion to 
accomplish their object, with much fight- 
ing and losses on both sides. The emigra- 
tion started with an immense train and 
386,000 people, of whom 9^,000 were com- 
batants. In the various battles and con- 
flicts they lost more than two-thirds of 
their people, and were compelled to return to 
their old homes in Hehetia with their num- 
bers reduced to 1 10,000, — less than one- 
third of their original number.- 

Immediatelv upon this repulse of the 
Helvetians, Gaul was threatened by an- 
vasion of the Germans across the Rhine; 
and the Celts, grateful for the repulse of 
the Helvetians, were soliciting Caesar's aid 
in repelling the invasion of the Germans. 
Taking advantage of the dissensions be- 
tween some of the states in Gaul, Ario\is- 
tus, the king of the Germans, claimed some 
rights in Gaul, and was preparing with an 
immense army of both foot and cavalry to 
enforce his claims, had crossed the Upper 
Rhine, and advanced into the country fifty 
miles. Ca'sar advanced to resist him, and 
required him to return, and make repara- 
tion for all the injury he had inflicted upon 
the allies of Rome, and bring no more bar- 
barians across the Rhine. All negotiations 
proved unsuccessful, and a great battle en- 
sued. Ariovistus was completely defeated, 
and his whole army put into a panic strick- 
en retreat, in endeavoring to attain the 
German side of the Rhine.'* It is said he 
lost in this disastrous battle and retreat 
80,000 men, who perished before he at- 



B. C. inclusive. 



2 Cajsar's Com., L. i, §31. See also Godwin's 
France, 7?; 2 Bonaparte's Ca;sar, B. iii, ch. iii. §7, p. 

■5 Bonapartu's Ca;sar, vol. 2, B. iii, ch. iv; Coin. 
Bel. Gal., B. i; Phitavch, Cxsar. 



74 THE BRITISH PERIOD. [Book i. 

tained hi>^ own side ot" the river. The re- ' their warHke projects th:- .Suessiones and 
port ot" this i^lorious battle spread bevond | other Belija', who were united w itli them 
the Rhine, and soon put an end for the | by community ot" origin, hiws and interest, 
present of all apprehensions of any lurther i C;esar unintimidated by this show of op- 
attacks from that quarter. Thus ended i position, maiclied immetliateh to the lianks 
this glorious campaign ; and sucli decided of the Aisnc, the northern limits of the 
triumphs o\ er both the llehetians and territoi'S' of the Remi; tbrtitying himself 
Germans ga\e cause for great rejoicing at there, — sought to distract and sever the in- 
Rome, and additional renown tor Ca-sar, , terest ot" the confederates, and induced 
who then retired into Avinter quarters; )-e- 1 Di\ itiacus, his tidied friend, to bring the 
turned over the ^\.lps to Cisalpine Gaul to ] ^Edlians trom the south to his aid; in all 
preside over the assemblv of the states, and ot" which he was quite successt'ul. Atter 
to prepare tor the next campaign. nuich labor, man\- skirniislies, battles and 

During the winter previous to the second \ sieges, without any great and decisive bat- 
campaign, the Belgie became jealous of the ! tie, most of the Belga^ opposed to be re- 
great success of the Romans, and enter- ''"^ed to subjection. But not so with 
tained great fears that as soon as Qesar N'ervii, who, under a chief named Brodi- 
had completely gotten Celtic Gaul into his | gnnat, or the son of Victory, rallied what he 
power, either "by negotiation or war, they ! *^o"l<^ "' the cont"ederates. and determined 

to maintain their ground until the last man 
shoidd ;)erish. These Nervii' v\ere the 
most l"erocious of the C\nir\-; allowing no 
foreign intercoiu'se, drank no w ine, and ac- 
custoined to form fortifications, bv w ea\ in" 



would be the next to be attacked. Thev 
therefore tbrmed t'ormidable leagues to op- 
pose the Roman adxances. The news of 
this gave just cause of alarm to Ciesar, for 
the Belga- would be f"ormidable enemies; — 
being surrounded bv enemies on the north | ^he branches of trees and shrubs into an 



and east side of the Rhine, the\ had been 
kept in constant apprehension and hostili- 
ties, and imn-ed to war. Thev w ei^e, con- 
sequently, the hardiest, rudest and most 
warlike people ot' (Taul. C:esar thereupon 
made all preparation tor the coming cam 



impenetrable hedge. The\' claimed never 
to have been subdued. C;vsar came upon 
them on the Sambre where thev w ere set- 
ting up their peculiar intrenchment, but 
probably unawares, t"orthey tell upon him. 
while he was intrencing himself", \\ilh the 



paign, and to meet them. He charged the i greatest impetuosity and ardor. His men 
Senones and other Cymric Celts, border- ! ^^'^^^ hardly time to arm or put themselves 
ing upon Belgic Gaul", to watch what they | *" °'"'^^'' "fh^ttle before the Xervii had put 



were doing and to inform him. Repcjrtssoon 
came that the\' were raising troops and as- 
sembling an armv. This determined him 



his camp in terrible confusion. A bloody 
hand to hand tight ensued, and twice was 
he on the point of losing e\ er\ thing; the 



at once to open the campaign. He had as- I *^''^t time he saved himself by his own in- 

trepiditv, in snatching the >hield of a 
wounded soldier and rushing at the head 
of his troop.s, calling to the rescue; and the 
second time by the seasonable arrival of 
his lieutenant and re-ent"orcement. After 
being almost terror stricken and overcome, 
his men now rallied, even the cam]-) retain- 
ers, and turned the fate of the dav. Still 
the Nervii, undaunted by the change of 
fortune, fought on like tigers. If a man in 
the foremost rank fell, the man behind him 
mounted his place and 'esumed the battle: 



sembled an army of at least 60,000 soldiei-s, 
besides a large retinue of laborers, servants 
and others, and in Mav left Besancon, and 
marched directly to the territory of the 
Remi, who were the first Belgic people he 
met. They informed him that all the 
Belgit were in arms — that they had formed 
extensive coalition with the Germans, and 
their Celtic brethren, by means of w hich 
the allies would be able to bring into the 
field an overwhelming armj' against him. 
For themselves they had refused to take 
any part, but the excitement was so great, 
the\ had been unable to dissuade f'rom 



.|. C;is:ir's Com. B. (.}., I?, ii, §i<'>. Sec :ifso Mich. 
Hist. Fninif. vol. i. p. .(7. cli. ii. 



TlIK ROMAN INXASION HV CESAR. 



Chap. III.] 

and when the slain were heaped up in 
front, those behind fought ov or a ranijiart 
of dead bodies. The tanie that these jieo- 
ple liad already acquired toy their bra\ery 
and fortitude did not desert theni, and they 
now eclipsed that, which Leonidas and his 
Spartans had gained at Thermop\ he. The 
battle being ended, and this bra\e nation 
almost exterminated, the old men, who had 
been left in some sate place, with the wo- 
men and children, now considered that all 
was lost, resohed. witii the consent of ail 
that survh ed, to send de]iuties to Ca-sar. 
and surrender themsehes. These, in re 
citing their calamities, said that of six hun 
dred senators, three onh' remained, and 
that from sixty thousand lighting men tliey 
were reduced to five hundred. Casar, in 
coinpassion upon these brave, but untbr- 
tunate people, took them imdei- his protec- 
tion, allowing them the free use of their 
towns and territors , and commanding all 
to abstiun from wrongs or injuries towariis 
them.^ 

The lasl of these unfortunate people were 
the Atuatici, who were ttie descendants of 
the Cymbri, with whom they left much of 
their baggage, when passing with the Teu- 
tones on their wav towards Itah . These 
Atuatici were on their wav tcj aid the 
Ner\ ii, when informed of their calamitous 
defeat; they returned home to their tbrtitl- 
cation, and made a resolute defence. C:esar, 
with immense labor raised around them 
astonishing circinnvallations.and was bring- 
ing against them mo\abIe towers, in order 
to surmount and enfihide their works. 
Thev now saw no hopes and sent deputies 
to Ciesar, begging tor quarters, w hich he 
granted to them upon condition of dieir 
immediate surrender, which was done; and 
the same terms given to them as he had 
granted to the Nervii. But -in the follow- 
ing night, these Belgians took advantage 
of an opportunity they thought they had 
for a treacherous assault on the Romans. 
A fight ensued, in which the Atuatici were 
defeated, and about four thousand slain on 
the spot, — the rest fleeing to the town. 
The next day, the gates were forced with- 

5 Cx>s:ii-'s Com. B. G., Ii. ii. §2S. 



out lesistance, the town taken possession 
of, and fit"t\ -three thousand ot' the inhabi- 
tant'- >.old tor sla\ es.'' In the meantime 
C<esar had >ent P. Crassus with a legion 
against the N'enetian and other maritine 
states on the coast of .\rmorica. I'Vom 
whom Casai- had now received messengers 
to ad\ise him that all those nations had 
submitted to the dominion and authorit\ 
of the Romans. Thus ended this war and 
the second campaign in (jaul. 

After the seconil campaign had thus 
terminated, C"a-sar deiiai'teii for Italy, be- 
lie\ing all safe tor the ^vinter. The Belgi- 
ans had been o\ercome, the Germans ex- 
pelled, ;md the inh:diitants of the western 
Alps t'orced to submit; he thought it sate 
to take a progress in the beginning of win- 
ter through Ids dominion in Illvriciuu. 
But the submis>ion of Gaul was onh ap- 
parent or treachei'ous, Galba, one of his 
lieutenants, with a consitierable arm\ \vas 
to protect and keep open the roads in the 
Alpine comitrx at the entrance to Gaul. 
He was soon attacked by great nimibers ol" 
the people of the country. At great peril he 
was able to deleat them and >5a\ e his com- 
mand. But he soon became convinced 
that it w a> aelvisable to lea\ e so dangerous 
a position, anil renioxe south into the Ro- 
man pro\'inee," where he would be sate. 
Crassus, another lieutenant, with another 
large detachment of troo]is, was stationed 
in Armorica, on the sea sliore and in the 
midst of the Csiriric Gauls. His officers 
who were sent out to tbrage and gather 
grain tor the ann\ , were resisted, and sup- 
plies rel'used. Ca-sar ujion receiving the 
news of this hostilit\-, at once ordered a 
\ igorous campaign, ;md instead of concen- 
trating his forces in one bod\-, and attack- 
ing each of the hostile localities, and bring- 
ing them into subjection one alter another 
in detail, he ordered his troops to be di- 
vided into three divisions, to march into 
difi^erent parts of the country, and attack 
the ho.stile parties separately belbre they 
could combine, and before they coidd be 
fully prepared. These orders and plans 



n Cx'.sar's Com.. 15. ii. §33. 
7 Ca'Siir's Com., U. iii, §3-|. 



76 



THE BRITISH PERIOD 



were carried out by his lieutenanls with 
great ahility and success. Labienus was 
sent with the cavahy to the frontier of the 
Rhine; Cassus witli twelve legionary co- 
horts and a large body of Cavalry was or- 
dered south, into Aquitania, to control 
and manage affairs in that quarter, Q. T. 
Sabinus at the head of three legions was to 
proceed to the north into wliat is now 
Normand}- ; and to young D. Brutus was as 
signed the duty to collect a fleet among the 
people south of the Loire, and the friendly 
Santones; urging upon him the greatest 
dispatch, and to sail with the fleet he could 
collect or construct, with as much dispatch 
as possible, to the mouth of the Loire, to 
operate against the Venetians. To him- 
i^elf, Ca;sar reserved the post of the great- 
est opposition and danger, that of Armor- 
ica, where the Venetians were the principal 
people. 

As soon as the season would permit, 
Cajsar came on with his reinforcements, 
■determined upon the conquest of the Bre- 
tons of Armorica; and the Venetians to 
be the first object of his attack. These 
people were directly connected with those 
of Britain; — the same in race, language, 
institutions and religion; and Caesar was 
constantly complaining of the sympathy 
and aid they oftered to each other. The 
Venetians had made progress in the arts 
and in commerce, and had a large amount 
of shipping, which had grown up in the 
business and traffic between Britain and the 
Garonne, and the overland trade from 
thence to the Mediterranean. In this com- 
mercial business these people possessed a 
large navy, which Caesar had determined 



[Book I 

them, in Gaul and Britain. Ca2sar foresaw 
the capacity of this naval power, and the 
necessity of meeting in order to secure the 
objects of his ambition ; and hence his or- 
ders to Brutus. Brutus had faithfidly per- 
fjrmed the orders he had received, and had 
collected for his principal a vast naval 
power at the mouth of the Loire. In addi- 
tion to the sailors he was able to collect 
from the coast of Gaul, the fleet was 
manned by officers, sailors and_rowers from 
the Mediterranean ; and the command of 
the whole was given to him as Admiral of 
the fleet. In the meantime Caesar himself 
had attempted to conquer the V^enetian 
towns by an attack of his army on the land 
side. But these were so defended both 
by nature and art that it was attended 
with no success. The\ were generallv on 
islands along the sea shore, and surroimded 
by the tide water, so that it was a \ cry dif- 
ficult matter to in\est them and reduce 
them by a siege. Bv land he made no 
progress, and became convinced that his 
success must depend upon the result of a 
naval battle. His lieutenants with their 
divisions in the interior of the country, had 
continued their success in reducing the 
country and bringing the people into sub- 
jection to the Roman power, yet in Ar- 
morica and the sea coast there was but 
little evidence of success, except what 
would result from the great collection of 
na\ al power at the mouth of the Loire. At 
the distance of but little over forty miles, 
the ^"enetians had collected their na\ al 
power, at the mouth of the river Ain^ay 
and the outlet to the gulf of Morbihan. 
Each of these fleets was a powerful collec- 



to annihilate as a necessary measure to his tion, and tor that day astonishingly such. 

operation against Britain^ as well as Gaul. 

For the purpose of meeting the Romans, 

the \'enetians had collected not only all the 

shipping of their own, but all they could 

obtain from their allies to the north of 



S Strabosiiys, "Tlis V'enetians founht at sea ag-ainst 
Civsar: they had made their disposition to prevent 
his passas^e into the isie of Britain, because they were 
in possession of tlie coniiiieroe of that country." And 
Bonaparte in his Life of Cicsar says: "And on the 
other hand, Caesar could not attempt the dangerous 
enterprise of a descent on Engfland till after he had 
destroyed the fleet of the Venetian.s, the sole masters 
of the ocean.'" B. iii, ch. vi. See (-.esar's Com., B. 
iii. §7-10. 



The season was now well spent without ac'- 
complishing much in Armorica. C:esar 
became anxious, and well knew that his 
own success depended upon that of the 
fleet.-' The approaching naval battle, like 

9 CKsar's Com.. B. iii. §12. C<esar complains of 
the great difficulty he had to encounter in carrying- 
on tliis war with the Venetians. Their towns being- 
generally on the sea coast and surroimded by the 
tide, so that it .became very difficult to take them by 
siege, and it at the same lime gave them opportunities 
to escape by sea; and then says: — "In this manner 
did they eliide all Caesar's attempts during a great 
part of the summer, and that with so nuich more suc- 
cess, because our fleet was kept b:ick by tem)K-sts, 



I'lIK ROMAN INVASION P. \ C.KSAR. 



\^hap. 111. I 

ihat of Salaniis, Lcpanto and Trafalgar, 
was to dt'oidc for tho time beinif tlie course 
of events in the ci\ilizc'd world. The tatal 
daj had eome and the Roman fleet went 
tbrtli to attaek the Wnetian, whieh, upon 
seeing the Roman fleet, went forth to meet 
it at sea. They were still so near shore as 
to be in full view of C;esar and his army; 
and the hiils about were tilled with people 
looking on with anxiety, and praying for 
the success of their friends and the salva- 
tion of their eountr\ . All knew that this 
battle invoUed the future fate of Gaul and 
Britain ; and the Druids, in the only religion 
the\ knew, were offering theii" jirayers to 
their god foi- the safety of their country 
and the freedom of their people. The two 
na\ ie- met, each in line, and in that order 
that tlie most skillful naval officer of this 
dav would have exulted to have seen. The 
wind was off shore, and equally t'air for 
each.'" The battle commenced in the 
morning about y o'clock, and raged with 
tearful strife until the night caused it to 
cease. 

In describing the battle Ciesar himself 
savs: — "The Venetians with about two 



;ind tbuml llir HHvii^aliDn extruinely d'.iiii^erous in thai 
vast and houiidlc.'i.s ocean, wlicre t!it' tides arc sj'rcat, 
and tht: liavuiis l^oth few in niiinhL-r, and at consider- 
able distance one tVom tfie otlicr. For llie \'enetian 
stiips were liuilt and fitted out in tliis manner : Their 
bottom.'! were somewhat (latter than ours, the Ijetter 
to adapt themselves to tlie sliallows, and sustain 
without daniifer ihc rei!;i-ess of the tides. Tlieir prows 
were very liiu-li and erect, as lil^ewise their sterns, to 
liear the huyeness of tin l>il!ows and violence of the 
tempests. The bodv of the vessel was entirelv of 
oak, to .stand the shocks and a.s.saults of the tempestu- 
ous ocean. The benches of the rowers were made of 
strong; beams of about a loot in breadth, and fastened 
willi iron nail;: an inch thick. Instead of cables, tliey 
secured their anchors with chains of iron ; and made 
use of .skin.s, and a sort of thin pliant leather, by way 
of sails, either because Ihev wanted canvass, and 
were iarntMant of the art of makinu; sail-cloth, or, 
which is not jirobable, liccause thev uiia^jined that 
canvass sails were not so j)roper to bear the violence 
of iem])ests, ti\e ratje and fury of the winds, and to 
(j-overn ships of that bullv and burthen. Hetween 
our fleet and vessels of such make, the nature of the 
encounter was this ; that in asj-ilily and a ready com- 
mand of oars, we had indeed the advantnj^-e, but in 
other respects, regarding ihe situation of the coast 
and a.ssaults of storms, all lhini;s ran very much in 
their lavor: lor neither could our ships injure them 
with their beaks, so ijreat was their strenj;th and 
tirmne.ss; nor could we easily throw our darts, he- 
cause of their heit;ht above us; which also was the 
reason that we found it extremelv difficult to i^rapple- 
the enemy, and briny them to clo.se ti^-ht." 

X. B. Cai.sar's description of the Wnetian navy 
would le-.id one to imas^-ine he v,as describins^ a 
Hritish navy at an early day. 

lo l>onaparte"s C;csar, I!, iii. ch. vi. § iii. p. iji. 



77 



hundred and twenty of their best ships," 
well equipped for service, and furnished 
with all kind of weapons, stood out for sea, 
and drew up in order of battle against us. 
Neither Hritiis, who commanded the fleet, 
nor the centurions and military tribunes 
wlu) had the charge of particular vessels, 
knew what course to take, or in what man- 
ner to conduct the fight: for they were no 
strangers to the strength ;ind firmness of 
the Venetian shipping, which rendered 
them proof against our beaks; and when 
they had even raised turrets upon decks, 
vet being still overtopped by the lofty 
sterns of the enemy, the Romans could 
not with any advantage throw in their 
darts; whereas those sent by the Gauls, 
coming from above, descended with great 
violence on our men. In this exigence a 
particular kind of instruments, used by the 
mariners, proved of signal service, in giv- 
ing a favorable issue to the combat. They 
had provided themselves with long poles, 
armed at one end with long scythes, not 
unlike those made use of in attacking the 
walls of towns. With them they laid hold 
of the enemy's tackle, and drawing off the 
ealley bv the extreme force of our oars, cut 
asunder the ropes that fastened the sail- 
yards to the mast. These giving way, the 
sail-yards necessarily came down ; inso- 
much that as all the hopes and expecta- 
tions of the Gauls depended entirely on 
their sails and rigging, by depriving them 
of this resource we at the same time ren- 
dered their vessels wholly unserviceable. 
The rest depended altogether upon the 
valor of the troops, in which the Romans 
had greatly the ad\ antage. 

"The enemy's sail-yards being cut down, 
and many of their ships singly surround- 
ed h\ two or three of ours at a time, the 
Romans used their utmost endeavors to 
board them ; which the Venetians observ- 
ing, and that we had already made our- 
sehes masters of a great part of their fleet, 
as they could not fall upon any expedient to 
prevent so great a misfortune, they began 
to think of providing for their safety by 
fliirht. Accordinglv thev tacked about, in 



II Csesar's Com.. H. G., P.. iii, *Ji4. 



78 



THE BRITISH PERIOD. 



Book I. 



order to have the advantage ot" the wind. 
When all of a sudden so dead a calm en- 
sued, that not a vessel could stir out of its 
place; nor could anything have fallen out 
more opportunelv towards putting at once 
a final period to the war: for the Romans 
attacking their ships one after another, took 
them with ease, insomuch that of all that 
vast ninnber that came out against us, but 
a very fe^\ , under the favor of the night, 
escaped to land, after a conflict that con- 
tinued from nine in the morning until sun- 
set."i-' 

Such is Caesar's description of this great 
battle, which shows at once his opinion of 
its great importance to him, and to the sal- 
vation of the country Irom a Roman con- 
quest; and also the great advancement the 
natives had made in their shipping, the 
skill ihey had attained in naval aflairs; and 
consequently, the progress they had made 
in all the arts; tor all the arts and sciences 
are so connected and dependent on each 
other, that no great progress can be made 
in one direction without a corresponding- 
improvement in all others. So that we 
can judge of the general progress a people 
have made in their condition, by knowing 
what they have accomplished in any one 
of the great departments of human indus- 
try, or the necessar\- arts of civilized life. 
A people who could show the skill and the 
necessary arts to bring forth such a navy 
as the Venetians did upon this occasion, 
constructed with such art and skill as 
Ciesar testifies to in this case, with iron 
cables and all the concomitant evidence of 
their progress in civilized life as developed 
here by the Venetians, in being able thus 
to contest with the Roman power, and its 
advantages, puts them in a situation which 
little deserves the appellation of barbari- 
ans. 

This battle, so fatal to the \'enetians, at 
once striking down their naval power and 
exhausting their resources of men and 
ineans, put an end to the war in that part 
of Gaul. The Venetians, hy their misfor- 
tunes being rendered utterly helpless, sur- 
rendered to C;e.sar at discretion, and only 



asked for merc\-. That mercv was onl\- 
that of a heartless lion. C;esar often 
showed generosit\ and kindness to a fallen 
enemy, but it was always dependent upon 
what w as the brst policx , — more the result 
of shrewd c;alculation of interest, than ot 
s\ nipatlu . In this case he thought it prop- 
er to impress upon the (jallic mind an ex- 
ample of his power and disposition to pini- 
ish his enenu<'s, wluj continued obdurent 
to his will : he caused all the Venetian sen- 
ators to be put to death, and ordered the 
people to be sold fo)- s]a\ cs. This was done 
imder pretense that they had violated in- 
ternational law, in the treatment of embas- 
sadors w JK) had been sent to them ; but this 
excuse was more to lustity himself at 
home, wb.ere his cruelt_\ in Gaul had been 
called in question by Cato and others. But 
it was in accordance with the disregard he 
had shown for himian suffering and life, 
and the reckless c(jntempt tor the rights of 
otiiers. 

This event produceii discouragement and 
terror throughout all Gaul ; in a measure 
terminated the war and the campaign; 
leaving the Roman power safe and triumph- 
ant for the season. Ca;sar's lieutenants 
had been equally successful, alter hard 
fought battles, in carrying the sword and 
fire into the towns of the natives, and 
slaughter and carnage among the people. 
And this only for the reason that these 
brave people claimed their freedom and a 
right to govern themseh es. 

i^j — Cicscir's ///T'ds/o// oj liritaiii. 

Ciesar commenced his tburlh campaign 
in Gaul in 55 B.C. During ail the time he 
had been in Gaul, he >vas continually- 
making inquiries about Britain; and com- 
plaining of the Britons having furnished 
men and aid to the Gauls in general, and 
particularly the assistance they had given 
the Venetians in their naval operations 
against him.' They had undoubtedly furn- 



13 Cie.sar's Coin , B. G. G., B. iii, §14 and 15. 



I Whatever reason Ca;sai- may have sfiven lor in- 
vading; Britain, wc may be sure that he could readily 
furni.sh one with perfect indifference as to its l')eint;- 
true or just. Dion Cassius says: "'Iliere can be no 
doubt, if he had not the plea "given, tnat he would 
liave found another." (Hist, xl, §1.) .'Vud Professor 
Giles thereupon says: "But his mi^-hty preparations 
were baffled: and another hundred years were des- 



'nW'l ROMAN INVASION ]^\ CESAR. 



Cliap. III.] 

ished some of the sliipping sent them from 
the noi-tli in making up that naval force 
ajjainst the Romans, lie had incpiired of 
merchants and others about the counlrv, 
hut com]')lai!ied he could ohfain no inform- 
ation of the size ot' the island, noi- how 
powertid the nations were who iniialiited 
it The iii-ohahilit\ is tiiat in some in- 
stance^' the\ di(.i not choo>e toint'orm him, 
or Casar ma\', in M)nK' instances, misrep- 
resent his ditHcull V. 

'Die Britons, in the meantime heing in- 
formed of Cresar's designs upon them, and 
desirous of peace, sent to him embassadors, 
with orters ot liostages and sul:)mission to 
the aiitliorit\- ot Rome. To these he gave 
a t"a\ orahle response, but evaded making 
an\- definite arrangements, but exhorted 
them to maintain their peaceable intention; 
evidently intending to keep open the way 
to make a raid upon their countr\ . wlien it 
should become con^•enient t'oi- him to do 
so. 

In the meantime Ca-sar was dela\ed in 
his intended blow upon Britain, b\ the in- 
tbrmation that a peojile tVom German \ in 
a \ast hod\' of 430,000 men, women and 
children, were crossing the lower Rhine, 
intending to in\ade and settle in Gaul. 
This induced a delay of his intended de- 
scent upon Britain ; for he wished first to 
instruct the Gauls that he was able to pro- 
tect them trom an\ invasion ti-om the otlier 
side of the Rhine, as well as to clear the 
sea from the 0]'»posing na\ \ of the \'ene- 
tians. This he soon accom)iiislied b\ a 
terrilile defeat and cai-nage of tjie (jernian 
in\aders; and dri\ ing all hack again aci"oss 
the Rhine, that sur\ i\ed llie terrible re- 
pulse that tlie\ had met. 13 ut to render 
Jiis work more (.'omplete, he determined to 
sti-jke a blow on the otlu'r side of the Rhine : 
aUid tor that .pui-jiose, in ten da\ s, built his 
■celebrated bridge o\ ei' tliat rixei-, and sui-- 
cesstully passed his ai ni\ o\ er, w ith tin.- in- 
tention of satistying the Ciermans ihat the 
Romans t-oidti maintain an arm\ on eitlu'r 
side, and to leach the Ciermans tliat the 



79 



tilled to Ll;ipsc licfnre our liriive ;iiul liiylisjiiriti-d 
ancestors liciit tlieiv nooks in suliinission to the 
i;re;itest power tli;it h;is ever yet lieen siitti'i-fd to 
ri'le :md lvr:inni/.c- over niantiind." it (iiles' .\iic. 
J'.ritoii^. |>'. 5i, eh. 5.1 



Rhine was the line between Gaul and Ger- 
man \. After making what he considered 
to be a proper demonstration there, having 
in his march bm-ned all the houses and 
towns and destroyed the corn, as an usual 
lesson of his sense of right and justice, lie 
retinned, and destroving the bridge, which 
he considered to be of no further use to 
him. lie then marched directly to the sea 
shore opposite to Britain, with a view of 
carrving out his long contemplated expe- 
dition against that country. 

Although a considerable [portion of the 
season had already been spent, yet Ciesar 
was detei'mined upon the in\asion of Brit- 
ain, and resoh ed that the minor matters in 
Gaul should no longer delay him. P"or the 
purpose of this expedition, he had ordered 
the necessary shipping to be assembled at a 
post on what is now known as the strait of 
Dover; and the place is said to have been 
the same as is now known as Boulogne.^ 
Here he embarked, having eighty trans- 
ports, ills arm\' consisting of two le- 
gions, the 7th and loth, being about iJ,ooo 
strong, with some galleys, which \\ ere dis- 
tributed to the questor, the lieutenants and 
other officers. Besides these he had a 
ca\alr\ tbrce ol' 450, ^\ hich embarked on 
eighteen transports at another post 
about eight miles to the north, which 
were detained b\- contrai"\' winds. Being 
thus, himself, readv with the eight\ trans- 
ports and galleys, C;vsar took advantage of 
a tax orahle wind, — started on the expedition 
on the night of the J4th cjt' August, about 
one in the morning, and arrixed off of 
Doxer about ten in the tbienoon. lie there 
saw the high wliite cliffs co\ cred \\ ith hos- 
tile forces read\ to I'eceixc him as tiiev 
thought an in\ ader of their country- should 
be. lie saw that at this place the sea was 
hovmd b\ tile cliffs, so that it would lie easv 
tbi- his t-nemies, if he attemiited to land, to 
i thi'ow tiieir ja\ elius ujion them from above, 
lie, therefore, considered the place unsate 
! tor landing. — \;ud h\ initil tliree in the af- 
ternoon, anil in the meantime called a 
council of' his officers, l.iid before then^i tiie 
intbrmation he hadrecei\'ed from X'oiusen- 

J l!on;i|v.nte"s t';i's;n', \'oi. ii, I!, iii, rh. 7, p. 17^. 



So 



THE BRITISH PERIOD. 



us;^ informed them as to the part they 
were to act, and exhorted them to strict 
discipline, and impressed upon them the 
necessity of promptness in sea affairs. 
Then finding the wind and tide favorable, 
he signaled to weigh anchor, and moved 
north about eight miles, against a plain and 
open shore, where he determined to disem- 
bark. 

Ciesar having arrived with his transports 
at the open country where he intended to 
land, began to arrange his debarkation.^ 
The Britons, in the meantime, having per- 
ceived his designs, sent their cavalry and 
chariots in advance, and followed up with 
the rest of thei,r forces, intending to op- 
pose the landing. They arrived in time to 
do so, and Ca-;ar confesses that he found 
the opposition and diiliculty very great. 
The ships being large, when nearest to land 
were still in deep water, and when the sol- 
diers leaped into the sea to reach the shore 
were still breast deep in the water. The 
waves, the weight of their armor, and the 
determined resolution of the Britons to op- 
pose them, — boldly casting their darts, and 



3 For most of our particuUirs here, we arc in- 
debted to Cx-sar's Commentaries, which are very 
j^enerallv reliable: hut occasionally we :neet with a 
misrepresentation, or a matter represented in the gen- 
eral when only true in the particular. Cajsar wrote 
to create a favorable impression at home. Generally 
his statements are very accurate and truthful; but 
sometimes he states matters for the sake of the nov- 
elty, or the sensation it would create; when he had 
not sufficient opjiortvuiitx to know the actual truth, or 
to invesiigate the matter. \ow in the case before iis, 
he has labored to induce the reader to believe that he 
had been unable to obtain a reasonable amount of in- 
formation about Britain and its peojile, either through 
iijnorance or imwillinij'ness of the peo]iIe to divuli^c 
their information to him. This may have been true 
in some instances. I>ul so far the information he 
could and did obtain, it was a misre])resenlation. lie 
had the information of his tried friend, Divitiaoiis, 
the .'Kduaii as lie called him, but who undoubtedly 
was a British Druid, whom he found with the -Edui, 
lirohablv as an emiy;rant ])riest, but wl-.o it was said 
had ruled in Britain. (Com., B. G., B. i, §i6, also 
B. ii, §4.and5.V Then he had with him Comniius, 
who was a native of the country opjiosite of Britjiiii. 
and without doubt knew all about Britain and its 
jieople. Then there were the merchants of (laul and 
Britain, m iny of whom were favorably inclined to 
the Rom.m power. .\lso he liad sent out \'olusenus 
to obtain information, ( B. iv, §.Ji >, and uinlouliteiUy it 
was upon this information he cliantifed his point of 
attack from Dover to ci5^ht miles north. He had also 
with him Mandubr.itiu-;. the Trinobantean. who had 
lied from Britain to him. (B. v, iii6. ) lie therefore 
did possess all the int'orm.ition about theci)untry and 
jieople he reasonably could obtain tVom others and 
without a jiersonal inspection. We may have other 
occasions to refer to tliis note, in relation to other 
matters asserted by C;e.sar in his Commentaries. 

4 Aui;u.st J5tl). 55; B. C. 



[Book I 

spurring on their horses, well trained to 
the service, even rushing upon their ene- 
mies into the waves of the sea.; spreading 
terror and dismay among the Roman sol- 
diers. C;esar, obser\ing this, ordered some 
galleys, a kind of shipping more easily 
governed and jiiit in motion, to advance 
and attack the Britons in tiank, and, by 
the means of tht;ir engines, slings and ar- 
rows, to dri\ e them to some distance from 
the shore. This mo\ement proved to be 
of some service to the Romans, for the 
surprise produced upon their opponents, by 
the unusual make of the galleys, the mo- 
tion of the oars, and the pla}'ing of the 
engines, 5 forced them to slacken their ar- 
dor ;ind opposition. Still the Romans hes- 
itated to leap into the sea, and surmount 
these dangers, when the standard-bearer of 
the loth legion, ha\ itig first invoked the 
gods for success, cried out aloud; -'Follow 
me, fellow-soldiers, unless you ^vill betray 
the Roman eagle into the hands of the 
enemy; for my part, I am lesolved to dis- 
charge my dut\- to C;esar and the Com- 
monwealth." I'poti this he jumped into 
the sea and athanced with liis eagle; his 
men, eiu'oiiragei.1 by his example, cxliorted 
each other and IblloA'.ed him. This was 
followed b\ all the soldiers in the other 
ships, while Cicsar, statiding iti ftill view on 
the bow of jiis \ essel, exciting atid encour- 
aging his men. The battle was fierce and 
ebstititite. The Romans were able b\ 
means of some light galleys to-enforce 
when their line was in the greatest jK'ril. 
Tile Britons jierformed every act of xalor 
that heroism could suggest, to save their 
coiintrv tVom the contaminating foot-steps 
of a tbreigii foe; and rttshed into the \\a\es 
of the sea to meet and oppose them. Htit 
after man\ acts of indixidual \alor, tlie 
force and effect of the Roman engines and 
tlie adxantage of" sitjierior armors and 
w etijions at length prevailed oxei- jiatriot- 
ism and i'()uraL;e ; anil tlie Hritoiis were 
tbreeti to y ield. l>ttl the Romans ditl luU 
lia\-e their ea\ airy to take ad\aiit;ige of 



5 It m.iy be it it had not been for the advant;ii^f 
thus yained by these L;-alleys, and the i-iiiiiiies h\ 
\ them brouy;-lit to bear upon the Britons, Ca-sar may 
I not have been ahl..- to land in liritain. 



THE ROMAN INVASION BY CESAR. 



Chap, iii-l 

llieir retreat, for they had been detained by 
(he adverse winds and storms. 

Caesar, having obtained full po.ssession of 
the shore, established his camp in a suita- 
ble position, and fortified it in such manner 
as to protect at once both the men on land 
and the shipping The Britons upon rally- 
ing after their defeat, concluded to sue for 
peace, and in this they were aided by some 
of the natives from the continent, who 
were their friends, though in the Roman 
service. Commius, who had been sent to 
them as a friend from Gaul, to forward 
Ciesar's interest with them, had been im- 
prisoned as an enemy, was now liberated 
and joined them in their suit for peace. 
Upon recei\ ing this solicitation for peace, 
Caisar, imder a hollow pretense, reproached 
them for receiving him as an enemy, when 
he sought to visit them in peace. Never- 
theless he forgave their oftense, granted 
their request, and required them to deliver 
to him certain number of hostages .Some 
of these were delivered, and the residue to 
be in a few days. While matters were in 
this condition, and prospects of a peaceful 
arrangement being accomplished, on the 
night of the fourth day after the battle of 
the landing, while tlie transports were Iv- 
ing oft" the shore at anchor in apparent 
safety, the galleys having been drawn up 
on shore, arid all in apparent security, there 
came on an extremely high tide, with 
which the Romans were utterly unac- 
quainted, accompanied h\ a terrific storm. 
Tlie wa\"es of the sea soon submerged the 
galle\s on the beach; tlie fierce winds and 
waves broke the shipping from their moor- 
ings, dashing them against each other and 
the shore, and some were broken to pieces. 
Consternation and dismay prevailed in the 
Roman camp. 'i"he eighteen transports 
with the cavalry, which had been detained 
by the former storm, had attempted to 
cross over in the recent calm, were caught 
in the last storm and dispersed. All now 
appeared almost liopeless for tlie Romans; 
and the Britons in their prascrs claimed 
that the heavens were coming to their re- 
lief, and to re\'enge their wrongs. 

Ca'sar at once seemed to be in want ol' 
e\ er\thinir. He intended from the first to 



make but a short stay, and return l)efore 
winter; he, therefore, had with him but a 
very limited amount of supplies. He now 
not only stood in need of means to repair, 
but actually in need of the means of sub- 
sistence. The Britons "thought that the 
elements as well as their patriotism were 
calling upon them to arouse and make an- 
other effort to save themselves and coun- 
try. They thought that if Ca;sar Avas fully 
defeated with all the adverse circumstances 
found attending this invasion, they would be 
forever free from the attacks of a foreign foe. 
It seemed to be a favorable opportunity to 
cut oft" all supplies, 'and to detain the enemy 
on the shores without the means of retreat 
until winter, would be fatal to him. Then 
no Roman army in the future would dare 
to trust themselves in an inva.sion of Brit- 
ain. The British chiefs who had been 
preparing to comply with Ccesar's demands, 
now, upon seeing his disaster, the small 
number of his army and the diminutive 
size of their camp, were induced to make 
another eft"ort to save themselves from the 
Roman yoke. New combinations were 
formed for this purpose. All supplies w ere 
withheld, and intercourse with the camp 
withdrawn. C;usar saw the designs of the 
Britons, and immediately proceeded to 
counteract them. His lirst objects were to 
secure provisions, and next to repair his 
shipping. Ever\ da\' he sent a portion of 
his troops into the country to reap some of 
the grain which was left standing ungath- 
ered by the natives; and he set others vig- 
orously to work to repair his shipping, hy 
tearing some to pieces to obtain inatei-ials 
with which to repair the rest. He was 
soon able to dispatch a gallex' to tlie other 
side of the channel, tor oilier necessar\ 
niaterials and subsistence. 1>\' the zeal 
and labor of the soldiers the shipping was 
repaired and put aftoat again, tlieir numlier 
onl\ reduceil tVoni L'ight\ to alioul si\t\ 
ships. 

During tliese ti-ansactions, one day while 
a })art ot" tlic ai-m\ was out as usual I'orag- 
ing and another part at their labors on the 
repairs; and of tiiose who were out, some 
were engaged in cutting and gathering the 
grain while others were ean-\ ing it awaw 



THE BRITISH PERIOD. 



[Book I. 



— this foraging was 
"■rain not harvested 



n the only tield of thus again defeated, renewed their applica- 
the natives, and not tion for terms of peace; wliich were favor- 



at a very great distance from camp, — none ahlv received, and onlv double the amoimt 
expecting an attack; hut the Britons hav- I of -hostages required. 

ino- prepared themselves for it, hv antici- , Casar now. as he had previously intend- 
r-ating it, made an attack upon them bv a ; eil. was not to winter in Britain, prepared 
surprise, a\ ith their cavalrv and chariots, ! to lea\e and return to the continent. He 
which would iiav e lieen succes>ful and a i embarked all his forces and provisions, and 



had a jirosperous vo3'age to the opposite 
shore from wlience he came over. Upon 
CitsarV leturn'' to Gaul, he found the 
countr\ in his absence had been tolerablj- 
quiet, and his lieutenants liad been success- 
ful in maintaining peace. The only nota- 
ble exceptions was the attack the Morini 
made upon some three hundred of his men 
upon their landing from Britain at a differ- 
ent jiost from himself, which residted in a 
severe light; but these men were relieved 
a fierce combat in which ; b_\ re-enforcements sent by C:esar, who 
punished the Morini for this offense in his 
usual style. The otiier exception was that 
of some difliculty his lieutenants had with 
the Menapii, who evaded the Romans b^- 
retiring into impenetrable forests; but 
whose "territoiMes were laid Avaste with 
tire and sworii, and their habitations plun- 
dered," by these officers, who then returned 
to Civsar. This ended this campaign ; 
Citsar complaining that only two of the 
British states sent hostages to Gaul as 
agreed upon, the rest neglecting to perform 
the conditions of the treaty. For these 
successes of C.esar the Roman senate de- 
creed a thanksgi\ing of twenty days. 

If it be inc|uired at the end of this cam- 
paign, w liat good had been accomplished, 
and iVeeing the country forexerofa foreign ; the answer is palpable :— millions of people 
foe, and of their rajiacioiis grasp. Accord- j had been slaughtered; want, pain and suf- 
ingly a vigorous assault was made, with a ! fering had been produced and multiplied 

be\c)nd I'ali'ulation : thousands it' not mil- 
lions of" people sold into slaxerv; teriMtor- 
ies had been laid w ;iste \\ ith fire and sword, 
aiid tow nv leduced to ashes, that Rome 
it advisable to make a rally, and hoped in might boast of her empty glory, and call 
case he could tlefeat his assailants, he would ' other countries her conquered territory: 
be able to use what ca\ ab y he had to ad- ; while at the same time, the growing com- 
vantage. Again the better armor and dis- j merce and civilization of A'enetia and 
cipline ot his veteran troops prevailed, and Britain, tiie \ast sliipping interest of the 
the Britons were defeated and dispersed, ■ 

with "reat loss in the fight and in the pur- 6 Septfnil>ei- i2tli, 55 H. C. year of n.oiK- (.99. .See 

* ■- Bonnpartc s t'n'sar. \ ol. _>. )?. in. rli. vii; t';i'sar s 

.suit \iv the cavalrv. Tlie Britons lieing , Oun., H. iv. 



complete rout ensued, had it not been for 
the fortunate lelief afforded tliem. Ciesar 
Avas informed that there was an unusual 
cloud of dust rising in the direction where 
his men had gone foraging. He immediate- 
ly suspected the cause, and ordered the 
troops at hand to follow him, and others to 
guard the camp. He found, as he antici- 
pated, that the foraging party, Avhich con- 
sisted verv nearly of one-half of his troops, 
Avere thus attacked by a siu-prise and nearly 
overcome. 

the natives astonished the Roman soldiers 
by the skill and dexterity with which they 
conducted the attack Avith their horses and 
chariots, and nothing but Civsar's timely 
arri\al sa^ ed them from utter defeat. This 
rescue caused, the Britons to withdraw and 
come to a stand. But it seems that C;esar 
Avas satisfied with this rejiulse of the na- 
tives, and the protei'tion of his o\v 1: men, 
did not choose to l)ring on a more decided 
engagement, but stood on the defensive and 
led his men back to the camp. 

The Britons still conceived that tlie Ro- 
mans were in a critical, if not a desperate 
situation ; collected their forces from all 
the neighboring states, for an attack on the 
camp, with the hopes of a signal v ictorv , 



large bodv of' men, horses antl chaiiols. 
But Ca'sai- having been i-e-enfoiH-ed, and 
supplied witii thirty hoi'ses, w hich Commius 
had obtained for him from Cjaul. thought 



IHE ROMAN INVASION BY CESAR. 



Chap. 1 1 1. 1 

one and the tin trade of the otlier; the arts 
and science whicli was called in requisition 
in the ship building in the ibrmer coiuitry, 
and that which was necessarily developed 
in the mining interest and building char- 
iots in the latter, — a sure guaranty of a 
progress and civilization of their own, were 
stricken down if not annihilated. Per- 
haps, too, that inipi-ovenient, progress and 
ci\ilization would have been superior to 
that of Rome if it had been permitted to 
progress. IJut in order that Ca-sar might 
be great, and Rome lioast ot' her des asta- 
tion anci C()iu|iiost, ail this progress ami 
subjects ot" li())ie must he i-etaixled oi- anni- 
hilated. 

.\ftfi" Ills usual absence tiuring the win- 
ter, in a visit to Itah- and lUyria, C;esar 
retiu'ned early in the season to Gaid and to 
a port on the British channel, then called 
Itius, and now supposed to be Boulogne, 
the same lie (jccupied tiuring the last cam- 
paign ; sliil detei'miiied u]ion tiie conquest 
of Britain. During tiie wintei- iie had or- 
dereti his lieutenants to liuiUl as m;m\ new 
ships as possible, and re}')air sueli as were 
old. lie was grafitieii to lind that these 
orders hati been so fulh })ei'tormed, w liieh 
enabled him In as.-,emble a fleet of upwaixis 
of six hundred shijis, of a iai-'^er sj/e, and 
modeletl in aei'ordance to hi- own instruc- 
tion, s(j iis to be the best ad;q)teti to liis pur- 
pose. W'bile the expedition \\ a- gettiiiL; 
reaih', iii-. attention w as calletl to ditlieulties 
in the territorx ol' ihe 'l're\ eri. bo|-dering 
upon the Rhine. In his usual st \ le, he 
soon settled this eonq)lication ot' his atfairs, 
and liastened liack to the po-i. ti-oni wlieni'e 
he was to sail upon his eonlem})lated ex- 
pedition. Here he as-emlili'it Ihe leading 
men ot" (iuul, detei'mined to lake with him 
all the disatfeeteii spirits, aiui iea\ e behind 
him in his absence oiil\- such as he had 
<-()iifideni-e in, so as to sccui-e the |ieai-e ot" 
(iaul, if possible, in his absence. .\li being 
now ready be embarketi his troop- anti 
stores lor tiie expetiiti<ni. liis arni\' eon- 
•sisted ot' fi\e li'gions, — ahoul :;<).! kio — and 
two thousand ea\alr\, lea\ inn \\illi Lahi- 
enus, liis lieutenant, at tliis poi-i three 
legion- and the -ame iiumbei- ol e.ivalrx', to 
guard and protect llu- place; and to gather 

6 



S: 



supplies and forvvarti tliem to liiiiain- 
Having quieted Gaul, and the storms ot' 
the season ha\ing passed, Ca-sar sigivaled. 
the departure of his fleet, which consisted 
of six hmuired transjiorts and twenty-eight 
galleys; ami witli a ta\c)ral>le wjntt. set sail 
for the same place on the shore of Britain 
at which he landed tlie previous vear. Ik- 
started at siniset, ami alter a ta\ orai.>le pro- 
gress, at midnight lie was becaioied, and' 
I the tide carried him too far iv>rtli, w hicii 1r- 
perceived at daylight. The s<jKiiers witli 
great zeal made e\eiy exertion wirii their 
oars to attain tlie intended place of latuiiiiii" 
in due time. 'The wliole licet arri> eii tiiere 
about noon, ami at once proceecfeiJ to land 
tiie arm\ ami stoi-es, without an\- opposi- 
tion t'rom till- nati\es, who, upmi stting the- 
\ast armament, coiiciudetl it was useless to 
oppose tile landing, Imt w itii a large ann\- 
retired Irom siglit to some place of safet\ .. 
to await a more favoi-alile op|K)i-tctnil \ to 
oppose their enemies. 

Having landed'^ and seleeteil a [)ropet- 
])iace for liis camp, Cicsar began to intijuire:. 
ami iiesir(_)Us to know, something about tin,- 
arni\ of I lu- native-. 'J'iiev were this tiim.- 
tieternn'ned lo await the adwince of tile- 
Roman- into the country, whentlie\ knc\\ 
tlieir ai m \ mu-t be divideti, ov their c;nii|» 
at tlie sii()re wouki Ik- expo-ed ;<) £x' taken.- 
Having ohlaim-d his necessary int"ormatioui 
as to tile situation ol" the opposing airnrx-, 
Ca-sar immediateiv prepared to n^ari'li in 
si-areh ot' his opponents. lie set tnit about 
midnight witli the m.iiii bod\' of his :n-iii\, 
leaving at the landing; ten lohorrs and 
three himtlred ot" lii- i-a\alry, to trons-truct 
the catnp and guard liis shipjiing at aiiwhor. 
'riiCse he thought would Ik- kit in -afet\ 
untier llu- command of (j. .\rrius hi wiiose 
-kill and exi)erieii(-e he had full contid.C'.wv. 
During the night he niarchetl wiaSn ihis; 
forces al)out twelve mile-, and tfie next 
tia\ liel'ore noon-eanie in -ight of t;l y- Itrii- 
isn l(jrei.--, di'aw 11 u|) on the oppo-it«- -ide 
ol a i-i\<-|-, ad\ anla>4<.-ousl\ po-ted upon 
high ^i-ound-, with their c-.(\alf\ ai'.d (.-hj-r- 
iols, reatly lo oppo-i- hi- e\-o--iuL;. W'liik- 
tlie Romans were making thi.- pa--age IIr- 



7.|i'lv..L-i. 51 I!, f. 



l?Mnai.i;irtc 



s,^ 



'I'HF. BRITISH PERir)n. 



I I>(X)k I . 



ii;tti\ c Ircxip-- niiule :)!! ad\ antai^ccni-. attark c\ er\ Ihint; hctbrc it. The Hot-t \\a> ap- 
upon them iVom the hills ;*^ but heinj^' tinal- parcnth ruined : the jstonn had dri\ en al- 
1\ repul-ed h\ their eiieni\'> horse, the.\ most all tlie ships ashore : that neither the 
sui-ecsslulh- i-etreated to a jihu'e neai' h\ . cables noi" an(.-hors \\ efe able tf) stantl the 
stronL;'I\" protected hoi li b\ nature and art. ' \ iolence ol" the storm, nor could the skill 
It was situated adjoiniu'^ the woods, and ' ol" the seamen save the \essels from strik- 
all the a\e;uies Katiinu to it were secured i ii\!i' against each olher and being wrecked 
bv strong bari-icade- ol' fallen timber. In upon the shore. .Ml had received great; 
this situation the\' tlecmed it ad\isable not damage and were in great confusion. I'p- 



to >all\' t'orth in a strong bod\ of thearnn', 
but make their attack upon their enem\^ in 
smalt parties, \\hich seenu'ii to di-concert 
them. 'I'he Romans pu^lied iheii" main 



on receiving this unfa\orable intelligence, 
Ca-sar ordered his troops into their present 
t'anip. anci tf) >uspend ]iursuit and opera- 
tions in his absence; anil tlien imniediate- 



bod\' to the apjU'oaches of the works, com- Iv dcjiarled tor the camp at the seashore, 
peliin-- the Hrifons to draw within I heir : \vhere he found e\ ervthing in tlie bad con- 
lorce-, anti (iefc-^i themselxcs beliinil their dition that it had been reported to him. 
works r.ut the eneiiiv, upon liiiding this He fountl forty of his >hips destroved, and 
decided oppo-ilion, deternuned upon cap- the rest almost ii-re|>arable. He, ho\\e\er, 
luring the place , tor that pui pose the\ cast set his men to woi'k ant! t lie carpenters of 
\i]i a mound, from which the soldiers of the ' ''i'-^' ai'my to repair the shipjjing, and to re- 
seventh legion advanced under con er of . store things as tar as possible. llealsoor- 
their shickis, (breed the intrenchments, and ; tiered from the continent to be sent to him 



obliged the Uritons to aliandon their posi- 



-uch ait! and assistance as were there to be 



lion. L':esai-. deeming it inathisahle then ' 'i'"'- To secure matters from another such 
lo t'ollow tluii- retreating lorces. forbade all '■''sasler. he oi'dered his shipping to be 
puisuit. lor the reason, as he said, both be- ; liauled uji on shore, and secured within the 
cause he was un,-i<-i]uainted with the nature , '"'■'''"'t'='t'<'i' "I l^'- camp. These works 
of the countr;, and theilav being tar spent, ^^ ^i''- ai'duous, anil i-ctiuired the constajil 
he resoh ed to eimilm the rest of it in tor- laboi- ol' liis men day and night fo!' the 



Iit\nig tlK' cami> where he w.a-- 



space ot ten ila\ : 



I-^arlv the next morning, he di\ided his TIk'sc woi'ks being accomplished, and 
troops into thr-ee di\ isions, and sent them his camji here being put in a safe and sat- 
in pursuii ,)!' the nati\ e torces. The\ liail isl'actory coiuiition, C:esai- ret ui'ned to his 
come up with them .md just upon the e\ i' c.imp and troops in the i'oun1r\ ; lea\ ing 
ol making an attaik, when tiie\ were with his lieutenant, in the camp on the 
• called back. This w as caused h\ new s that shore, tlje -ami' troops as when he left on 
C'a'sai- had just i-ecei\ed t'roin the camp he , the lormei' (iccasion. I'jion his i-eturn he 
liad Irt'tonihe seasjiorr. .Soon al'tei' In's I'ouiul t he lii'iton- hail considerabi \ increas- 
li-oops bad left lor the jiursuit, a pai-t\ of ed tlie nundxr of their ti'oops: tiiedilfer- 
ca\alrycamc in L;rea1 haste from .\trius, ent states in the vicinitv had united and 
to announce- tlial in the preceding night conlederated t'or .-i common det'ense; aiul 
there had been a violent tempest, s\\ ^ i-pjng had conlerred u|)on C"assi\ ellaim us the chief 



■ commantl and the atlminist r.at ion ol' the 

< I{ona,,:.rle .-.mehuk-s tlial this pl^uy w;.s wh:il is „.„ -p,,;^ prince was a man of ■Meat ex- 
i\n\v known ;is Kniysldn. iMi a IilUi.- strirnii l<ii(>\vn i ' 

:i-. tin- l,iti!i' Stdiir. t '1 sii;>r;i. ]H-i'ii'ni'e liotli in wai' and ci\ il atiministi-a- 

.1 li IS prc.lri!i!i. iii:fi t';i-s;n- wms luurli surnristcl tion. and the adioiniuL;' siates cordialix' 
with till- It sist:iiHO Ik- nu-t witli lu-ie; :i!u! tliitt llu ■ , • ,■ •" , • , 

l.nuk- xv:is,niK-h n.,.re si-vi-re. tliMu ut- iiMlluTbx .1 united m coulerrmg upon Inm theiom- 
.as.ml HMilini; of l!isn-|K.rt. It is i,n>l.;,hleilKU ilu' uiami in chief. Ili^ow,, states were sit- 
liiss ot imii \v;is ;is L;r<.'.it Willi iMi- Koin:ins ;is it was 
\\ itl) tliu Mriloiis. Tliis rcsislaiu-e iiuUui'd e';vsar to uati' on 1 he nort li side ol the Thames, at 
lucomi' \iry tautioiis. I K- found tlu- Ilritons an o\ i- 
nialili for h'iin i-xcipl u lure 111' loiiUI liaM- tin- ad 
v:intao-L- ol' liis :nni\ in a luidv. with tln' t;riMl ;ul- 
vanta;^-*.- of Ihi-ir superior armor and disi'ipliiu-. i | 
l-ai--. 'I'iclori:;! Ilist,,r\, p. _■-;. j 



the ilislanie of about eight\ miles t'rom 
C;esai''s lanilino. 

When L'asar .ittempted his I'oi-ward 



'I'lIlO ROMAN INVASION V,\ C.KSAR. 



(.'liap. I II. I 

ino\ eiiK'iU again, he touiui tiic IJritons 
ovcr\ where watchiiiL; lii-- nun enu-nl'-, and i 
reach to (>|>p()>e In'ni. Althouyli tlie Ro- | 
man \otoran ^olclior'- with tht-ir superior 
aiinor, weapons and iliscipline^ were o\ er- | 
mateii to the IJi-itons in their ijreat hattles, 1 
\ el tlie\ were sin-pri>eii. ;md put to hesila- 
tion anti astonishnvenl w lien Ihex saw tlie 
skill ami l)i-a\er\ with which the IJritoiis 
jnanaueil aiul touyiil with, their cavalrv 
and I'haiiols. In none ot' their other wars 
in the west ot' iMnope, did the Romans aji- , 
l)Lai' to he so eonstanth upon a|iprehension | 
ot" surprise and unexpected reverses; 
tlieretbre the\ kejit tlieir ibrces well guard- i 
ed from sucii attacks; depending lor suc- 
cess upon their union in mass, ami their • 
iliscipline. L;esar himself appears lo lia\e 
lieen greath sm-prised b\ the number- of ^ 
their chariots and the skill w ith which thev [ 
manageii them in their attack anil defense. ' 

The Romans in their tbrwartl move- 
ment. h\ keeping themsehes in compact, 1 
and w ell guarded masses, were able ahvavs ■ 
to tiri\ (■ the Britons before them to the ! 
w oods and fastness, Ijut were continuallx 
imder tear of une^xpected re\ erses or at- 
tacks, in whiili their chariots were aK\a\s 

consiiicuous ajui dreaded. Though eom- 

i 
lielled to retreat belore the Roman arm\' ' 

when thus in mass, \ el thev were contiii- ' 
uall\ making theii" attacks, whenever a ' 
fair opportiinitv occiu'red, bv the \igorous 1 
charge ol" their ca\alr\ sujijiorted b\ their 
chariots. Whenever the Romans ventured 
too lar, the\ were sui-e to he I'ut otf, antl an 
ailxantage taken of theii' j)osilion. .Soon 
after the commenci-meiil of this aihaiice, 
while the Romans w ei'e laboring without 
apprehension at their intrenchments, the 
Jb'itous smldenh issued from their i'o\ei', 
anil attacked an aiUanci- post; when a 
sharp ami obstinate cotnhaf eusueil, and 
Ca'sar was compelled to send t w o cohorts to 
their relief. These in turn were jdso at- 
lacked In tin- Uritons. and became so sur- 
prised iiml intimidated b\- their boldness 
and maneuxeiing with Iheii- chariots, in 
so strangi- a moile of lighting to the Ro- 
mans; that the I>ritons struck ami broke 
through the cohorts, passing and repassing 
through the interval in the lines, — I'outed 



8.=; 



them and returned without loss. .Some 
t'resh cohorts were sent forward to their 
relief, wlien the Hritons were repidsed. 
In this action Q. Laberius Durus, a Roman 
militarv tribune, was killed.'" 
1 "By this action," sa\ s C;esar, ■•which 
happened within \ iew of the camp, and of 
which tlie whole aini\ were spei-tatois, it 
e\ iilentlv appeaix'd, that cnu" bea\ v armed 
• legions, who could neither pursue those 
i that letired, nor durst xenlure to forsake 
, their standards, \\ere b\ no means a match 
for such an enenu': noi- coulil even the 
cavalry engage without great danger, it 
being usual for the IJritons to counterteit 
a retreat, until the\ had draw n them a con- 
siderable wax from the legions, when sud- 
ilenh quitting their chariots, tbe\ charged 
them on loot, anil bv this unei|ual maimer of 
fighting made it alike ilangerous to pursue 
or retire. Add to all this, that they never 
tbught in a bodv. but in suuill pai ties, ;ind 
with considerable interv als Ix-tweeii. I he y 
had likewise their detachments so placed, as 
easilv to protect their riving troops, and 
seiiil t'resh supjilies w here needed." This 
evidenth was a se\ ere battle, in which the 
l>ritons manifested much skill and man- 
agemeni : and in which the Romans must 
ha\e been surprisi^d 1)\ the bold tighting of 
their op))onents : ;iiul have sustained con- 
sideralile loss, as clearU a]ipears In the 
death of Dinus. 

The next liav after this action the Brito ns 
look a moi'e secure station i>n the hills, at 
a considerable liisiaiii-e from the Ro m;ui 
camp, — became more reserv eil, ami only 
aj^jieaied to their enemies in suiall bodies, 
with the ho|ies to diaw them out, where 
tiiev would not b.ave the pi'olection of their 
united mass. But linding, aboiU noon, the 
Romans out of tlu'ir cam]) foraging, with 
three legions ;ind all their c;ivalrv, under 
the lommaml of C. Trebonius, C:esar s 
lieutenant, thev fe'll suddeiilv uj^x)!! the 
foragers on all siiies, and even with vigor 
attacked the legions and standards. After 
i a Herce tight thev were repulsed, and so 
\ igorouslv pur-ued that thev I'ouml no op- 
[ portunitv to rally, liescend h-om their char- 

ro Sec C'iusur's Com.. 15 (». IJ. v, jjii: tii)n;ip:ii-te's 
! C.';vs;ir. ut su)ir:i. p. Ji,". 



S6 



THE BRITISH PERIOD. 



iots, or face about to make a stand. This 
repulse produced some discouragement, bv 
the losses they had sustained in tiie fight; 
and some of the allied Britons returned to 
their homes, which considerably reduced 
the tbrces of Cassivellaumis, and compelled 
hiin to remain entirely on the defensive. 

Caesar, perceiving that Cassisellaunus' 
forces had been reduced, and not able to 
make the stand and opposition he had been 
doing, was now determined to bring the 
campaign to a close, lie therefore decided 
to jiursue and attack him in his own terri- 
tory. In order to do this it was necessary 
to march further into tiie interior, and 
cross the Thames. Accordingly this line 
of march was taken up, and pursued with- 
out opposition until they came to the cross- 
ing of that ri\er. Here upon the north 
bank of the Thames Cassi\ ellaunus deter- 
mined to make a stand, with the hopes of a 
successful resistance. It was expected tliAt 
Ca.;sar would not be able to select a more 
practicable ford than the one selected lor 
him. Here on the lett Ixink of the ri\er 
the Britons iiad collected a considerable 
army with their ca\alr\ and ih;nif)ls, 
ready to meet tiieir toe. Tiiey IkuI forti- 
tied the bank on thei)' side ot' the ii\ er witii 
stitkes and pickets; and a laige nmnher of 
stakes were also driven into the ii\ er uniler 
water, so as to obstruct the forti and render 
it dangerous. L';esai" upon coming up to 
the river, was intbinied otall tiiis picpara- 
tion to obstruct iiis crossing. In some pris- 
onei's and deserters, he therefore ordered 
his cavalrx to cross the i"i\er, either abo\ e 
or below, and attack tiie Britons in tiank 
and distract their attention, while the in- 
fantry cross the ri\ er at the ford and jittack 
them in tVont. The Roman sokliers ac- 
complished their orders with ^ix'at resolu- 
tion. The men crossed the ri\er w iicre the 
water w as breast tleep, remo\ ed tin- stakes 
and ]iickets, under siiowers of their oppo- 
nents' \\ea])ons. The Britons were now 
)ilaced l)etween two attacks — the (,a\ah-\ 
on one side anil the resiilue ot the Roman 
arm\ on the other; the\ found it impossi- 
ble to withstand this shock, — abandoned 
their position, and fled. 

This defeat sodiscouraged L'assi\ ellaunus 



[Book I 

and his men, that they came to the conclu- 
sion that they coidd no longer keep the 
field ; he di.sbanded the main portion of 
his army, — retaining only foiu- thousand 
chariots!' and a select Ixidx ot men, to 
watch the mo\ements ol his enem\. al- 
ways keei^ing at a distance and slieltering 
himself in the woods and inaciessible 
places. Tile inhaliitatits on the I'oute also. 
sought such retreats and security tor tiiem- 
sehes, cattle and property, and thus gen- 
erally kept out of the \\a\ of the enemv. 
Still C:esar did not tinil iiiniseil' eitlier at 
ease or in safety while in the i-ountrv ; for 
he himselt sa\s: '-It at an\ time our cav- 
alry \entureil upon a tree exiursion into 
the fields, 1- to plunder and lav waste the 
country-; as he was perfectly accpiainted 
with the roads and tietiles, he woukl sall\ 
from the wootis with some (jf' his (.-harlots, 
and tall on our men, dis])ersed and in dis- 
order. These frequent alarms obliged us, 
to be nuich upon our guard; nor would 
C;esar sutter the cavalry to lemoxe to ati\ 
distance from the legions, or to pillage anil 
destroy the i-ounti-_\', uidess w iiere the toot 
was at hand to sustain them." This would 
induce the lieiief that the war was Ix'com- 
ing not \ er\ satisfactor\ for either pai't \. 
It would also appear that C;esar thought 
that "to pillage and destroy the countr\," 
wei-e the legitimate objects of a war; anil 
a commendable operation, w hene\ er it 
could be .safely done, without incurring too 
nuich risk and danger from their oppo- 
nents. 

In the meantime C';esar was taking aii- 
\antage of the opposition and dissension 
existing between the ditfeienl states. Some 
time ])ie\ ious ihei-e had been a war bet ween 
Cassi\ ellaunus aiui his neighboi-ing people, 
the Trinobantes, a powerful state, in which 
their chief had Inen killed; and his son. 
Mandidiratius, a jirince who ilaimeil to 
succeed him, had tied to L';es;ir on thi-con- 
tiiiLiit. solieiting aid to be restored and to 
re\enge Ids lather's death. With the in- 
fiuence of this young prince, the 'J'rino- 
bantes were induced to send deputies to ot'- 



li Cae.sar's Com., B. (i., B. v, §i_v 

\2 Osai's Ci,m.. H. (J., R. v. ^ 

';<-s;ir. ill supra. |>. Jio. 



Hi.iui|ivntf' 



■tllilp III. 



lilK ROMAN INN'ASION \i\ CESAR. 



87. 



iIt tlioir siibniission. iiiul ilcmand tlu' vminj4' 
prince as thv'w kjni;'. 'I'lu'sc tlic [^oman 
I i.-ici\ cii kiiulh. and t-onsentcd to tlieir re- 
ipif-ts, ai Ihc same lime esai'tinif of them 
l'orl\ hostai^es. and "^rain lor the use of his 
arm\ . 'I'his (h"ssensif)n a mom;' the Britons, 
and the l'a\or,tbK' reception of the Trino- 
hantes induced other nein'lilioriiiL;- states to 
follow ihcir e\ami)k'. Tliese ijave to the 
Romans their aid and assistance; and es- 
pi.ciall\ llie infoi"nialion wiiich Ciesai" was 
desii-ous of ohtaininy. In addition to 
liled'^iuL; their suliniission, tlie\ infornieii 
iiiin I hat I Ik- capital and de]i()t ol' slc)i"es of 
C_'assi\ i_'llaimus w ei'e not far o(V, situated in 
and protected In woods and marshe.s, 
w here a Lj'reat numliei' of his men and cat- 
tle W(.'re retireti and protected. 

'I'his information indui'ed Ciesar to strike 
an immetiiate hlow in thai tiuarter, and 
Ihitlier he marched with his Ici^ions. He 
found the place apjiarenth sti-ony, both h\ 
.art and natiue: — fortified h\ a ditch and 
rampai't. Ne\ertheless lu' ix'sohed to at- 
tack it in two se\eral ipiarters, wliich were 
success! ul. The IJritons, alter a stand tor 
some time and a sharp conflict, were 
•oblii'ed at last to ^'Inc wa\ ami retreat to 
some othei' place of sat'et\. 'Phis defeat 
was attended with Ll'reat loss; foi- a vast 
numbei' of cattle were taken in the place, 
iv\(.\ in_ the retreat man\ of the Hritons 
were either taken as ]irisoners or lost their 
li\es. 

While these ti'ansactions were passing 
north of the 'riiames, Cassi\ ellaunus had 
<lispatched messem;ei's to Kent, which was 
tb.en under the ^ovei'mnent of lour differ- 
ent sl;ites. and theii- respecti\ e kings or 
fhiefs. These \vere oriiered to collect their 
forces, and fall suddenU upon the Roman 
naxalcamp. The attack was act'ordinglv 
ntade; but the men sallied out in gi'eat 
force, defeateii them, with great shuighter, 
anil took (Jingetonx, one of their kings 
anil leaders, pi-isonei'. 'J'his diversion was, 
therefore, entireh ilefeatetl without -anv 
good result. Cassiv ellaunus. ujion the re- 
(\-ijit of the new s ot (liis late disaster, be- 
came so discouraged b\ so m;m_\- losses, 
the dexastaticjn of his territoi-_\-, and es- 
)>eciall\ the resolt and disaffection of so 



man\ of the pro\inees, sent embassadors 
to Ca-sar, with tiie mediation of Comin.s, to 
sue tor peace. Ciesar now began, in the 
midst of liis successes, to appreciate his 
difficulties. The fJritons, nc)twithstanding 
their re\ erses, were showing stubborn op- 
position to coming under a Roman yoke; 
and were ne\ er so tar subdued and deject- 
ed as that thev could not arouse them- 
selves and rallv, whenev er an opportiniity 
offered itself to recover their independence 
and freedom. The season was coming too 
near its close to ho]>e for the termination 
of the wnv before winter; ami a winter 
campaign in the midst ol such opposition 
from the people, and difVicultv in obtaining 
.subsistence, would he highlv unta\oaable, 
anti encoiu-age a jirotracted war. llere- 
ffected also upon the difficulties he might 
encounter upon the continent ; — their stub- 
born opi^osition and fretiuent commotions. 
These matters imluced him to wish some 
settlement, h\ which he could plausibly 
withdravH and return to (iaui before win- 
ter. 1 le therefore listened to Cassi\ ellaimus' 
proposition for peace with great compla- 
cenc\ and upon the most Irnorable terms. 
He onh required hostages, a certain an- 
nual tribute to be paid to the Roman peo- 
ple, and that Cas.-ivellaimus should refrain 
from all hostilities upon Mandubratius and 
the Trinobantes. 

These terms being settled, Ca-sar inune- 
diatelv returned to his shipping, glad of an 
opportunity, without the appearance of a 
positive defeat, to return to (ianl with his 
arm\' before winter would set in. On re- 
turning to his shipping he found it repair- 
ed, and ready for him. He ordered it to be 
launched and jirepared for his embarka- 
tion. The number of his ti-ansports hav- 
ing been luuch reduced by the injuries re- 
ceived in the late storm, and the number 
of his armv anil jirisoners being so great, 
heat first intended to i)ass o\er in two 
vovages; but fear of the equinox, ;ind the 
great delay it would cause, induced him to 
change this arrangement ;md to pass over 
at one trip. He found he covdd do so by 
risking the loading of his transports heav- 
ily ; and the gi'eat good hick his shipping 
met with in passing the cluumel, induced 



88 



Till-: BRITISH PKRJOl). 



Book I. 



him to venture it. Takin;; advaiUai,a' of 1 
the opportiinil\ artorcied by an extraordiii- I 
iirv calm, lie >el >-aiI alxjut ten at nii^ht, 
and b\- <ia\break lii-oii^-ht liis whole fleet i 
safe into his destined poi't in (/iaul. 

At this time Ca'sai- had lieen in Britain 1 
alioiit si\t\' da\s;'-' and in the fonnei' i.xpe- i 
dition about eii^hteen da\ s. He was now | 
cc^mpelled, whetlier he so intended it or 
not, to bid tliat countrv a farewell lorev er. 
Tlie wliole mii-~l ha\ e been a L;reat disaji- 
pointment to him. lie "gained notbinic, 
except lia\ini;" seen the counti-v. — ha\ im;' 
landed on it^ slioi'e, and the last time, was 
able to march into the t;ountr\ about f)ne 
himdred miles and l)ack. Took no boot\- 
except, perhaps, some interior pearls. U 
Witnessed some hard H^btinL;', antt as an 
ad\'ersar_v, admired and eulo^izeti the \ast 
number ot" chariot-- the Britons were able I 
to bring into the Held: and the ^kill and i 
art with which tlie\- were corisli-ucted and } 
manaLjed- The exjieditioiis cost him a ; 
j^ood man\ ships, ami men lost in battle; 
with a thoromib con\ iction tliat the islantl ( 
was not to be L^'ained in one battle, but de- 
fended h\ a people whose endurance, spirit 
and perse\ erance would enable them to 
arise once more, as oj'ten as -,ti-ii-keii down ', 
in battle. It is true he slaui^litered manv ■ 
of tlu'ir people: destro\ed and consumed 
many ot their cattle and ]iroperl\ ; burneil 
and deslroyeti some ot' their towns and 
inun\- of their hf)uses; liut then, in those 

f.-? From July _Mst 111 Sc|>t. 2ist. 54 J>. t'.. iiiul tlii' 
ycur 700 ot" Hemic. Sec I!<iii:M):ii'I<"s C'.i-^ur. i'. .J2-(. 
vol. 2ci. 

14 It i.s int^■r^slill^ :ind lurioiis lo |niu^i.- the cor- 
respondeiK'i- (as sl;itt-<l l>v .VIr. (jik-s, 1 .Vmiint lirit- 
oiis, SI, itc.) which passed at this lime hutwccii 
C:tsar and his officers in Britain, and the orator Cice- 
ro and friends at Koine, tf th-en took iVoni tour to 
si.\ weeks for a letter to pass: and much anxiety and 
curiosity was nianitVsted at Rome as to the result of 
the e.vpedition aijainst Britain, then hula little known 
island. Tlieir principal solicitation and anxiety were 
to know the piospect tor ■•honlv:" ver\' much as it 
was I'ornierlv with tlie British army in India, as to 
"K)Otino.'" in one of C'ictro's letters to his brothtr, 
(^ninHis. in the armv with C'a'sar, there is a sentence 
more coinmend-.ible and consistent with his charac- 
ter, and humanity, tlian the rest, tie says: — "'TIow 
delighted I was to receive vom" letter from Britain' 
For I had ii^real fear about you from the sea and the 
rusj-g-ed coast of that island. There were other cir- 
cumstances of ecjual importance to influence me, but 
they raised rather mv liopcs than my fears. What 
a noble subject yoii now have for employinij your 
pen I What descriptions you may now indulfje in 
about tlie thiniis and the places you have .seen: their 
situations, the tribes vou have been amoiiirsl. their 
manners, aiul llie baltlo vm; have been in.'" Kverv 



da\s, this was looked upon h\ tln' Romans 
as the e\idence of victory anti gain. 

When L'a-sar left Britain the last time, 
whether he had changed his lieterniination 
as to the concpiest ot that countrv ami con- 
sidered it not \\<)rth the cost; and aban- 
doned the idea lu had entertained in iii'< 
nn'nii tor some \ ears, at all ha/ard to conc[viei" 
it; or tor the present to delax that objei't 
w itli a determination to retm'n to it at some 
moie comenient time, wc lio not know . 
I»ut ln>we\ei- that ma\- lie, it is certain 
that lor the next three \ ears (;:ud g;ive 
him enough to do in keeping down that 
spirited ami brave p<.'0[>le ; in -ubjecting 
them to Roman ride; anti hi-- ■-ulisetpient 
time was too n:uch occupied in his civil 
and domestic wai" lo think again ot' the 
conquest ol" ]3rilain. .\llhough he and lu's 
friends, and tlie Romans in genei'al, had an 
exalted idea of the glorv and gain in the 
acqinsition of that comitr\ ; vet frf)m the 
time that C;esar left it in 54 B. C. lo 4:; .\. 
n. — ninetv-seven vears — when .\iihi-- Plan- 
tins In orders of the i-ioman emperor, 
Clauditis, again invadcti it, Britain was lett 
to itself free tV(au aiiv fori'ign invasion. 

j-3 — C(r,<(n-'.< /-'n/ii/ Opi'i-atioiis in (iiuil. 

The intimate c()miection that the Biiton> 
had with L'eltic (jaid, and the immediate 
relation that Ca-sar's invasion of the latter 
countrv had with the lormei", liav e indiicetl 



reader will now partiiipate in tin >ciilinii nt ; and re- 
i>rct that we now nave not ^-uch letters describint;- 
Britain as it tlieti vva.s; as a niodern letter writer 
would describe it; mil onlv where Ciesar saw il, but 
in tho.se older pans, the Is'le of W'ioht, the neinhbor- 
hood of Fortsmoulh. .in,d the v.illev of the Avon, and 
of course .Sloneheuye and Avelnu'v. 

But these Uoman letters were lilted wilh anxiety 
about the booty and <jain which were to 1h' obtained 
tVom liritain, rather than sucii obiecls of huinanUv; 
— rather allusions to the hopes of plundir. llian lo a 
description of the country and \X>- people. liven the 
K'reat Cicero expresses his fears, ••thai there is not a 
scruph' of ^old or silyer in the island, and no hopes 
of makinir booty, except from slaves; and I fancy you 
hardly expect to find any .scholars or musicians 
amoiii^ them." And also. "The country Ir.id been 
reduced lo submission, hostai^'es were delivered, and 
though no booty had bei-nani.lssed. diey had imposed 
payment of money on the natives." * •'■ '■■• "rake 
care thai after you have so often cautioned others, 
that vou are not taken liy surjirise yourself, by one of 
the British war-chariots." * * * "If there be ho 
«-old nor silver in Britain. I advise you to catch one 
of their chariots, and come liack amonicst 11s as soon 
as vou can." These letters disclose the motives and 
sentiments that actuate the Bomans in llicir attempts 
upon Britain. 



Cliap. 111. 



TllK ROMAN IW 



tlic ii;irr;ili\ e> nl lii> i:anipiiiiL<iis in (iaul, 
ami till.- same reasons will roinj>el us to 
follow him ill till- three lollow iiv^ i-am- 
paiiiiis, until that t^allaiil peoi)!^ were coni- 
pcllcd to settle (low 11 with their eoiintrv as 
ii J^oman pro\ iiiee. 

C'a'sar's aliseiu.-e iVom (.aul while in 
IJrilain, diii not in the least teiui to recon- 
<-ile its jjeople to a Kcunaii rule. Dissatis- 
fat'tiou ami a sense ot" the injustiee antl 
opi>ressioii the\ eiuiured, ke]>t them eon- 
stanlh in a spirit oi' revolt, with the hopes 
tliat the\ wouUi \ et lie ahle to drive oul 
tlieir oiipressois. I'pon his return to the 
<'ontinent. this liiva tVeetion was so u'reat 
that war was read\ to break oul anew in 
various plaee-^. 'I'Ik' ditVieulties were >o 
j^reat. and the spirit ol~ revolt so inimineiit, 
that he dareil not duriiii^' that winter take 
lii^ Usual trip to llah. Soon alter his re- 
turn, with the hopes of reconciling afl'airs, 
lie called an assemblv ot" the notables ot' 
(jaiil to meet him at Amiens (.Saniarobri- 
\a); and to awe the people, he qiiartereti 
his le;^ions in various places (jf the greatest 
danii'cr, within a circle ot' a huiulred miles 
north ol' the Seine and .-.outhwest of the 
Rhine, so as to he within strikini;' distance 
of each other in case of dilficultv ; and to 
enable tiieniseives the ea>ier to obtain sup- 
plies; making; his own headquarters at 
Amiens. Not\\ ithstandin;^ these precau- 
tions >_rreat dilHcLilties arose; first to the 
north with the Cariiutes — whose heaii- 
quaiicrs were where Chartrcs now is, — 
one ol' the most important states of the 
Cvniric Celts, vv hii-h reciuired yrcat ad- 
dress to tpiict ii ; but still ;4i-eater diliicultv 
arose to the north among the ljelij;a'. To 
meet tliis a larye force was sent under 
Sabinus and Cotta, two generals in whom 
C:e~ar had tuli contidence, to the Eburones 
whose territories were between the Meuse 
and the Rhine. There tliev wire soon en- 
camped aiul ;ipp;n"erit] ■. sat'e, when vliev 
found the people of the surrountlini( states 
roused against them, and unexpectedlv be- 
sieging their caniji. While in the ditricul- 
ty of their situation, ;i controversy arose 
between the two geiierais as to what was 
best to be done, — Sabinus contending they 
should nbamion their camp and retreat to 



\S]0\ \\\ C.KSAK. «(> 

the nearest legion while thev couKi, and 
bel'ore the eiiemv should ix-ceive all there- 
enfcJlCements thev vv ere expecting. C'olla. 
I'or various reasons and iqioii general prin- 
; ciples. conteiuieil thev should deleiui their 
I po.silion to the last, or uiilil thev should re- 
leiv e orders I'roni (.'a-sai-. .Sabinus' npinii ui 
prevailed, and the iiexl nu)riiiiig at da\ 
break the garrison st;trtetl out to join the 
nearest legion, under liie commaiKl ol' (j. 
Cicero. 'Hiev had nol proceetled \':^r on 
their vvav, when in a defile lietwee'U high 
' hills, covered with wootis. with a slreamof 
Water running IhrouLih it, — all lavorable 
for an amlniseaile, thev were surrounded 
, bv their eiieniv at a v erv great disadvan- 
tage. 'J'hev were surrouiuled on all si<ics, 
I and the light soon became licsperate. Sa- 
' binus became greallv alarmed and appear- 
■ ed to lose all contidence in hiniselt'. thougii 
I he continued to order and do his dutv. 
, Cotta h;iv ing foreseen tin.- didlculty of 
I their undertaking, neglected nothing for 
their general safetv . did everything in his 
j pow er Ixith as olVicer ami soldier in the 
' ranks. The llghlingaiul their situation be- 
I came so desperate, that the baggage was 
abandoneil. and a circle formed l'oi- their 
defense. Whenever the cohorts maile a 
charge upon the barbarians they were ciiiiiL 
successful, and maile great slaughter. This 
being i)erceiveii bv their eomniaiuier, .\.in- 

. a 1 

' biori.\, a native of great skill and e\per- 
i ience, Ikiv ing been iiuu-h v\illi Romans, he 
I ordered his men to keej) al good dist;ince, 
I to tight with their missile, to retreat as the 
Romans ailvaneed, aiul attack them in 
turn as thev retreated. This mode of 
I fighting prov ed a success to the l!elg;e, and 
1 discouragement to the Romans. 'Ihe bat- 
tle was Ihus conlinued with desperate 
lighting Irom earlv in the morninL; to tin.- 
' niidtlle ot' the afternoon, while as vet ik.jIIi- 
; ing vv;is vielded or tloiie unworthv of a 
I Roman soldier. l!ul bv 1 bis 1 inie 1 hey had 
j lost many of their men. Se\ eral ol' their 
I best otlicers were either killed or desper- 
ately wounded; and Cotta, himself, was 
severelv wouiuk'd in the mouth bv a blow 
from a sling. A parlev was novv held. 
Ainbiorix ottered to <;iant a cont'erence: 
and pledged Himself to use his intluence to 



90 



THK BRITISH PERIOD. 



Book I. 



-pwrc the Ronianv, a;u1 no hurt should he | made on hotli sides in the attack and de- 



tlonc Sahiiui^. Ipoii this tlie hitter pro- 
)>()--cd to Colta to lea\ c tlie hattlo and go to 
i-ont'cr with Auihiorix. Cotta alisohitelv 
refused to Irtat witli an armed eneni\' ; and 



tense, with extreme diffieultv notice of tlie 
situation was sent to Ca'sar. wlio imnic- 
diateh ordered all the forec'^ lie eoidd 
spare, and hastened to the relief of the he- 



persisted in liis resolution. .Sahinus and ! sieged camp. When within a few miles of 
>onK' ot' the otheer-. went o\ cr to Aml)iori:. | the camp, the \er\ ians ha\ ing reeei^ ed in- 
to hold a conference. Tjion request thev | formation of his approach, immediately 
laid dow n their arms and a conference was j )"aised the siege and proceeded Avith an 
begun. Some altercation took place, w hile i arnwi of sixty thousand nr more to attack 
in the meantime they were surrounded h\ i Cresar unawares on the way. He imme- 
rlie barharians and slain. The latter now ! diately prepared to recci\e them, and for- 
with great shout tiercel \ attacked the Ro- tified himself in a camp; and he himself 



mans, w lio dct'ended theniselxcs with \ igor, 
C'otta, li^-hting to llu' last, was slain. A 



now became besieged. Here L-vi^ry art and 
stratesjA' were used on either side to ohtain 



great slaughter ensued, and onl\ a I'em- i the advantage. The nati\es had f)\ er- 
nanl of ihem succeeded in making a retreat whelming advantage in numbers; Ciesar 
hack to I he cunp they had let't in the morn- ] therefore abided his time, I'ortifying his po- 
hiL;. iiere thc\ were again attacked, with- I sition with great labt^r and security; de- 
«)ui the hope- ol' esca]>e. In their desper- | termined to wait lor the lime when lie 
iition, in liie course of the night, rather | could make an attack on his enemy with 
ihan fall ititi) tlu- lianti- ot' their enemies, certainty ot success. That time soon canve. 
ihey killed each other. ()nl\ a few matle i He pretended to be very fearful of the con- 
Jhtir escape tVom the tigiit, and cari'ietl the | sequences of his situation in order to draw 



Jiews to the nearest Roman camp. 

This prohablx was tiie most disastrous 
MlVair of tile war. Its success enabled Am- 
hiorix to aroiKse the Helga- in atletermined 
)-esolutioii to fi'ee the countr\' from tlie Ro- 



his enemy on to make an incautious at- 
tack. One morning their cavahw crossed 
the \alley ami brook that ]a\ between 
them and attacked the R.oman horse. 
These were ordered to withdraw as though 



man \<> 

made on se\ era] camps before Ca>sar could 
be informed of the late disaster. The near- 
■isi camp lor Anihioriv to attack was that 
<il" L'ic-ero. in the territorx ot'the Ner\ ians. 



An immediate attack xvas ''^^^''^^'^t fear. This so invited the natives 

that they crossed over in a great body, and 
were posted in a \ ery disadxantageous jio- 
sition, and in the most contemptuous man- 
ner attacking the cam]i, as though tliose 

which he immediatelv besieged, holding j ^^'itliin were afraid to come to a battle; and 

daring them to do so. But w hen they had 
been entirely deceived b\ this counterfeit 
fear, Cicsar at once sallied out hv all his 

plied that the people of Rome did not" treat \ S'>tes, and charged them briskly with his 



■eiul e\ i'r\ inducement to sui^render, and 
boasting ot the success ot' his operations 
-at/ainst .Sabinus. To this Cicero onh' re- 



w ith an :Lrmed enemx', hul it' the\- would 
lay dow n their arms Ju- would send em- 
bassador- to L'lesar. ti'om whose justice 
ihey might reasonablv expect redress. This 
v)nly called ibrth greater efforts to forward 
the siegi ; and to eircumx i-lale the c;am]i 
w ith a Ibsse lit'teen t'eet (K'e|-> and a rampart 
vle\en feet high, such impro\ etnents were 
iliese n;iti\es able to make in the art of 
war. The\- next built numerous towers 
iVom \\liieli to o\ erlook and enfilade the 
i-.imp. and sot tire to the barracks, .\tler 



ca\a!ry, and put them to such precipitate 
flight that they ceased to make any resist- 
ance and fled in a panic, (ireat numbers 
were slain, and the rest threxv dowsi their 
arms. He was then soon able to join 
Cicero in his camp; and was struck with 
astonishment at the entrenchment, towers 
and other \vorks that the natiw-s had con- 
structed tor the purjiose of earrving on 
the sie,ye. 

A nutiiher of other similar attetiqits w ere 
made hv the Northern Gaul or Belga-, dur- 



than a week ol' extreme exertion i ing this w inter, to defeat the Romans and 



TIIK i^OMAN IN'/ASION \i\ C.KSAR. 



^.'hap. 111. I 

di"i\ c then) iVoiii the (.ouiitiv, wliich after 
i>roai cMTtioii liiitK'd cut to ])e tViiitless. 
'riif\' hcfiiim' iiisi-<)urai;c-il, and a raltn in 
tin." atlair-s of Ilic (.oimtrN follow fit. I>e- 
t'oix- tlu' t'lo-i' of winter C'a-sai ealletl an- 
other nieetin',; ol the prineipal nolilenien 
ol' e\ er\ slate to atleiul liini. Some ae- 
eordintih atlendt-d. which had its ijooti et- ; 
I'eet : lint ol liei'"- retnseii. and heeaine re- j 
I'raetorv . who were soon eonipelletl to | 
submit with -real. los>, >o that hetbre ; 
spring;' Gaul heeanie in a measnre tjuiet lor ■ 
the season. 

I'or the next eanipaiL;ii La'-^ar antieipated 
tronhles, and llieretbre made arraniivmeiits 
in Italv to I'eernit, and to L;reatl \ -treni;th- 
en his loree in (iaul. i>eljj,'ir (iaul was 
ii'ix iiii; him ;;reat tronhle in rediu'inL;' them 
lo submission, and settlini; tlie attairs ot" 
the eountrx in aecordanee with Koman 
w ishes. The 'J'i"e\ eri, whose lerrilor\- bor- 
dered on tlu' lower Rhine, were making 
jirrangemeiits tor I'urther resistance, and 
this time negotiatitig with some German 
states o\ er the Rhine tor a large body of 
liorsemen to eotne to their assistance. 
()ther neighboring slates uniting with the 
Treveii in pre]>aring for resistance, indiu'ed 
C;esar at an earh da\ in theseasf)n to open 
the <.-ampaign hefoi'e thi^ t'oalition could be- 
c'ome read\. anii (.ru^h it in its pi-eparatioii. 
lie fell upon them belbre the\ coulil as- 
semltle in a bod\ tor dL'fense, or secure 
thenisehes In ;i I'etreal ; and "haNing car- 
ried otr a gi"eat number of iiieii and cattle, 
enriched his soldiers with the booty, and 
laid waste the countr> ; he ctjmpelled them 
to >ubnnt and gi\ e hostages and then led 
back his legions to their t|uaiter."' 

I )uring thi-- canijiaign re\ oils were con- 
linuall_\ breaking out in various directions, 
in which it appeared olten as though all 
(iaul. — the (ianlic, C\ inric and Belgic 
stales xwre nnitetl as one jieople — determ- 
ined upon i"es]\t.;uicc and freedom. ]]ut the 
like measme- on the part ot' the Roman 
general produi-cil the like results, compel- 
ling the peo|ile to -ubmit and sue tor jK'ace. 
1 I is :(cli\ it\ si-emed to meet e\ei"\ emer- 
gencx , and carr\' him in all directions at 

I C'ics;ir"s C'cjni.. 1!. vi, Sj. 



91 



once. At t)ne time he is found, having- as- 
semliled a diet at Paris, then an infant city, 
endea\oring to reconcile the people to 
Roman rule; at another thing into one of 
the dixisions ot' the countiv, devastating' 
with the sword and tire, in subduing a re- 
volt; and still at another time he is again 
tomid crossing tiie l^hine lo chastise the 
Ciermans for the aid the\ furnished the 
Gauls. 'I'his acti\ it\ and the I'esulting 
crueltv with which he jiunislied the re- 
volts, compelled the people to a tempor- 
ary submission; but the lire was only 
smouldered — not quencheil. At the etid of 
the camjiaign a calm, an apparent peace, 
was jiroduced, which enabled C";esar again 
to return to spend the winter in Italy. 

'l"he approaching campaign- -the se\ eiith 
of Cajsar in (iaul, became at once the most 
teiTific of either, and also the most inter- 
esting in history, for the astonishing ctlbrt 
made by the Gauls tor the recovery of 
their indejiendence and freedom. One 
would sujipose that Roman supremuc\ had 
already crushed out all energv and vitality 
from the Celtic race. Armorica, with her 
(Venetiaifj great progress in commerce and 
civilization, had been crushed Avith her im- 
mense shipping; which, at the lime aji- 
peared to be able to cope with Rome and 
to call forth such progress in the arts and 
civilization, was no more, — her senators 
slaughtered and many of her people sold 
into slaverv .-' Belgic (iaul, with brave 
and ruiler determination, were again and 
again stricken down, with their Cf)untry de- 
vastated w ith tire and swonl, — a large por- 
tion of her iH'ople either slaughtered or sold 
into slaverv . Such misfoi-tune and adver- 
sitv would seem to leave no hopes; but it 
was. not --0, foi' southern (iaul — the old 
(Taulic Celt — was now to be aroused anew. 
'J'hev had already made efforts to resist, 
but had been somewhat divided. Now a 
recurring sense of their wrongs was again 
r:dhing them to an union and new efforts 
lo expel the ci'iiel anti relentless invaders. 

A native Arverni,- — a southern (iaul, — a 
V (umg man of extraordinarv gitts ot na- 
ture, and of equal .social i)o.silion, whose 

J C"j.ts;ir's Cum., t!. iii, ^ii:>. 



92 



rilF. ISRITISII I'KRIOI). 



]j()ok I. 



name wo do not know, hut whom C;i.-^ar ! 'I'his 1k)1(1 inui i-apid movcniLMit of the Ro- 
calls \'erc'ins^etori\ (in L'ehic, ^eneral-in- | man general enahleci him tf> ronimand liis 
cliief") eomes lorw aril to imite and rail Ids i i)o>.ition ; who. — piaidny Ids garrison in 
people to action, lie is elf)C|uenl and win- ' Arverni in a i^ood state of liel'ens^-, — pro- 
ning, — intelliu'ent, wise ami sa^-aeions, — t ceetleii to rolled his other ton-es. and went 
endowed with e\ti'aorilinar\ pei'sonal at- north attacking', tiesie^ini; ami takiii^' one 
tracti(jn, anti seemed 1)\ natnre calletl to tow n aflei" anollK-r. 'This prodneed a ehanye 
lead anil e<jntiol Ljreat e\ents tor his I'aee ol' the plan ot' (ipei'ation at tin,' instance ot" 
and }ieople. With hnrninL; eloquence he the .\r\ernian chiet. He iiri4ed upon tin- 
denounces the ambition, cruelt\ and wick- ! people the |)olic\ of hui'nin<_;' ev er\ town, 
edness of Rome, anil in \ i\id pathos t-alled ' desolatini;- I'lie ci)m)ti-\ where their enemies 
to mini! the iiijnsiiee and t\rann\ of their : were, so tjiat the Romans coidd ohtain no 
oppi'essors, and their ow n undonhted i^i^'ht supplies This len-ihle tiiou'^h patriotic 
to their selt'-^ox eminent and Ireedom. 1 i-e-olution wascarrieil into t^'tlect h\- thesi- 
From the hills anti \alle\-s ot' (iaid — from dexoted peo|)le, as tlu'oid\ means of coun- 
the Cevennes to the Seiiu' lie aroused with tei'aciiuL; tin,- skill and niachiner\ wieldeii 
anew ardor the natui'al erithusiasm ot' his h\ the Romans. .\ccoi-dinL;l\ in one tiav 
people, — uiiitinL(, in Ins h()l\- cause, the i were seen tw ent\ |i iw n^ and \ iUaiie-- ot' the 
(lallic- ami L'vnu-icCelt without distinction, j Bituri^es \\ rapl in tianies anvl le\ elled with 
and rallied all to a ixx olution to sacrifice ' the ground h\ their own patriotic jieople. 
c\ei-\ thing, — wite, I'hildren and home, and i Other states t'ollowed the example. l!ut at 
c\on llt'e itsell." — to i-egain their independ- i the earnest )ii-a\ers of the IJiturigi-^. their 
cnce and tri^'/dom ; ami dri\ e their oppres- | cajiital, A\aidcum (the modern Uourges), 
,sors irom the land. 'I'he Carnutes and ■ was spared, contrar\ to the ad\ ice of their 
Cenomani, and their Druids t'orgot their | patriotic chiel. lor the\ I'ei-oiled I'rom tlie 
prejudice^, and united with the Ar\erni as j sacra lice ol their lairest cit\, — "l lie hulw ark 
brethren ot' one peojile and race, under the and oimament of their state.'' Deing-tored 
nispiring patriotism ol tliis heaxen-born with corn and other supphV's. it would he a 
Icadei'. great prize in the hamis ot' tlu-ir enemies. 

Ontside circumstances favored their I ^'<"' "''^ P'''^^' ■' ^'<-'.^'-' '>'' extreme lahor and 
combinations. News was receixed that ^ 'i^'^'i-'ii'-'^'' ^^ :'^ *"'""'"'-■"'■'-■'' 'V ''i'-' K'>iii'tn 
C:i-sar was meeting with great dissension 1 .general. All the art and -kill in the attack 
at Rome, which was likel_\ to break out in ' '^"'^ defense of a forlilied t<iwn were used 
civil war; and would not be able to return, : :""' exhausted on both -ides. L'a-sar testi- 
at least with hi- expected re-enforcement. I lit's that their own etforls were ■■in a great 
'i'lie plan ot this (iaulic chief wa.s to at- I measure rendered ineiVectual. b\ the ad- 
tack at once the Roman Province in the j "^'"t--^^ :"i'i '■'>i"i''^ ■'"^'^ "I' "•-' <':iiils- ■•"o'" 
south, and the epiartei's ot' the legions in \ thev are a people ol' singular ingenuitv. ex- 
the north .Measures were taken to secure ' ti'^^ii't'lN ipiick . .i .iiinreheiision, and very 
this result before the breaking up of the | li''Pl'.^ i" imitating what they see prac- 
winter. Ca'sar wa- informed of these ' ticed.' -i .\ fter such a siege .)f about tliir- 
measiires, and at once took steps to antici- : f.^' ^1='.^^' ^'^'''-''^ '-'^^■'.^ '"•'" '"^ ''"''' ^'^''"^ 
pate and thwart them, lie was immediate- : were almost exhausted, the tow n was taken, 
ly in Gaul, cro-sing the Cevennes in snow , i» -^ "ig'iH- i" 'Ik-' '"'^l'^' of a tempest of 
six- feet deep 1 le ajipears with his troops | i""'"- ^V >torm. To the iiorror- ot that 
unexpectedly in the midst ot the Arverni. ' "'.U'lif "in-t ^^'■' added that of tiie slaughter 
Tiie rapiditv of his movements brought | ''i^'' <'">'<"^>-'d- Ot't'i^' •<"'f.^ thousantl in- 
consternation with it. The Arvernian i habitants of the place, only eight lumdred< 
chief was al the north, ami his people 
prayed tor his return to their defense. 



^ See Goilwin's l-'ranct'. p. ot: Miclv-let's Fr;uice, 
B. i, ch. 2. p. 4u. 



made their esc^ape from the sword of their 
vindicti\e conquerors. Those who es- 

.( C;vs;ir'.s Cdtii. 15. (>., H. vii. ^ii. 
5 l^t siipr;i. §.'7. 



Cliiip. I II. I 

capcd niaiie their \\;iv to the c;iinp ot' \ t-r- 
ciiii;i.'tori\, not l;ir oil. Tlic Romans tbuiui 
in .\\;iriinnn plcnU ol\-orn and othfi- jii'o- 
visions, w liicli i(aNc tlicni L;rcal relict'. It 
was now es iiient tliat I he ilil iiriijes com- 
tnitteii i(reat errcM' in not following tiie ati- 
vice ot' tlieir ehiet", — in nei^leetin^- to hui-n 
Avarieuiu with tiieii otiier towns. ISiii 
even this disaster teinleti to raise their t-s- 
titnation ol' tiie wisdom and sauacilx ol" 
fheir y^cneral. 

Tlie taking ol' A\ arieum letiiiired new 
cttbrfs to tie made, to sustain tiie resohition 
ot' tile (jauls under such inist'ortime. 'J'lie 
address and sa^aeit^ ot' \ ercin<4etori\ was 
able to aeeomplish tliis. lie repiesented 
fo his people thai their misrortu nes were 
the result ot' the bad poliev ol" atlemptinn- 
to deteiui tlie town insteati ot' bui-nini( it. 
Where the Romans had tlie ad\ antai^e was 
in being better aiHiuainted with -,ie<4es. and 
the use ot' engines to aid lliem in their 
oi)erations; but in eouraije ami braver\' 
the_\' were not superioi'. lie --howi'il the 
resonable hope ot" unitiiiL; all (iaul in a 
i^eneral eont'ederac\ against I heir tomnioii 
eneniv ; and against their united streiigl h 
the whole world would no! he alile to pre- 
vail. 

C;csar next attaeketi (iergov ia, tlie juin- 
cipal town and depot ol' the Aiweriii. A 
siege here was eommeneed and eondueted 
with equal exertion and abilit\ on both 
sides with that ot' Avarieinn, but wliiiii 
the Roman general was e\ entualU inchued 
to gi\e up; being compelled to relie\e and 
protect other important point--. The 
^Eduans liad long been the allien ol' the 
Romans, ami were now s\-mpathizing witii 
their countr\inen, in thei)- noble eftbrts to 
preserx^' their independence. Ca'sar anti 
the Ar\ernian ciiiel were exerting equal 
skill and address in keeping the ^Ediians 
in their several interests with verv di\ ided 
success. In the meantime revolls to the 
Roman interest were becoming alarming 
in the north ot' (iaul. While Ca-sar was 
oper.iting amidst the .\r\ erni, Lemo\ ices 
and other states in the the south. — the an- 
cient Cjauls,— Labienus was sent with a 
large ann\- tc^ the north amidst the C'ar- 
nutes, Senones, and other states ot C\ini-ic 



riiK RoM.w i\\'.\.si()N ^;^ c.k.sai-j. 



9,> 

Celts,!' uith iiisiiiictions to quell such I'e- 
\oll-- and keep them in ^ulijection. IIi> 
lirsi operation was against Luti'tia, tlu'ii a 
town (lithe Parisian-,, cournied to an i-laud 
in Ihe Si'ine, now I'ai'is. In ibis expedi- 
tion gri'at opposition was encountered, 
but tlu' skill and stratagems ol" ladiienus 
succeeded in acconii>lisliiiig his objicts. 

.\t'ter \ ai'ious i. xpe'tlititnis, battles and 
skirmishes, in whicii, against gi'cat elVorts 
ami opj-iosil ion. the i.'\pei"ience and skill ot" 
I he Roman \-e1erans gratluall \ won its w a\' . 
In tiles;,' battles N'erciiigelorix and his pe(.>- 
ple left no means untiied either in 11k' at- 
tack or det'ense; but siill in nianv ot them 
the_\ IkuI sustained great losses, anti in some 
instances tei-i'ible slan^btei'; in which tlu- 
Romans weiX' aided b\ a lai"ge boil\' ol 
(ierman i'a\ali'\, who as niert'enaries Iiad 
been iiiought into the Roman scr\ ii-e, were 
ac'tixe instrumenis in perpelrating these 
slaughters wlien an opportunit \' ottered. 
.\niiilst sonic reverses the .\r\'(.'niian chief 
thought it best to retreat to Alesia. an ap- 
parcntK impregnable I'ortress, situated on 
the top ol' a high hill neai" the head ol' the 
.Seine, — a place strong b\ nature, washed 
on t\\(i sides b\ streams, and now still 
stronger h\ ait. Here C;esai- besieged hi.-~ 
iniiet'atigable opponent, and the operations 
in its attack and det'ense, betanie the cul- 
minating point in the linal conquest of 
Gaul, and as a war st-eiie the wonder and 
admiration of the world. The chief dis- 
missed his ca\'alr\- to \ arious parts of Gaul 
calling his people to the i-escue, ami for re- 
ent'orcements ami sup.pii^'s. Within the 
defenses of Alesia the (iauU hail a \ er y 
large arim- : but the l^onian general did 
not hesitate lo in \ est it. Here probably 
the chiet committed a great error, aiul 
\ iolated the plan and principles of his own 
operations, in permitting himself thus to 
be cooped up, instead of operating in the 
field, wasting the countrx' around his oppo- 
nent, and desrro\ing his sujiplies. [ii 
the decision he bad niaile he riski-il the 
final destinx fit' (iaul in the result of this 
sinuie sieiie. Hut at this da\ we cannot 



tj See I Michelet's Hist, nf France, ^g. ••I'riliriial 
.State of <;aiil, ijs B. C' : see, also. p. 4,;. '(Jallic 
t'aiiip;ii<riis of C';v.sar, ,s'^-t9 15. C"' 



V4 



THE BRITISH PERIOD. 



[Book 1. 

k^o^^ all the iiryuinetits or motives that ( sluugliter rtlk-d the ht^ioyvd with utter dis- 
opcrated on lii> mind to produce so great j niav and de-pair. 

In their despaii- the bra\c defenders were 
about to semi an embassy to Cie.sar to ne- 
gotiate teiMiisot" siurentler. X'ercingetorix, 
still preser\ingiiis mir.d and magnanimity, 
though his hopes \veie withered, otiered to 
surrender himself to Ca-sar as a ransom 
for his people. Csesar, less magnanimous, 
demanded an unconditioned surrender of 
all. Being conscious of having been the 
active mo\er of the war, and still anxious 
to do all in his power to tavor and relieve 
his iieople. the (iallic chief clothed him- 
sell' in all the ga_\ armoi- of his rank, and 
moiuiting a gallant steed, splendidly capari- 
soned, he gallops off to Ciesar, sitting on 
his tribunal in the midst of his camp, dis- 
mounts and casts his armor and weapons 
at the feet of the Roman general, without 
uttering a word. He was taken a prisoner 
and sent to Rome. What was the ultimate 
tate of thisgifted and great, but unfortimate 
man, is not lor a certainty known. But it 
it is reported that six years afterwards he 
was compelled to grace a triumphal pro- 
cession for L'a-sar, and by him ordered to 
be put to death. If this report were true, 
it should have consigned the latter to e\ er- 
lasting infamy. 

The war tor the sulijection of Ciaul cul- 
minated in the siege of Alexia. 'l"he (Jauls 
still continued the war in a fitful and hope- 
less exertion to worry out their enemies, 
and expel them tVom thecountr\. During 
the remainder of this season, and the next, 
which was Ciesar's eighth and last cam- 
paign, he continued his usual acti\ity to 
bring tlie war and conquest to a tlose, in 
which he was ultiniatel_\ entirely >uccess- 
t'ul. .\tlei' this w;is apparently accomj>lish- 
eti Ca-sar changed his policy towards tiie 
Gauls; and h\ kindnes> and tas ors shown 
them, he succeeded in making them fast 
tViends: and disco\eretl that a brave people 
are often easier lead than conquered. At"ter 
a time Gaul reco\ered fmm the terrible 
lievastation it had suffered during the war, 
and b\' their wonderful genius and talent, 
thev became one of the mo>t pio>peiMUS 
prt)vinces ol' tlie Roman empire. 



a change in Iiis plan-. We only can judge 
and condenui from superficial appearances. 

I! ul the sieye and its gigantic operations, 
on both sides, immediately commenced. 
-No place lor a fortress could have been 
better selecteii with a chance of success; 
and nothing was left undone tliat art could 
in\ent to sti-engtiien its natural defenses. 
'J'he chief appears to be equal to iiis task, so 
lai- as talent and abilit\ were concerned ; 
but the genius anti uniloiiu success of 
t'a-sar was against him. The Romans cir- 
cum\ailated the town and camp with \ast 
works; consisting ot' three ditcl.es each 
litteen or twent\ leet wide, and as main 
deep; a rampart twelve feet high, and eight 
smaller tosses, with theii- br.ttoms bristling 
withi)ointed stakes, and palisades of fi\e 
rows ol ti-ees with their boughs interlaced. 
Outside of tliis, at sotne distance from the 
tow n, so as to inclose a circumt'erence of 
tilleen miles, was constructeil a counter 
NNork ol similar erection to defend against 
any outside attacks; and ;dl this was tin- 
ished in less than ti\e weeks, bv an armv 
t)l not o\ er sixty thousand men. 

In the meantime, w hile the garrison, con- 
sisting of eighty thousand men. were coi;- 
stantly tighting and counteracting these 
works, the states of (iaul were responding 
lo their call, and sending to their aid 280,- 
'xo' men le\ led from the ditierent states. 
The garrison was now upon the point of 
famishing, on account of the exhaustion of 
their sujiplies; and being compelled to re- 
sort to feeding upon the tlesli of the dead; 
w hen a Jim I'ul er\ was heard, running from 
rank to rank, that the expected armv on 
the outside hati arri\eil. These, with the 
-•irdoi- of that people, were throwing them- 
sehes ujion those outside works of the Ro- 
mans in an unremitted attack tor three 
days and nights, in \ ain ende;ivors to car- 
r\ them. In the I'epulse of each attack, a 
terrible slaughter ensued, in which the (ier- 
man c;i\alry actetl a prominent but unen- 
\ iable paiM. .So this expectetl relief proveii 
atailure. 'i'liese repulses, disjiersion and 

7 Sti- Ca-s;ii 's Com., B. vii, ih. (9; :ilso Bona- 
piirrt-'s C?ps;ir, V>,\. .'. B. iii. ell. in. iji^. p. .H*"- 



Cliap. III. I TlIK ROMAN INVASION BY CESAR. 



4^4 — Thr I'errod After V.asars iiivtisioH. 

Britain, from the time Csesar abandoned 
her sliore, until she was again invaded by 
oomniand of the emperor Chtiidius, a period 
ol nearly a hundred years, was left free 
from Ibreign iiuasion.' During this long 
time her inhabitants were permitted to en- 
joy theii country, and their natiu-al rights 
unmolested b\ rolibers or |>lunderers from 
alij-oad. The severe reception given by the 
Bi'itons to Ciesar was a wholesome lesson 
fi) those who succeeded him. Although 
Ihe Roman people were generally disposed 
to laud Cicsar's exiiioits in Britain, yet in- 
telligent men looketl upon them a> empty 
of gain, and that L'a-sar hail onl\ touched 
her chores, and had seen no important part 
ol" the island; the tame anti the importance 
of the expedition is greatly diminished. 
Such was the opinion of Tacitus and oth- 
ers. '■' When it is taken into accoimt, — the 
character of C.esar and his usual success in 
turning to his own advantage whatever he 
touched. — the gi'eat armament he fitted out 
for his final conc|ue>l, no le.-s ibrmidablti 
than that of the Norman conqueroi-, with 
troops so superior — the best the woilii cvei" 



in Spain and Gaul, — the veterans who w eri- 
to conquer at Pharsalia, and overrim Asia, 
i Egypt and Northern Africa, under the 
same Ca'sar, it is no wonder, that no R<i- 
nian of that time was willing to repeat the 
enterprise. The> w eie unwilling to under- 
take where Cifsar could not gain any fruit 
from his victories, nor a lootiiold in tin- 
country: where be fouiui liie ])eoplt- -< > 
alile, determinate and per--i_\ ci-iii',;' in battk-, 
and dangerous to be pursued when beaten. 
These considerations gave the Ibitons 
peace for that long lapse of time, and kepi 
the conquerors of (Jaul i.in their side nf 
the channel. 

This peaceful period v\;i- well imjirov ei.i 
by the Britons in iX'Ui'vving their commerce 
with Gaid, and other parts ot' tlie commer- 
cial world; and in making a general pi'd- 
gress in I'iv ili/ation. The L'v nuMc na\ v 
which had lieen stricken tinwn with the 
\'enetians was now renewed and built up 
on the shores o I' Britain.'' Lonilon was a 
commercial city before Cas;n's time, wlu> 
was led oft" tVcim se<-'ingit by the ilemon--tra- 
tions made south of it by Cassivellaunus. 
We learn both fi'oni L'a-sai' and I'aeilus 



saw, those who had gained such victories | that the town, were numerous ; ^is were al- 
so the houses scatti-red ihi-ough the coun- 



r l-'ioin 54 rs. C, lo 43 A. I).. -i;7 \i-ars. The prom 
iiu tit ilulcs 111" tliis |i( rioil .\rv ;is iViliows; 
/;i>w„ii Era. 
.Willi,:- amnuKt.-. A. ( . r. 

t.';us;ir's lust retreat tVom IJril.iiii ixjy 

" ns.sassinatioii ul Itoiiu- 71K) 

Aii.mistiis after Ihc battle of .Keliiiin 

liocoine.^sole ruler urKimie ~ii 
" die.s ;iinl is siieeeeiietl bv 

'I'iljerus 767 

C'aliyula succeeds upon Ilie ile.itli ul 

Tilierus 71H) 

( 'l.milius succeeds upiin llu- assassin- 
ation ot" Caligula .. ..704 

W'liicli wa.s two years In-fore Iiis in- 
v.isioi) of I'.ritaiii hv .Au1ti> Plan- 



( liri.-liiin \ 
En,. I 

54 n. c. 

44 •• 



i4.\. t). 



4' 



tu 



^.; 



1,1, llu I'.ritish 



I lii \ IS 



47 '••• <^'- 



Durinu the sanu 
as follows: 
'I enuanlius suiieeded t'a.>i\i llaiin 

7 years after C'a'sar'> departure. 
C yuibeline, his son and nrat\d ne[)hi 

of Cassivellaunus, siu'ceeds 740 i,^ 

Cuiderius succeed, and the death of 

fvniheline 775 ii .\. !">. 

Which oi\f„ C\nd>elii\e .1 rri'^n "•' .i.s vear>; and 
leaves to transpire betwei-n his drath aiid'llie Itonian 
invasion in .\. P. 45, twents-one \fars to be occupied 
by tile sovereiifnly of (»ui<lerius ami .\rvir.ii;us, his 
two .sons; — wliich sji\es 7. and },\, and .55. and 21 
years, which make 97 years ji\ ihi period. 

i. 1 'rurner's .\ngio-Sa\iin. \\. 70. and n. e. C';esar 
saw but little of Britain. "He passed Ihrouirh Kent 
and Sussex, which were then excecdinsjly poor, and 
liad neither udld or silver." ^ .S'iebuhr's Lect. 40. 
(Lecture. \(\. I 



trv ; ntanv ot" which, L'a'sar int"e)rms u.. 
Were burnt and destroved b\ him. 

The i-ountrv wa.- divitied up between 
numerous tribes, and nationalilie- of va- 
riou> sizes; ^overneti b\ ,i king, prince, or 
chief wiioni tbev called Hretibin. ICat-h 
chosc their own independence and sell- 
government in this toi'in, rather than a 
coiisolitlation, lis inosl c ontiticiv e lo their 
t""reetiom ,nid hapi>in<_-.s. But .till tbev 
were subject lo ;i ledernl union, loi' the pur- 
pose of pi'onioting llieir general interest 
and welfaie, and -ei-ure thetiisehes :igainst 
I'oreign ago'resslon. I'or this puipose. in 
their General .\..enil)lies. they seleetett or 
tipiiointed one of their nio-t promiiit'iit 
princes the |>resident or generalissimo ot" 
the w bole, — I'alletl bv them, tlie Bendraoon : 



;, "The l!iiti--li tlei-l, as we learn fr.nn . r.iliou. o 
fJoadicea. in Dion Cassias, swept ihe rhannel.' 
This probably referred to the time of the Kmpero 
.'Caliijuhi. w iien the British Heet under I.lyr, th 
brother of Kins;- Cvmlxdinc. as .\dmiral of Ilie Hrit 
ish navv. protected her --liore. Ironi thai 'nvasion. 



./. 



IHE BRITISH PERIDD. 



Book I. 



and in imitation of this the Anji-Jo-Saxons | these friends, w hicii indur«=:d tlu- Roman 
ol" the IIe)Uarrh\ afteiw aid^ appointed a! Emperor to tliieaten Britain \\ ith in\ asion, 
snprenie so\ereign, called Bretwalda. Such j uhicli was jiidieionslv settled b_v a wise ar- 
was tlu- Poniirauon Cassivellaunus in tlie ! ran^etiient. it" not an advantageous treaty, 
time of Ca-sar; and iKtwecn him and the : witii tlie u--ual skill of British diplomacy, 
time of tiie i-onqnest ol' Britain l)v the : B\ the arrangement the Emperor not only 



Romans luuier the ordei s of Claudius, he 
\\a- followed h\ the four t'oll(Mving pen- 
<lraiions; 'IViuiantiu-. C\ niheline. Guider- 



ahandoned certain tributes tbrmerly de- 
manded, but the liea\ \ duties previously 
levied on British "oods introduced to the 



ius. and L'aractacn-: nor -hovdd the name ; contjnent were reduced to a very light 
of the \irtuou- Arviragu- be tbrgotten. j tariH".'"' It has In-en represented by some 
'J'hev weie. all ol' them, men deservedly that these duties were collected by Roman 
held in great estimation, and well know n officers on P.ritish shores. But it plainly 
both in clas>ic and British histf)ries:i and : appears that thi> assertion must be a mis- 
their name- will viand on aecourit of their : take. 'J"he_\ must ha\ e been collected on 
md patrioti>m as long as those ] the shores of (iaul, as the vessels arrived 



pro^ve^ 

histories shall eiuiure. 

During thi- time it would seem, I'rom a 
t:andid review of British anil Roman his- 
t<>r\, that Hrilain hail made great progress 
in prosperitN and wealth, and that the in- 
tercourse ol' British merchant- and princes | 
u ith Rome was t'requent and intimate.^' j distance north of London, w ho I'requently 
The administration of tlie general atlairs by | favored the Roman interest. \t length in 
these pendragons wa- conducted with'jul\ A.O. 4J, (iuiderius sent an embas.sy 
abilitv and }>rosperit\. From historx and ' to Rome, complaining of the encourage- 
the remains ol' aniitpiii\ we ha\c abund- { nient given b\ the Roman court to the in- 
aiicc of e\ idence th.it long before CiVsar's ! trigucs of these people, being then detected 



or departed. 

But alter a time new difficulties inter- 
vened. l"rom the time of Cii'sar the gov- 
ernment ol Britain had had difficulties in 
securing the faitht'ul allegiance of the 
Coritani' and Brigantes, two states some 



lime the Briton- had made great juogres- 
in the ai't-. sciencis. and gi'ueral learning. 



in a correspondence \\ ith Caligula in his 
late threatened in\a-ion. This wa- when 



as well as in their inlercoui-se with other Caligula had collected a I'ormidable army, 

for the in\ asion, on the opjiosile coast of 
(jaul. but finding the jireparation of Britain 
to gi\ e him a C;esai"'s reieption, ami seeing 
that the l.ritish Admiral, Lhr, was sweep- 
ere each i"U' f'l'' coast with ids na\ \. he abandiined 



jH-oiile in commercial affairs. After C:esar"> 
|-elreat the\ -oon recovered of the iniur\ 
done them, and liecami' a pro-perou- peo 
p!e. Two of the so\ ei-eign- ot this period 
— Tenuanliu- .iiul Cyml>elin 
ot' them disiinguished for a long reign of 
ovi'r thirl\ \i-ars. emini-iUl\ succe-sf'ui in 
the prospi'ril\ of Ilui-omUi-y and the ad- 
ministration of justice. Tluir negotiations 
with llie Roman l\mpei-ors w i-|-e charac- 
teri/ed w it h abilil \ and sui'cess. Cymbe- 
line had in-en ethuMtcd at Rome, and was 
ipcrsonalh acquainted with .\ugu-tus. At 
one time a misuiulerstanding as to their 
'governmental alfairs took jiiace bet^^een 



ri- kiKiw II hi imcicnl 
.-spirtivih-. ;is fol- 



4'riii;si si\ l!ritisli.sovirtii;n 
liislorv l>v llu'ir (.■vniric ii;mie 

Uiws: C'asw .illim. 'IVmuuit. t'\ iivtlyii, lludiiyr. C';n- 
.i(li«-. .Vril'os;-. Tliisi' n;iines havclucn v.nimislv .\ 
^■li.-i;c.i And K-.itiiiizi-d. Si-i- W:,vy\n-j:U>n'< Ifisio 
.>! \V;iles; Slijks|K-^ire's |il:iv nf (.■vniluliiK, .\,-t i 



.^ ^'^ 



;li:iii"s IJi-vcilutinii in IlislMiv. -' f . 



his enterprisf. Inil ordered his men to 
chai-ge upon sea and gather shells fi-om the 
shore, as the uierilorious trojihies of their 
\ ictoiw . ,Suih was flu- oci'asion upon 
which happeneil the treason i-omi)laineil of 
h\ till' embassv . Claudius, the new ICm- 
peror. vonclu'd no satisl'action to this em- 
bass\ . who ri'tnrncd dissatisHed. This 

6 Strabo, H. iv, cli. 5. 

7 Till- Coiitiini. or the Coraniilu-. were- said tii 1>0 
of a t"or,^-ij;i) cxtniclioii I'lniii .1 vcr\ ancient colonv. 
til the tinii- nt' C'a'sar tliiir alk'iiianci; to the I'.ritish 
cause <i-.ive Cassivellaumis (C'aswallon) oreat troiihle 
lliniiii;li Matulv'Iiratius. tliiir ))rinee. who was eallr-il 
bv tile ISiitons Avarwv. They were also acciiseil of 
t'avoriny; th'.- Romans, ami untaithfiil totlie Britons in 
(.'laiuliiis' iiiniiiiest. This (act and ciicumstancc 
tend stronjjiv to show bow iinifoini was the rest of 
file liritons in race and nationalitv. 



ersiOMS. MANMCKS AM) Cl \' i IJ / AIION. 



97 



1 sro.Ms, AKWXKKs AM) rl \ I 1. 1 / A III >N ol 
11 IK HKiroNs 



.:~ I — U7/II -•:cn- the Ai/iini/ /Iri/ciis. 



lnwu'li ul ainilv w us kcpl up a> ;i jirctonsi- rit.adolJ Al'lrr ixniainiiin- tliL'i-f hctwceu 
toi- the lomin^- w.w. 'V\w l^oinaii i;()\ t'l'ti- \'\\\\ aiict ciijiitN xt'ars. tlir\ were ayain c\- 
iiK'iit liail llu-n ahaiuloiR-d llic w i>.c p(jlic\ pellcil- b\ tlir joint art oftlu- L\(lians and 
I.I' Aiil;u--Ui-, — to ti\ tlrtinitr houndai-ii'-- to ilio A-.-\ riari'- ahmil A. 1). ^:;(i, and made 
iii- doiniiiioii>. n-Ui-c- to cxtcnii tla-ni. I>ut ; thcii' \\a\ wc-t. In llic Daiiuhf. the i'".lbc 
lo i-ulli\ale ami inipro\e w lial In- had. and tlic Ciniiirii- L'lici-sonoM!> to (iaul, 
■j'hi- w i-c polii-\ was i)\ ernilcii !>\ a polii-\ w Ikto tlK'_\ wi'U- |-ccci\cii as Criends and 
w liieli rcipiiiwl Ihal tlic i4o\ t-rnnunt -liiudd lii\'tlircn. Tliis cm iteration ol" Celts l)e- 
tinii, a- a inalter ol' -alelx. sutlieieiil em- came known as L'\inr\,'' a name wliicli 
MJovment lor tlic \ asl and idle ai-m\ tlien llicv, tliemscl\cs, rcooj^nized ; Init were 
on iiand: lor no danger was so mucli to he known to tlie (ireeks as Cimmerians, and 
dreaded h\ a despotic government as an to tile Romans as Cindiri. 'I'hev tlieni- 
idle and Ilieretbre licentious sojdierv. Ac- sehe- claimed to he the sons oi' {.onier, 
cirdin-iN- the next vear Clautlius o. dered w hicli the ( ireeks and Romans corrupted 
ihe in\ asion (M' llrilainlohe made, which to their respecti\e names, ami which he- 
closes I his period of oui' hisioi-y. I came fixed upon theCvnn-\ while tliey 

were in the miilst of the (>i-eek^ in Asia 
C1IA1'1"1:R I\ . Minor. 

When the C_\ nn-\ came into C-Jaul they 
took j)osvession of the principal part of 
central (jaul. which was prohahK Iheii less 
settleii than southei-n ))ai-ts oftlu- coiintr\ ; 
so that Norlliern Cjaul hecame i)rinci))all y 
We ha\ e said tlial the Ancient Briton- C\mric. and the souihern principail \ (jaliic 
were called. h\ the ^^encral term, Celts: or Celtic Ciaul : ami the line hetwecnthem 
ami, by the s|ieciai one. C'\ nn'v ; that is, • would he found in about Ihe dii'ection of 
they were C\ inr\ of Ihe Celtic lamiU. one ilraw n froin I lie minith of tlie ( iaronne 
We ari- disjiosed lo i-e\ iew the c|ueslion to Cohlent/ on Ihe Rhine. Il is pi-ohabie 
I'oncisels : for, to understand Ihe customs, Ihat these two families of L'ells becmie 
mamicr> and ci\ili/ation of a people w ell, i.'oiisiderabl \ nuxeii ami assimilateii with 
w e -should know \\bolhe\ w ei-e ethnicalh. ' each each other; — the southern distin- 
'I'he Celts were a jiart of the ^ivat Ar\an. ;^uished as ihe old oi' soulheruv (iauls or 
or [;i]-)l ietic. or ludo-Kni-o]>ean lamil\ , Celts, and the northern or L'\ miic (iauls 
w bo coiistiUitc alioul all Ihe inliahitanis of (iauls or Cell-. 'I'liat porlioii which be-, 
llurope; and in Ihe I'arlicsl aixounl w c- cante most inleusilicd C\ mric, was foimd 
ha\ e of Weslern fhnop'', lhe\ occupii.-d all belween ihe Loire and the .Seine, and I'rom 
(iaul ami w bal i- now ]''i-aiiCL-. Il is Pari-- lo lircst ; and es])eciall \ in Armorica. 
clainud lhe\ i-aine b\ \ arioii- emi-r.ilion Noi-th ol' the .Seine il was caileil IJeh^ium, 
liom C'immeria. onliienorlh side of ihe and the people IJeli^-ian- or lieli^ie ; bul still 
lluxiiu- (11- Black .Si a, Il i- claimed lluw they were C_\nirv,i oiih the countr\- and 

were in france before pioo B C ilcMaboul - - ^- - •- 

Ihi- dale lhe\ hatl made eruptions and sel- ' 1 1''-."!..!!!-, i:. i. . h. 15. Sec am.- I!. 1. rh. ii. 

,1 . ■ >^- ■ 1 V .1 1. t - .\iilliciii'> (las-. Dirl.. p. i^t,. Tilir, C'iniuurii. 

Ileinen.- in Spam and Norlliern 1 laly . ,,^.,.„a,„„s. .su|,r;,. I.ennmMn.-. An, u-nt Hist, of 

When the la-l of tbes ■ emi-i-anls came io \ tlif l-::ist. 40S-U, I!, iv. rli. \\\. ^ iii. 

t ■ \ \ t- ,1 ,■ 1 ,1 i ; Ibis iKiaif \'. ;!s tlr-t liivt-n 111 lluni In llu: ( iieeks: 

(jaul hetoie the (^ \ im-\ we tio nol know , I , -^ .| ^^ ^^^^^^ kiicn\ n ic Hu iil" ihr CV-JN win. -n - 

but possihly nol Ion- before. .\boul 'kk) ui;iU.-a (iinrtlv trom (.'nnMiurii l,. (,;iuI. 

vear- before our i.rcsenl era. Ibe CsnirN^ I, ^'''^ ''''^%:'\- ■ ."^ ,■ *""l^^i"'- '-''^""r, 1\ "> 
1 • -.iTul n. n. ^ Nicnuhr s I.ii I., \i\. p. .\\. i t>ilcs .\ii- 

came Ibei-L'. ha\ Ihl; been expelled b\ llie ricut llriinns..^;, n. f. I .nMn,'- Aiiliiiuil\ of Scnthiiul, 

• , 41. l.iritus' .VyTieiiiii. ell. \i. Cv-ar calU-il tin- pi;<.- 

Si_\ llnans Ironi I heir natn e country norlh ,,1,. ,,r k^-.u ISeiu-iiiiis. iKcause l.r Icanu-il from fhen. 
of the luixine, and ilriveii around ibe easl 'Ik v r:u,K; tUciv rv.ui, the i.pposiu- .r.i.M c,r(jMul. HmI 

IIk\ u ere C viiiry. I hey were ihe s:mie in hmyuay-e 
lid of Ihal sea into Asia Minoi-; look : ;inil manners. Taciliis" Ayri.. «;ii. Ilirluinl oi" C'ir., 

j 1>. I. ell. ^. $4 and n. 5'. savs : — 'AN'e ilisei>\er a few 
I.\dia, ami Sardis ihe capital, all but Ibe , ,-ilies in (Jaul] I'.ely-iuin 1 In-ariny tin- same apjielalioa 



98 



THE BRrj'JSn PERIOD. 



people were more rude, ami some mixed 
up with tlie (.Termans, with whom they 
were in coiistiint war in keeping them on 
their side <if the Rhine. 

Soon after the Cvmry came to Gaul, the 
main or ruling part of them passed over to 
Britain, from Armorica and the opposite 
coast of (iiuil. The island thus hecame 
settled with the Cymry, and the previous 
Celtic population who had settled there 
from Gaul gradually withdrew to the 
northwest, or were ahsorl^ed and assimilated 
with them. The C\mi-\ therefore occu- 
pied a large portion ot" Western Eiu-ope; 
tiot only Central and Xoi-theiMi Gaul, 
most all Britain, hut we lia\ e seen them in 
Itah, as tlie Senones, from Gaul and 
Britain, who hurnt Rome, fought at Senti- 
num, and were slaughtered at Sinigaglia 
on the Adriatic, for the purpose of satisfy- 
ing Roman \ engeance, that they might 
hoast that nf)t a descendant oi' those w ho 
hin"nt Rome survived." 



:is ihosc ol Hvil^iin. :iiul in hotli counti-ies \\x- find the 
Atrchalijs, llit Mofini. tlic .iMiui. llu- Sunoin-s. tin.- 
Ak-niipii, ;m(l thu lllic-mi." 

Nieiniiir s;iv s:- ■'Tlie Cimliri wiri.- iinl rc;il (i;iuls. 
liut Cyinri, of tlK' s;iiia- sIdcU us lli;it to rvliich bt- 
long-cd tlic Welsh, the T!;ishritoii.s, llic L-arly iiihabi- 
tanls of CumlK-i-luiul (wliicli derives its name from 
them, and uliere traces of llie C.'innnerian lanirua^-e 
existed till aboiil lOO years aijo), and the whole wes- 
tern coasl of ICji^land. Whether I'lsti r \va^ inliabi- 
ted by Cyniri is uncertain. Tile Picts of .Scotland 
were likewise Cvinri. and the l!elif;e also beloiiijcd 
to the s;une race: they were, to some extent, mi.\cd 
with the (lael. but tile C'yniri imist have )iredoniinat- 
ed anion;; tlii;m. In their ^reat mig-ration, the fourth 
and tiflh centuries, l',. V. they went as far as the 
I'kraine, and under the name 'of C'elto-Scythae. ex- 
tended eastward as I'.ir as or e\en bevond the ri\er 
Dnie|)er where lhe\ were called (ialatians." . . . 
"That the Teiitones were tiennans, a.s even their 
name indicates, is as certain as that the Cymhri were 
Ovniri. or. more n'cnerallv ^peaUitiL;-. (Jaul?-."' Nie- 
huhr's Lecturer. Iwxi, \oI. _>. p. .^-'7 -N. 

5 See ante. c!i. ii. sj— . Arnold in hi- hi.-,torv ol 
Home ipa-;e ,H'>- .\"ii'- l*'*l.lin des.-ribiiij; the biiltle 
of Sentinum. s.iys; -•■The llomans in their -.econd 
<-har;ie weri' encountered by ;i force w holly -^tranuc 
to iheni. the war ciiariots of the enemy, which broke 
in ujion them at I'lill speed, and witii the raltlin:; of 
their wheels, and their amwonted a|)pearance. so 
startled the horses of the Konians. that Ihev could 
not be brouL'ht to fice them, and horses .md n'-.en lied 
in confusion. . . . The undoubted ettect of Ihe 
Kriti>h ihariots a-ainsi the Ic-lous of C'a-sar mav 
well convince us that the (;aulisli chariots at Senti- 
num must Iki\c struck tirror iiUo the sol,dier> (.1 
Decius." In this tile author calls the >-liariots (i.nil- 
ish, without intimating; liial they were the ch.niol- of 
Ihe Senones. or that ihev were ( vmric (iauK. a> in 
fairness and iruth he ouylit to have done; .md that 
no other people in Kuro|.>e except the t'yinrv made 
use of the chariot as an engine of war. The war 
chariot wu: unknown to the I'ouians and all others 
< xcept the I'vnirN-. Sci' T.i\ \ . I!. \ . cli. J'l. .'S. < lod - 
win's I<"rance. -7 an.l 10. Also Ai iiold'- llistorv ol 
Home, lou. ,Vr.. ch. xxi\. 



(Book I. 

In the time t)f Ca-sar, ahout 55 B.C., the 
locality of the Celtic race had become sot- 
tied and fixed. They were then tound to 
occupy a large part ot' Euio])e and a jxtr- 
tion of Asia Minor. The territorv then h\ 
them occiipietl extended tVom Sinigaglia 
on the Adriatic,'' — including Northern 
Italy, the great valley of the I'o, all Ciaul, 
— to Denmark ami the Baltic; and tVom 
the Rhine and tlie Alps to tlie .\tlantic, in- 
cludlng all the Biitisii Islands. In aiidi- 
tion to these, there were portions of them- 
in Spain known there as the i'rltihcri :' an- 
other in Eastern Europe called Crlto- 
Scytliituis; ami ;iiiother in Asia Minor 
known as the (ialatians ot' the New Testa- 
ment.^ 

We hav e alreadv entieavored to demon- 
strate when ami how the Cymrv came to 
(jaul, and occupied a part ot' it; and thence 
passed over to f3ritain ami occupietl that 
also. This Ciiuscd great similarity he- 
tween the jieople of these tvvo {Omitries 
in their language, instittitions ;ind habits. 
This was particularlv noticeci hv Ca'sar 
and Tacitus. Tliev noticed that in each 
c<juntr\-, the ))eople were alike divitled up 
into numerous tribes or stales, with sim- 
ilaritv of names, and sometimes identical, 
in both I'ountries.'' Their institutions were 
the same; ami tiieir language tiitVered so 
little as hariUy to be another dialed. These 
matters were nuticed b\ them as evidence 
that thev were identically the same people. 
Casar also mentions, incidenlallv, the in- 
timate relation existing between the W-ne- 
tians (it .\rniorica and the Britons, in iheir 
former commercial relations, and the aid 



(■ See Arnold's llislor\ of K..me. ch. \\i\. p. u,; ,,• 

7 Anthon'- ll.issical Dht.. p. .;-S. 

S .Xnthon's t'las. Diet!, p. ;.|.^ titk (i.illo-t iravia. 

o Of those states or tribes enumerated bv C,';esar in 

his C'onunentaries on the <;allic war (I!, vii. 00,1. Ihe 

followini;- named are of the C vmric I'elts; Senones, 

[-■iclones. IJilm-iuvs. C'.nnutes, Hellovacj." Turones. 

I'arisii. Suessii>m-s.-'' Ambi.cni.-'' .\Iedional riii.-'= \er- 

\ii* Morini.- CenouKiiii. Atiebate^.- I'.ellocas- 

.ii - I,.•^o^i;, t;burovice-: and aM llu maritime 

slat. - of .\rmori. a. were all ol ihe lA uu-ic stales; 

Ihc odur stales ilierc mentioned were ol lliv elder 

(elts. .Mllu >.iiuiRrn (lauls. IhoseaboM- name.l 

luarked with an ''-. .ire Keltic stale-; lliouu'li thev 

1 are also C'vmric We claim .ill the (Jeluians of 

; tlv.it dav to be muloubtedlv tvunv. Sec tioilwin's 

' l-"rance'. to, and n. o; Xit'buhr's I.Cilures. j,;; 1 N'ie- 

buhr ibid. ^J7 •-;; and the first chapter of Miclielefs 

History of I'ranc.-. II will be iound that luanv of 

I tliesc names are the same .is those in Itritain. 



Chap. IV.] CUSTOMS, MANNERS 

the Britons furnished the \'enetians in 
men and shipping against iiim. But there 
were other matters he did not notice or 
know, wliich go as strongly to prove this 
identity: tlie similarity in the construction 
ot" those great stone monuments of Carnac 
in Armorica, and those of Avebury and 
Stonehenge,!*' and elsewhere in the British 
Islands; which exist nowhere, except where 
it is known the Cymry have been. 

In ancient times previous to the Roman 
conquest, as already stated, Britain became 
conventionalh- designated into three di 
visions bv the names of Albion, Loegria, 
and C\'niru.'i Albion was in the north, 
and was since called Caledonia, and since 
Scotland; Loegria in the cast and Cymru 
in the west The line between the two 
last divisions was not very distinctly mark- 
ed ; and it is probable it often changed, and 
that the people of each run into each oth- 
er, without any distinction between them ; 
but it is most probable, that this line was 
drawn from the north with the central 
ridge of the island — the British Apennines 
— extended south to the Isle of Wight, but 
leaving Axebury and Stonehenge on the 
west of it. The whole island was divided 
into ninnerous states or tribes, with great 
difference in the size of territory; and ap- 
parently W'ithout regard to the line separ- 
ating Cymru and Loegria; just as we find 
in the L^nited States settlements of New 
Englanders and southern people in adjoin- 
ing localities, without reference to state line. 
This was because ethnically they were the 
same people, and no enmitv or war exist- 
ing between them : they were all known as 
Cymrv. Cassivellaunus, Caractacus and 
other federal chiefs, commanded and ruled, 
from the mouth of the Thames to the 
Irish Sea, just as the President of the 
United, States would, from the Atlantic to 
the Rocky Mountains. The one may have 
been by birth a Cassian and the other a 
Silurian, but that made no difference in 
national questions. The fact that the 
Loegrians came as friends and relatives, 
made no more difference nationallv than it 



AND CIVILIZATION. 



99 



10 Chambers' Encyclopedia, Vol. 2, p. 623, title 
•tiirnac; Logan's Antiquities of Scotland, p. 452. 

11 See ante ch. ii. 



does in the United States for the nati\es of 
the British Islands to come in since the 
revolution. They are of the same lineage 
as those who were there before them. 
When the Romans came, they found in 
Britain no national difference of people: 
those who fought under Boadecia near 
London, under Caractacus in Wales, or 
under Galgacus in Scotland, were nation- 
ally one people, with one language, one re- 
ligion, with the same institutions — Druids 
and chariots. 

From what C;esar and Tacitus say about 
the people of Britain, we see no difference 
of nationality or characteristics, only they 
were divided into different states or tribes. 
The only exception to this is that Caesar 
says, that those in the south were emigrants 
from Belgium, or Belga:; and those far in 
the interior Avere less civilized. He says: 
"The inland parts of Britain are inhabited 
by those whom fame reports to be the na- 
tives of the soil. The sea coast is peopled 
with the Belgians, drawn thither by the 
love of war and pi under. "'2 All Csesar says 
about the Britons shows he knew but little 
about thein, except what he personally ob- 
served where he caine in conflict with thein 
in war. He aids us but little in knowing 
the Britons ethnically. What he says does 
not militate against what we claim, that 
they were Cymrj' and came there from 
Asia Minor. Such is the account given of 
themselves, and it agrees with all historical 
facts, and excludes every other hypothesis. 
When these came to Britain as stated, it is 
more than probable that they were preced- 
ed hy some of the elder Celts from Gaul ; 
but they were received "peaceably." The 
first name by which they knew the 
island was Alban, and this name was 
crowded off" with the people to the north 
part of the island. At a later period, ac- 
cording to the ancient annals and triads of 
the Cymry, there came to Britain from the 
western coast of Gaul another immigra- 
tion of a people, known as the Lloegyr or 
Loegrians. These were received by the 
first Cymry as kindred and friends, and 
descendants of the original stock, with 



12 Caesar's Com., B. v, 10. 



THE BRITISH PERIOD. 



whom they could readily converse, who 
were permitted to settle in the south and 
east parts of Britain, while the former in- 
habitants peaceably and voluntarily with- 
drew to the west, or were amalgamated 
with them. '3 

Another kindred tribe came from the 
same country and were also received 
peaceably, and known as Brython, and who 
were permitted to settle in the far north. 
It is probable that these two last immigra- 
tions, the Lloegyr and Brython, came from 
that part of Gaul called by the Romans 
Armorica and Nustria, and included in 
their provinces of Lugdunensis and Bel- 
gica; where the original Cymry settled 
who permanently remained in France. 
The Loegrians were probably from Ar- 
morica, and the Brython from Belgium. 
These three families of the Celtic people 
caused the Ancient Britons to divide Brit- 
ain into three divisions accordingly, each 
giving a name to their respective portions; 
as Alban to the north, Lloegyr to the east, 
and Cymru to the west; and these names 
have been latinized and anglicized respect- 
ively as Albion, Loegria and Cambria. The 
first would be included in Scotland, the 
second in the eastern part of England, and 
the last to the west of it, divided by a line 
running with the central ridge of the 
island — the Apennines of Britain — contin- 
ued south to the English channel in the 
neighborhood of Southampton. 

§2. — The Government of the Britons. 

The first subject to be noticed in relation 
to the customs of a people, is their govern- 
ment. During the long time, from the 
first arrival of the Cymry in Britain to 
, their subjection to the Roman power, the 
government from time to time was, proba- 
bly, somewhat changed ; but we may as- 
sume that it remained substantially the 
same as it was at the time of Caesar. The 
three divisions of the island above spoken 
of, were only a conventional distinction — 
Cymry and Loegrians — which did not en- 



13 See 1 Thierry's Norman Conquest, 3, &c.; i 
Turner's Anplo-Saxon, 56; Miss Williams' History 
ot Wales, 2, &c. 



[Book I, 

ter into governmental affairs. Without 
reference to that division the country was 
divided up into numerous states, tribes, or 
principalities; some say forty-five,i of dif- 
ferent dimensions; some quite small as 
Cantium, others quite large as Brigantium, 
which include all England north of the 
Humber. These states were organized 
very similar to those in Cymric Gaul, and 
the same names were found among some 
of those in Britain. Their governmental 
organization, civil and religious, were so 
much alike that C^sar in describing them 
made no distinction between them, but 
seemed to contbund them together. This 
is only another evidence of the similarity 
of their origin, and that they were one and 
the same people. 

Each of these states had at the head of 
their government as its executive otficer or 
generalissimo, an officer, as a king, prince, 
or chief, whom they called brenliin. His 
office was considered hereditary in his fam- 
ily, but subject to the control of the gener- 
al assembly of the state, who frequently 
changed it from one member of the familj- 
to another, as great defects or merits might 
indicate, or the good of the people and cir- 
cumstances might require. This power 
was sometimes exercised because the prince 
was defective in intellect, or was deformed 
in his physical development, or in his mor- 
al qualities, as being tyrannical, or unjust; 
or was subject to any such qualities as ren- 
dered him seriously objectionable as a 
prince to a free, martial and spirited peo- 
ple. The Brenhin was not an arbitrary 
monarch, but controlled by the general as- 
sembly of the state, restrained by well es- 
tablished laws and maxims embodied in 
their triads, which contained the most am- 
ple code of law — civil, moral and religious, 
found as a rule to govern any people.2 
The sovereignty was generally considered 
hereditary in the male line of the family, 
but fiequently females were permitted to 
exercise it, subject to the control of the 



1 If we enumerate forty-five, nearly one-half of 
them would be within the present bounds of Scot- 
land. I Turner's Anglo-Saxon History, p. 62. 

2 Such laws will be found to include all here 
claimed, as embodied in tlie triads, hereafter ex- 
plained. 



CUSTOMS, MANNERS AND CIVILIZATION. 



Chap. IV.] 

general assembly of the states, as we wit- 
nes.sed in the case of Cartismandua, the 
queen of the Biigantes, and of Boadicea, 
the patriotic widow. But it is probable 
that these instances were exceptional cases, 
controlled by the will of the state as ex- 
pressed through the general assembly. 
There was no general law which excluded 
females from exercising sovereignty, like 
the German Salic law. 

With the exception of the hereditary 
character of the chief or brenhin, their 
form of go\ei'nment partook more of a re- 
public than a limited monarchy. There 
was in it a limited aristocracy, but the gov- 
ernment was principally controlled by the 
people at large, in which every freeman 
had his suftrage ; in which, it is said, every 
man that had a beard, and every married 
woman were admitted. There was, there- 
fore, the appearance of a very limited mon- 
archy, and the union of a republic as ex- 
ercised by their nobility and the great body 
of the people who were of sufficient intel- 
ligence to exercise an influence in» political 
affairs.-' Although Britain was divided up 
into so many states and tribes, yet we can 
discover no difference of race or nationali- 
ty south of the Caledonians, nor but that 
the Cymry and the Loegrians were one 
and the same people, with the same form 
of government; each having the institu- 
tion of the Druids, the war chariots as their 
great weapon in war, and time of danger, 
united in a confederacy, with one sovereign 
over the whole whom thev called their 



3 "It is not easy," says Richard of Cirencester, ^B. 
ch. 3, §19, Six 01<1 Eng-lish Chronicles, 426,) "to de- 
termine the form of g^overnment in Britain previous 
to the coining of the Romans. It is, however, cer- 
tain that before their times there was no vestig-e of a 
inonarchy, but rather a democracy, unless perhaps it 
may seem to have resembled an aristocracy. The 
authority of the Druids in affairs of the gfreatest mo- 
ment was considerable. Some chiefs are commemo- 
rated in their ancient records, yet these appear to 
have possessed no permaneht power; but to have 
been created, like the Roman dictators, in times of 
imminent danger." To this I. A. (iiles, D. C. L., 
the editor, adcls: "The government of the Ancient 
Britons may be denominated patriarchal. Each com- 
munity was governed by its elders. * * * * the 
elders ot the different communities were subordinate 
to the elders of the tribes. But in times of public 
danger, as is recorded in the Triads, some chief of 
distinguished abilities was entrusted with the su- 
preme authority over the tribes or communities, who 
united in common defense. Such were Caswallon 
(Cassivellaunus), C'aradwg (Caractaciis 1, and Owain, 
son of Macsen." 



Pendragon or Wledig. This is confirmed 
by the extensive command that Cassivel- 
launus had over so many states during 
Caesar's invasion; as well by the same state 
of things in Caractacus' time. 

Caractacus was a near relative of Cym- 
beline, whose hereditary dotninions were in 
the east on the Thames, and it was there 
where Caractacus commenced his career 
of opposition to the Romans. After op- 
posing and fighting the Romans for nine 
years in the east he retreated across the 
island to Caer Caradoc in Shropshire, the 
scene of his last battle, where he addressed 
his army, composed principally of the 
Silures of whoin he was prince, and said: 
"This day must decide the fate of Britain. 
The era of liberty or eternal bondage be- 
gins from this hour! Remember your 
brave ancestors who drove the great Caesar 
himself from these shores, and preserved 
their freedom, their property, and the per- 
sons and honor of their wives and chil- 
dren. "•• This is the strongest evidence that 
the country was all one in people and gov- 
ernment. The distinction between the 
Loegrians and the Cymry specially so- 
called, was like that which is sometimes 
made between the people of New England 
and those of the Middle States in the union 
of the United States:- -they were all Brit- 
ons. It was a mere difterence of dialect, 
without any difterence of language, race 
or habits. But they all had the same form 
and principles of government; with the 
Druids, and the doctrines and maxims of 
the triads pervading all. Each of the 
larger states, for the purpose of managing- 
its own aftairs and protecting its local in- 
terests, were divided into tribes and clans, 
and also into districts and hundreds; and 
these last they called cantrcf. They pre- 
ferred these local and sectional govern- 
ments to a central or consolidated govern- 
ment; and then resorted for a protection 
and welfare of the whole, to the formation 
of a federal union, by the election of some 
one of their local or state princes as a para- 
mount sovereign or generalissimo over the 
whole; or over so many as would enter in- 



4 This is so staled by Tacitus and Dion Cassius. 



to the confederacy. 

In every division of the go\ernment the 
execution of-the laws and police regulation 
were attended to by elders appointed by 
tlie people; and nothing was officially done 
except in accordance with established laws, 
Avhich were only altered or controlled by 
the general assemblies. The king or prince 
Avas only the generalissimo of the army 
and general e.xeciiti\e officer of the state. 
Their government was divided into three 
departments, as will be more fully shown 
■\vhen we come to speak more fuUv of the 
Triads, — the executive, the legislative and 
the judicial. The executive was the prince 
and his officers. The general assembly 
consisted of the prince (who probablj- pre- 
sided), the nobles, the Druids, and the wise 
and influential men of the nation. These 
established and amended the laws when 
required, and all were bound by the law, 
and no one was authorized to alter or 
amend them except b\- the general assem- 
blv at a regular session. The judiciary was 
confided to the Druids, as being constituted 
of all the learned professions. Of them 
were constituted the judges of the land, 
who A\erc bound to hold their coiu'ts at 
regular terms, when parties were brought 
before them by due process, and upon 
■which after a due hearing of the case, the 
judges were bound to decide the case ac- 
cording to law. The court liad a jury of 
select men, consisting of an_\- number from 
seven to se\ enl\ , to be agreed upon and 
selected bv the parties, — called assessors, 
(brawdw\r). These determined and found 
tile facts in cjiiestion, upon w Inch the judge 
pronoimced the law which determined the 
case. The linding of the assessors was 
called v rliaitli instead o( t/ie vcniicf. These 
proceedings were very much like that of 
an English jury, except tlie number of the 
assessors might be any number agreed up- 
on from seven to seventv; but a jur\- must 
be twche, which rendered the tormer more 
like the Judice of tlie Civil Law than an 
English jury. 

It is astonishing to what degree of 
minutenes.s and refinement the laws in 
regulation of the go^•ernmcnt, and the ad- 
ministration of justice, were carried in the 



THE BRITLSH PERIOD. [Book i. 

Triads. That, the government was limited 



and controlled by the people, is evidenced 
by the fact that Ctesar more than once in 
his commentaries says, that the rulers ex- 
cused themsehes for what was done, 
■was not by their ad\ice or consent, but 
that the government was of such a natin-e 
that the people had as much power over 
the go\'ernment as it had over them. It 
seem^, by an examination of the triads, 
that the limits of the governnient and the 
rights and liberties of the people were fixed 
and established, by general maxims and 
principles, as constitutional law, so that 
not only were the rulers constrained by 
them, but even the general assembly itself 
Avas controlled by its restrictions, in favor 
of freedom, and to secure to every person 
his life, limbs, property, and the pursuit of 
his lawful business ; very much in the same 
way as is now days done by a bill of rights. 
It is from these sources, tlie declarations, 
maxinis and principles contained in these 
triads, were draAsn the wholesome laws 
and principles of the present laws of En- 
gland. This is shown bv a reference made 
by Lord Chief Justice Coke, in the preface 
to the third \-ohune of the Reports, in 
which he says: — "the original laws of this 
land w^ere composed of such elements as 
Brutus first selected from the ancient 
Greek and Trojan institutes." This refer- 
ence to Brutus and Troy was made because 
the Britons universally claimed that their 
institution originated with Brutus, ^\ho 
brought them with iiim from Trcn- and 
Greece. It was also, undoubtedly in refer- 
ence to these old laws ol' the ]>i"itons, 
which peremjitorilN- prohibited slavery, that 
Lord Mansfield in 1772 in the negro Smn- 
erset's case was enabled to declare, "that 
as soon as a slave set his foot on British 
soil he was tree. ', For h\ Saxon laws, 
slaverv was e\er\- where tolerated. 

These maxims and principles of the 
British laws as derived from the triads, 
were luidoubtedh' the work and philosophy 
of the Druids. The triads and their .-ys- 
teni of law and philosophy, were peculiar 
to them. They existed no where else. 
Still the Druids were no necessary part of 
the government, no more than the learned 



CUSTOMS, MANNERS AND CIVILIZATION. 



Chap. IV. I 

professions were a part of the government 
in any Other country. They furnished the 
lawyers and judges; but they could neither 
make a new law nor alter an old one. That 
could only be done by the general assem- 
blv, in which the Druids were admitted, 
not as a body but as any other wise and 
learned man, and his being a Druid was 
evidence of his being entitled lo an admit- 
tance as a member; and where his learning 
and philosophy would have its influence; 
hut then, the question would be determined 
hv the vote of the assembly. They were 
the counsellors and advisers of the govern- 
ment, but were not a necessary part of it, 
or its executi\e officers. They wei-e a 
bodv of the people, only separated from 
them as the learned professions, and as 
such held their separate sessions and col- 
leges; and furnished lor the people and the 
government the priest, the lawyer, the 
physician, and the learned man in every 
department of science. As such they 
wei-e entrusted with the instructions of the 
youth, and with giving information to the 
people, in the same, manner as such mat- 
ters are disposed of in other countries. 

The supposition that the Druids were a 
necessary part of the government and con- 
trolled it as is frequently represented, is an 
error; for their only control over the gov- 
ernment arose solely from their reputed 
learning and wisdom. This will more 
fully appear when we come to consider 
the Druids and the triads separately. 

These laws were embodied in a code at 
an early period in the tradition and history 
of the Britons. The law triads of the An- 
cient Britons are generally ascribed to 
Dyvnwal Moelmud, a prince or king of the 
Cornish Britons, who lived about three 
hundred years before the Christian era. 
They were probalily revised from time to 
time, as all ancient writings have been in 
the course of being transcribed, during that 
long period. It is said that there has been 
two thorough revisions of the code; the 
first occurred under Bran Vendigaid, 
(Brennus, the blessed,) the father of Carac- 
tacus, and therefore before the Roman 
conquest had any influence upon them ; 
and the next was under Howell the good. 



These laws, as we have already suggested, 
regulated and limited tivery department of 
the government, and formed checks and 
balances upon each, and upon one another, 
as protection to frtedom against the gov- 
ernment, and as a guaranty to the rights 
and privileges of the private person. It 
has been observed that the great point in 
this legislation was the protection and ben- 
efit of the individual man. He had natu- 
ral and indefeasible rights of which the law 
could not deprive him, which were guar- 
antied to him bv fundamental maxims in 
the triads, as constitutional principles. 
These were his personal security and lib- 
erty to be protected bv due process of law; 
and also secured to him, against all process 
and demands, a certain homestead, his cat- 
tle and grain, the implements of his calling, 
his books and militar\' equipments; "be- 
cause," sa\s the triatl, ''it is unjust in the 
law to unman the man. or imcall the call- 
ing." When these '^fricids of the lav.' and 
the social state'' are exairiined, we are sur- 
prised to find so many personal, civil and 
political rights, so effectually secured as in- 
violable rights, in exact conformity with 
the more atlvanced enactments, for the pro- 
tection of human happiness and freedoin 
in our own day. And may it not with 
justice be claimed, that whate\er of these 
liberal principles are found in the English 
and American laws and constitution, they 
are the growth of British soil, from the 
seeds of these ancient laws and maxims. 

What is specially noticeable in these in- 
stitutions is the protection they always 
render to the freedom of thought and the 
right of conscience. There is no evidence 
that the Druids ever enforced their pecu- 
liar thought or doctrine, by force, or pow- 
er, or persecution. The Druids taught the 
people; "that it was the duty of all men to 
seek after the truth, and to recei\ e it 
against the whole world." From which 
they adopted the maxim: — "The truth 
against the world." It was from this 
foundation that Roger Williams adopted 
his principles of tolerance, and protection 
of religion from persecution, and from re- 
straint upon conscience.^ He advocated 



5 There was no persecution by the Druids ag'ainsl 



I04 



THE BRITISH PERIOD. 



[Book 



the freedom of conscience, and that every 
man should be permitted to -worship God 
according to the dictates of his own con- 
science; and this has become the fun- 
damental doctrine of the American gov- 
ernment. 

^3 — The Institution of the Druids. 

The Druids were an institution of the 
Ancient Britons, greatly misunderstood, 
and misrepresented by the Roman and 
other historians. Thej were some times 
represented as a part of the governinent, 
controlling and overshadowing the execu- 
tive and legislative oranches of the civil 
and political organization. This was not 
the case as has already been stated. They 
had their convention, (gorsedd,) or con- 
gress assembled, but such assembly was 
not a governmental or political affair, but 
like a religious or scientific convention of 
our own day. The}' were considered to be 
of great dignity and held in high estima- 
tion, on account of their religious and scien- 
tific knowledge and wisdom. They were 
the conservators of all religious and scien- 
tific knowledge, whose duty it was to teach 
and instruct the people ; and in their ses- 
sions to investigate the truth, and promote 
religion, morals, science and the arts; and 
whatever promoted the welfare of the peo- 
ple. They, therefore, possessed great in- 
fluence, in the same manner as the learned 
men of our own day ; and though they had 
no power to make or alter a law, but on 
account of their knowledge and attain- 
ments were the persons who were to de- 
termine what the la\\- was, and to decide 
all contioverted cases, both civil, criminal 
and national, and were the judges of the 
land; but the law itself and the action of 
the government was always subject to the 
control of the general assembly. The ses- 
sion of the gorsedd was one thing, but the 
session of the general assembly was an en- 
tirely different thing; the first was only 
private and conventional, the latter was 
lesral and goxernmental. A Druid might 



the Christians; nor by the esbiblished Cliristi;inity 
against llie Pelagians; no insti'uments of restraint 
used against them except argument and reason. 



be a member of the general assembly, but 
there he was only as a member — a man, 
having no extra influence or control, ex- 
cept what influence his knowledge and 
wisdom would give him. In the decision 
of judicial cases, the jurisdiction did not 
appertain to them as a body, but to such as 
were assigned for that purpose as judges; 
and when a decision was made, when nec- 
essary, in aid of the executive authority, 
they would enforce the execution of the 
decision by proscription of the recusant 
party, and interdict him from the civil and 
religious rights, which was looked upon as 
a terrible punishment. 

The Druids were not a cast, but a class 
to which all classes of the people were ad- 
mitted, who could show sutlicient talents, 
genius and attainments to entitle them to 
the privilege. The sons of the nobility 
were the most frequent successful candi- 
dates, from their greater opportunities for 
improvements and acquirements. But no 
one was admitted without an examination, 
and being foimd by an impartial decision 
to be entitled to the distinction on the ac- 
count of his talents and acquirements. 
No distinction was made on accovmt of 
birth; nor was it at all hereditary. The 
applicant was also bound to procure the 
recommendation of a certain number of 
his people and of the Druids in order to en- 
title him to an examination. 

They were divided into classes, accord- 
ing to their several genius and acqtiire- 
ments, or according to their several pro- 
fessional pursuits. The name of Druid 
was a 7iomen generalisimum, which included 
all. Bilt in accordance with their usual 
preference for a division by three or a 
triad, into three classes: — i. The Druids 
proper; 2. the Bards; and 3. the Ovydd, 
Ovates or Vates. The term Druid, as in- 
cluding the whole, was derived from 
dertven, plural derii\ the Cymric word for 
oak, for which they had great partiality, as 
the favorite tree of their groves ; and as the 
only tree worthy from which to gather the 
mistletoe tor their religious and medical 
purposes. 

Druidism was undoubtedly brought by 
the Cymry into Western Europe, and from 



CUSTOMS, MANNERS AND CIVILIZATION. 



Chap. IV.] 

them passed into all the Celtic people in 
Ireland, Britain, Gaul and Northern Italy. 
It was part of the institutions and learning 
they acquired in Asia Minor, and was car- 
ried by them into Britain, where it was 
said by Csesar it was particularly cultivated ; 
and where the Gauls resorted to perfect 
themseves in doctrines and principles.' It 
is there where Abaris on his return from 
Greece and Asia Minor, imparted to it the 
doctrines of Pythagoras, and perfected it in 
those doctrines, which in the opinion of 
the learned, always connected it with 
Pythagoras and Asia Minor. They car- 
ried it with them as they did the chariot, 
the harp and other matters which so evi- 
dently connected them with the east, and 
which in this manner the mystery of it is 
plainly solved, and can be in no other 
manner. From this class were deputed 
those who were to officiate as judges, and 
discharge the higher duties of the priest- 
hood. And from them were to be elected 
those who were to officiate over the Order 
as their chief, as the Arch-Druids preside 
over their general congress as their pre- 
siding officer. The great object of ambi- 
tion with the two inferior classes was to 
become entitled to be admitted to the 
highest honors of the order. 

The next or second class was the Bards, 
who were specially the literary class; — the 
poet, historian, orator and instructor of the 
people in poetry and patriotic songs; — to 
eulogize the virtuous and honorable, and 
to inspire all with patriotism and love free- 
dom. It was also their .duty to keep the 
annals and history of their people and 
country, — to recite them to the people and 
instruct them as to whatever might be of 
interest in such production. The third 
class, some times called Ovates, were the 
prophets, and had the immediate care of 
the sacrifices. They were professors and 
instructors of the youths, and as such 
greatly sought for and respected. They 
professed to be acquainted with the arts 
and sciences, and were the instructors in 
them. They were the ordinary priest, 
lawyer and physician, and assumed to be 



105 



Csesar's Coin., Wnr in G.aul, B. vi, §13. 



acquainted with botany and the medical 
qualities of plants and herbs. All this they 
practiced while they were candidates to the 
higher ranks of the order. They were not 
received into the class without a se\ere ex- 
amination, and proving himself worthy by 
the head of his clan and twelve Druids; 
and that he was master of the special art or 
science he professed to teach or exercise. 
The same guarded restrictions were re- 
quired in their admission and promotion 
from one rank or class to another. 

The Druids, as a body, claimed extensive 
acquaintance with philosophy and the na- 
ture of things; — with morals and law; and 
the triads were the production of their in- 
tellect, industry and care. They were 
highly respected and reverenced by the 
people, who universally resorted to them 
for information on all subjects. It was de- 
voutly believed that they were profoundly 
acquainted with the character of deity, and 
they alone were worthy to make supplica- 
tion and sacrifice to their god. In these 
respects the Druids, as was the case with 
all priesthoods, had their doctrines which 
they held among themselves, and that 
which they publicly preached to the peo- 
ple; that is, they had their esoteric and 
exoteric doctrines. One of these Druids 
was always assigned to certain districts 
called Civmxvd, who resided with the peo- 
ple therein, for the purpose of being con- 
venient to render instructions and the dis- 
charge of his holy duties. It is said that 
the Druids were occasionally accustomed 
to resort to divination by the sacrifice of 
animals, and some times upon important 
occasions would sacrifice human victims, 
and determine the course of events by the 
throes of the victim. How far in these re- 
spects they violated principles of humanity 
we can hardly judge from the prejudiced 
accounts that have come to us from the 
enemies of these people. There is nothing 
of it in the ancient history of the Britons 
as given by themselves. But if true, the 
Romans of that day were gviilty of the 
same thing themselves. The Romans us- 
ually never interfered with the sacrifices 
and religious performances of a people, but 
they did with the Britons, upon the pre- 



io6 

tense of their opposition to these cruel sac- 
rifices; but in reality it -was on account of 
the patriotic influences that the Druids had 
over the people, and especially the influ- 
ences that the bards had by means of their 
patriotic poetry and song to arouse them 
against their oppressors. But there are no 
established facts which will retain the 
charge of cruelty against the Britons in 
their sacrifice or other aftairs, when com- 
pared with the customs of any other peo- 
ple. If the facts were true, that the Brit- 
ons on extraordinary occasions did sacri- 
fice animals and human beings as convicts 
in burning wicker work, still it is not in 
the Roman historian fairly to charge 
cruelty or barbarity upon the Briton when 
compared with themseh'es. Roman his- 
tory furnishes us instances of human sac- 
rifices and cruelt}' far greater against the 
Romans even at a later period, than those 
found against the Britons. Humanity and 
mercy is everywhere inculcated by the 
triads, but very seldom in Roman history 
either in precept or example. All we 
know of human sacrifice on the part of the 
Britons sinks into insignificancy compared 
with the human sacrifice and cruelty of the 
Roman gladiatorial shows and sacrifices. 
One instance in the time of Augustus 
throws the comparison into the shade. On 
the capture of the city of Perusia, in the 
valley of the Tiber and not far from Rome, 
upon the termination of a revolt, "300 of 
the most distinguished citizens of the town 
were afterwards solemnly sacrificed at the 
altar of Divus Julius."^ Citsar's inhuman 
cruelty, while in Gaul, obliterates all such 
hvniian cruelty which is either found or 
imagined in the history of Ancient Britain. 
And the same may be said of the human 
sacrifice on St. Bartholomew's day in 
France; or that of the bloody Mary in En- 
gland. But the sacrifices of the Druids are 
represented as less cruel and more refined. 
At certain fixed seasons, as at the vernal 
and autumnal equinoxes, at the winter and 
summer solstices, and the like stated peri- 
ods, the Druids held their solemn conven- 
tions in various and in well known and 



2 3 Nicbhui's Lect., 107. 



THE BRITISH PERIOD. [Book i. 

venerated localities, to which the people re- 
sorted for religious exercises and instruc- 
tion. 

On these great festive occasions the best 
appearances were put on, and evei-ything 
transacted w^ith great order and propriety. 
The Druids wore their hair short, and their 
beard long. The vestments of the differ- 
ent classes were difterent in order to dis- 
tinguish each. That of the Druids were 
white, the Bard were blue, and that of the 
Ovates green. No service was permitted 
to be observed or performed except between 
sunrise and sunset. Every oflicial act was 
to be discharged in the "eye of the light 
and the face of the sun." The officiating 
Druids were dressed in great splendor, in 
their long robes and regalia. But the great 
object of observation was the Arch-Druid 
in his canonicals, which were extremely 
gorgeous and attractive, who presided up- 
on such occasions. On his head he wore 
a golden tiara, in his girdle the gem of 
augury, — on his breast the tor iiiorin, or the 
breast-plate of judgment; and on the fore- 
finger of the right hand, the signet ring of 
his order. Before him were carried the 
sacred mistletoe, and the golden crosier 
with which it was gathered. These con- 
ventions were held for festivities and cere- 
monies; or for solemn and high courts in 
judicial service, in their sacred groves or 
in their round temples, as Avebury and 
Stonehenge. 

On these occasions great ceremony was 
observed. The gathering of the mistletoe 
from the sacred oak, was done with solem- 
nity and care. The priestly Druid in his 
white robe, with his golden crosier, plucked 
the mistletoe without soiling it with human 
hands, which fell into a white sheet or gar- 
ment held for the purpose, to be used in 
their solemn ceremony, and for medicine. 
Then for the sacrifice two white bulls were 
selected and oftered up in their religious 
adoration. Milk white horses were yoked 
in a holy chariot, attended by the priest 
and chief, who carefully noticed their ac- 
tion and movements as subjects from 
which to draw their augury; in the belief 
that those animals were privy to the will 
of their gods, and communicated it through 



CUSTOMS, MANNERS AND CIVILIZATION. 



Chap. IV.] 

tlie means of these observations. Such 
auguries were then common among all 
heathen nations, but attended with much 
less refined ceremon\-. 

The religion of tlie Druids was tlie best 
and most refined of the heathen of that 
dav. They believed in one supreme and 
ever-enduring God; and in the immortality 
of the soul. They also in some manner 
had some connection in their worship with 
the Grecian gods, but this may be a mis- 
conception of the Greek and Roman 
writers; or it may be true, and they were 
objects of adoration between themselves 
and their true God. Abaris was said to be 
a priest of a temple of Apollo, and that his 
arrow (wand or staff',) was the gift of Apol- 
lo ; and therefore sacred and supernatural. 

It was the duty of the Druids not only 
to teach the people in matters of religion 
and morals, but also in all secular informa- 
tion; — whatever they knew in the sciences; 
and thev were specially intbrmed in as- 
tronomy, law and medicine. But it was 
the manner in which they stirred up the 
people to their patriotic duties, — their love 
of independence and freedom — that marked 
them out as objects of extirpation and mis- 
representation. The spirit they infused in- 
to the people, by these means, formed as 
serious an obstacle to the conquering rules 
of the Roman, as the military and science 
of their chiefs; and therefore the Romans 
did all in, their power to extirpate them. But 
their glory remains to us, in what is lett to 
us in their triads, which proves their high 
sense of morality, law and justice, and of 
these it is the most splendid monument of 
anything that is left to us, of a date older 
than the Christian era. They were ad- 
mired even at that time by fair and impar- 
tial Greeks and Romans ot that day. 
Diodorus, Maximus, Tyrius and Cicero, 
quote a Druidic Triad as well known to the 
Greeks and Romans: "Worship the Gods, 
— do no man wrong,— be valiant for your 
country." Valerius Maximus, as illustra- 
tive of their faith in a future state of ex- 
istence, said : "The Druids have so firm a 
conviction of the immortality of the soul, 
that they advance sums of money, . . . 
to be repaid when they meet after death." 



And Lucan says : "It is certain the Druidic 
nations ha\e no fear of death. Their re- 
ligion rather impels them to seek it. Their 
souls are its masters, and they think it con- 
temptible tojspare a life the return of which 
is so certain." And Cicero intbrms us that 
he knew Divitiacus the yEduan, of whom 
Caesar speaks so often, and that he was 
wont both to profess to be familiar with 
that study of nature which the Greeks 
called physiology, and to make predictions 
respecting future events, partly by augury, 
partlv by conjecture. 

It has been already remarked that the 
Druids were nierely the learned professions 
of that day united in one body as a pri\ate 
corporation, ready to render to the govern- 
ment and people any aid that their science, 
learning and experience could aftbrd them, 
for which they received certain remunera- 
tion, immunities and privileges, ascompen-^ 
sation. If the spirit of Caractacus were- 
able at this day to visit Britain, he would 
find the island the same as when he left it, 
— much improved, but not enlarged or al- 
tered so as not- to be identified. He would 
find London, and Bristol, and Caerleon and 
York on the same spots on which were 
cities of his day. Some of these he would 
find greatly overgrown, while others were 
wofully diminished and deteriorated. Over 
Caerleon, — his beloved Caerleon on the 
Usk, — ^Jiis Alma Mater, where the Druids 
had taught him to love his God, his coun- 
trv, and his people; he would shed a tear 
over the sad change wrought in the place, 
by the destruction of the high places of 
learning, by Roman, Saxon, Danes and 
Norman plunderers, who labored to destroy 
the piety, learning and progress of his 
people. He saw cities larger, population 
more dense, and fields highly cultivated; 
but the people upon the whole no better, 
Avith greater disparity in the classes, and 
greater suftering with the lower multitude. 
But he would conceive that British soil 
and British blood was still thei-e, in all its 
pristine vigor, — its perseverance, industry 
and good fdith was still there. He would 
conceive that all the learned professions 
were the Druids, and that the arch-bishops 
were the Arch-Druiiis; and the judges in 



io8 



THE BRITISH PERIOD 



the courts were Druids assigned to hold 
them as in his own day. In some places 
he would still find his native language, but 
everywhere he would find thousands of 
words borrowed fi-om his mother tongue; 
though the people were somewhat mixed 
with foreign blood, yet the people all hailed 
him as their great ancestor, and gloried 
over the superb position he occupied before 
Roman power, and before the Roman peo- 
ple. Through Britain he would find and 
recognize many things corresponding with 
the practice and maxims of his day; and 
the morals, industry and sense of justice of 
the people agreeing with that of the triads: 
— all the growth of the British soil. He 
would take Tennyson to be a chief Bard 
singing the glorious deeds and virtues of 
his renowned Arthur. 

But we should notice that the Druids 
did not commit all their teaching to writing, 
but required their scholars to learn and re- 
peat oi-ally a large number of verses. This 
is often referred to, as evidence that they 
did not commit to writing their doctrines 
at all. But this is a misrepresentation of 
the subject. What Csesar has said upon 
the subject is this : "They are taught to re- 
peat a great number of verses by heart, 
and often spend twenty years upon this in- 
stitution; for it is deemed unlawful to com- 
mit their statutes to writing; though in 
other matters, whether public or private, 
they make use of Greek characters. They 
seem to me to follow this method for two 
reasons : to hide their mysteries from the 
knowledge of the vulgar; and to exercise 
the memory of their scholars, which would 
be apt to lie neglected had they letters to 
trust to, as we find is often the case."3 This 
is evidence that they did make use of 
writing for all business, both public and 
private. But to their disciples they taught 
orally, for the reason that some part of 
their doctrines they did not wish to com- 
mit to the vulgar, and they wished in that 
manner to exercise the memories of their 
scholars; and required them to recite long 
lessons as a part of their system. The 
Britons always claimed in their history 

3 Cssar's Com., B. vi, 13; see, also, Ten Great Re- 
lig-ions, by J. K. Clarke, p. 9S. 



[Book I. 

and tradition, that the laws and triads came 
down to them in writing from the time of 
Moelmud, 300 B. C. ; though afterwards 
revised. The declaration of Caesar, at that 
early date is important to prove, they then 
had writings, and that they committed to 
the public such matters as the}' thovight 
proper. 

§4. — The Triads. 

The very fact that the original idea of 
the triads is founded upon numbers is evi- 
dence of their antiquity and originality. 
In ancient philosophy the notice of the 
dual was the first; — the perception that the 
character and qualities of everything were 
first observed by its opposites and contrasts ; 
and hence the classification of things by 
two, — the dual. Hence the early distinc- 
tion of the good and the bad; the good and 
evil spirits; the right and the wrong; the 
upper and lower distinction which lie at 
the bottom of all things; and upon this 
was founded the ancient philosophy of the 
Persians, — the dualism ; which upon this 
idea, — the natural and inevitable opposition 
of some two principles of different nature 
and origin; and incapable of being derived 
from one and the same source; as the real 
and ideal ; matter and intelligence or spirit; 
and which was by them applied to their 
system of theology and morals; in which 
they, in their philosophy, assumed that 
there were two original beings, of good and 
and evil; Ormazd and Ahriman; light 
and darkness; God and devil; upon this 
w-as founded their system of religion and 
morals. 

But by the authors of the triads, it was 
found that the dualistic system did not so 
well answer the purpose of philosophy and 
analysis as the triad. It was readily per- 
ceived that the two was useful in the com- 
parison and opposition of things, but these 
were always more or less interfered with 
bv a third number or principle. There was 
not only the good and the bad, but also the 
indifferent. There was not only the right 
and the left, but the standpoint between 
them ; hence it became apparent that the 
observing three objects and qualities were 
a better system of arrangement and phi- 



CUSTOMS, MANNERS AND CIVILIZATION. 



Chap. IV.] 

losophy than two or the dual. 

It is surprising to find in how many in- 
stances the number three enters into sys- 
tems and thoughts of all people. It not 
only strikes the mind in its commence- 
ment of its thinking, but also the mind of 
the most refined and learned. It therefore 
enters largely into every system of theolo- 
gy, law and medicine, or philosophy, of 
every nation. There is the trinity in re- 
ligion; in government we have the three 
divisions, of legislative, executive, and ju- 
dicial. The law consists of three parts, — 
public hnv, which regulates all public inter- 
course; private la7i\ ^vhich establishes 
private rights as to person, property, and 
his relation to others ; and the law of civil 
procedure, which preserves rights, and es- 
tablishes justice. All matter consists of 
animal, vegetable, and mineral. All nature 
consists of matter, life, and intellect. All 
our knowledge is deri\ ed either from the 
information of others, or from our own ex- 
perience, or from our own reflection. Thus 
all subjects of thought or science may be 
grouped, or divided, or reflected upon, in 
their several relations,- by threes; depend- 
ing upon their material, quality or use. 
This became very soon observed by man 
in the course of his civilization and pro- 
gress.' Hence the triad; which in the 
manipulation of science may not answer 
well in all cases; but in the early stages of 
civilization would greatly aid in the pro- 
gress of science and philosophy. But it 



I The Iriads are noticeable in all literature more or 
less. Thus: Aristotle says, the three elements of 
poetry are the jablc, ;he manner, and the diction, 
(Eclectic :Mas.,' May, iS66, p. 614.) Plato divided 
his subjects of philosophy g-enerallv into triads, — 
thus: "The Good, which is beauty, truth, justice, is 
God — God in his abstratt state." (See Drajjer's In- 
tellectual Development of Europe, 114, &c.) "Mat- 
ter consists of Earth, Air, Water." "Three jjrimary 
l)rinciples — God. Matter, Ideas." .... "Our 
mental strugg-les arise from a tripple constitution of 
Appetite, Spirit, and Reason; that Reason alone is 
immortal, and the others die." (Ibidem.) The Gnos- 
tic Triads were: "The}' classed all nature into 
/A^-ff kinds of beings, viz, hylic, or material; psy- 
chic, animal; and pneumatic, or spiritual." . . . . 
"They also distinguish three sorts of men, — material, 
animal, and xpirttiial." (Buck's Theo. Diet., 199.) 
Triads in Geology, (Hugh Miller's Poj). Geology, 
170,) "The three great divisions of Geology — Ter- 
tiary, Secondarv, and P.ila;ozoic." There are also 
three races of men — the ^V■hite, Red, and Black; or 
the Aryan, Turanian, and Shemetic; or Caucassian, 
Mongolian, and African. And so may almost any 
subject be divided or classified into three, or a triad. 
See Ten Great Religions, by J. F. Clarke, p. 124. 



109 

was nowhere carried to that extent; and 
used for all purposes as it was among the 
ancient Britons; and this unquestionably 
was the work and industry of the Druids. 
This shows that they possessed profound 
knowledge of human nature; great re- 
search into the nature of things; as astron- 
omy, botany, and inedicine, as well as in 
their system of theology, morality, and 
law. Their triads related to all these sub- 
jects, and their astuteness and sagacity in 
developing the nature and property of 
each, and the grouping, divisions, and re- 
flection upon each subject as they were 
brought forth in the several triads ; which, 
for their day, put them in mental acquire- 
ments and reflection ahead of any other 
nation. 

The triads were divided and classified ac- 
cording to their several subjects. They 
may be enumerated as triads of — 

I. The History of Britain and the Cym- 
ry or Ancient Britons. 

II. The Laws of the Ancient Britons. 

III. The Social Compact. 

IV. The Wisdom of the Bards of the 
Isle of Britain. 

V. The Sciences and Professions. 

VI. The Learning and Mode of Teach- 
ing of the Druids. 

VII. The Language and Literature of 
the Druids. 

And the subjects of these triads might 
be further enumerated and classified. But 
under each of these seven heads there are 
numerous triads to develop and illustrate 
the subject of each. These are so numer- 
ous and full, that nothing less than an ex- 
amination of the original or the published 
translation can give an adequate idea of 
their merits, value, and fullness. Upon all 
these subjects almost every conceivable 
idea is touched, enlarged and illustrated 
with reflection and philosophy, that is at 
once admirable and astonishing. As the 
production of one people, and their un- 
aided progress, it is unequalled. The 
Greeks were aided by the Egyptians, Phoe- 
nicians, Assyrians and Persians in their 
learning and philosophy, and the Romans 
gathered from all these, as aids in the 
progress they made ; but the triads and 



THE BRITISH PERIOD 



their learning and wisdom were the sole 
production of the Druids. 

The Welsh antiquaries unanimously 
claimed that the system of the Druidical 
knowledge formed the basis of the triads. 
"If this be the case," says Dr. Giles,2 "it 
must be confessed that the bards possessed 
a profound knowledge of human nature, 
uncommon critical sagacity, and a perfect 
acquaintance with the harmony of lan- 
guage, and the properties of metre. For 
example the subjects of the poetical triads 
are: The Cymric language. Fancy and 
invention. The design of poetry. Nature 
and just thinking. Rules of just arrange- 
ments. Variety of matter and inyention. 
Rules of composition, comprising the laws 
of verse, rhyme, stanzas, consonancy, or 
alliteration, and accent." These were some 
of the various heads and classification un- 
der which the triads were given. 

Under each head and class above given 
we shall quote a few triads to show their 
character, appropriateness, and value in 
teaching and illustrating each subject to 
which they refer, i. History. Triads of 
the Isle of Britain. 

VI. The three national pillars of the Isle 
of Britain. First, Hu Gadarn [Hu the 
Mighty], who originally conducted the na- 
tion of the Cymry into the Isle of Britain. 
They came from the summer country, 
which is called Deffrobani (that is, the 
place where Constantinople now stands), 
and it was over the Hazy Sea [the German 
Ocean] that they came to the Isle of 
Britain and to Llyda^\■ [Armorica], where 
they continued. Second, Prydain, son of 
Aedd the Great, who first established gov- 
ernment and royalty o\'er the Isle of 
Britain. And before that time there Avas 
no justice but what was done through fa- 
vor; nor any law, save that of might. 
Third, Dyvnwal Moelmud, who reduced to 
a system the laws, customs, maxims, and 
privileges appertaining to a country and 
nation. And for these reasons were they 
called the three pillars of the nation of the 
Cymry. 

VII. The three social tribes of the Island 



Six Old English Chronicles, p. 430, in n. 



[Book I. 

of Britain. The first was the nation of the 
Cy)nry, that came with Hu the Mighty in- 
to the Isle of Britain, because he \vould 
not possess lands and dominion by fighting 
and pursuit, but through justice and peace. 
The second was the tribe of the Lloegrwys 
[Loegrians], that came trom the land of 
Gwasgwyn [the banks of the Loire], being 
descended from the primitive nation of the 
Cymry. The third were the Brython, who 
came from the land of Armorica, having 
their descent from the same stock with the 
Cymry. These were called the three 
tribes of peace on account of their coming, 
with mutual consent, in peace and tran- 
quility; and these three tribes were de- 
scended from the original nation of the 
Cymry, and were of the same language 
and speech. 

XXI. The three Sovereigns by \ote of 
the Isle of Britain. First, Casvvallawn, the 
son of Lludd, son of Beli, son of Mynogan. 
Second, Caradawg, the son of Bran, son of 
Llyr Llediaith. Third, 0\yain, the son of 
Macsen Wledig; that is, soxereignty w-as 
assigned to them by the \oice of the coun- 
try and people when at the time they were 
not elders.^' 

XXVII. The three brave sovereigns of 
the Isle of Britain : — Cynvelyn* Wledig; 
Caradawg, the son of Bran, and Arthur. 
That is, they vanquished their enemies, so 
that, except through treachery and plot- 
ting, thev could not be overcome. 

These instances must sufiice as example 
of their historical triads, selected from nu- 
merous others, establishing facts, circum- 
stances and characters in their history. 
The next class is still more important and 
interesting, as showing whence so many 
principles of law in Britain so very differ- 
ent from any other countr\ . and so very 
valuable. 

II. Law Triads. 

7. The three pillars of a social state: 
Sovereignty, the law of the country, and 
distribution of justice. 

36. Three things indispensable to a state 



3 The tJircc names in tliis triad, Anglicized, are, 
Cassivellauniis, Caractacus and Owain, the son of 
the Emperor Maxentius. 

4 This name is Cymbeline of Shakespeare and 
Cunobelinus of the Roman;. 



Chap. IV.] CUSTOMS, MANNERS 

ofsocietv: a chief, as king; law, enacted 
b^■ tlie general \oice of the country {rhaith 
o-.vInd)\ and administration of justice.^ 

* The three privileges and protection of 
the social state : Security of life and person ; 
securitv and possession of dwelling, and se- ! 
curitv ot natural rights. 1 

* Three things that conlu-ni the social j 
>tate: Eftectual security of property; just j 
punishment where it is due, and mercy I 
tempering justice where the occasion re- | 
quires it in equity, I 

S. Three duties incmnhent on the three i 
pillars of the state: Justice to all; privilege | 
<and protection to all, and competent regu- 
lations tor the benefit ot' the community ^ 
as to its instruction, information, and record. | 

iS. The three guardians of the law: Ai 
learned iudge;a taithful witness; and a con- 
scientious decision. 

53. Ever}- man has a peculiar property in 
three respects, which cannot be transferred, 
or be gi\en in payment of a fine: his wife; 
his children ; and liis ar^-y-i.'n'ii. By argy- 
\ren are meant clothes, arms, and the im- 
plements of his lawful calling; for without 
them a man is depri\ ed of his station as a 
man, and it would be imjust in the law to 
unman the man, or uncall the calling. 

J 10. Three that are silent in session (or 
general assembly), i. The Lord of the 
st)il, or the king; tor lie is not to open the 
business, but to listen to what is said, and, 
when he has heard all that is to be heard, 
he ma\- speak what he ma\- deem necessa- 
r\" as to the sense ol' the hiw and the de- 
cision that the law requires, j. The judge, 
who is not to speak till he declares his 
judgment as to that which has been prox'cd 
b\' evidence and declared by the assessors 
(or iu)-\'). ;;. One who ir. surety lor anotli- 
er, and who i-- not bound to reph- to anv 
but the judge or tiie assessors.'' 



5 Tlie.se two triads establish ciciirlv Uie fundamen- 
tal i)i-inL'iples in all well regulated jjoverniiients in 
modern times; and which it is believed was not no- 
ticed in ancient times, any wliere, e.\cej)( casually in 
the writing.s of Aii.stotle; i.e. Ihe three important 
branches of a government; — the executive, legisla- 
tive, and judicial branches. These in ancient times 
were entirely disregarded, confounded, and fre- 
quently united. 

6. The word assessors refers to important and ju- 
dicious laymen summoned to attend the court and 
trial as a jurv or more as \.ht; jiidires assr.isors of the 
Roman law. Of these as.sessors a number might be 



AND CIVILIZATION. iii 

III. The Social Compact. 

* There are three ornaments of the so- 
cial state: The learned scholar, the ingeni- 
ous artist, and the just judge. 

3S. Three things indispensable to the so- 
cial state: knowledge arising from com- 
mon judgment of the circumstances; justice 
arising from conscientiousness; and broth- 
erly love betw^een country and united 
country, between a man and his country- 
men, and between man and man. Where 
these are wanting, it is diffictdt to gttard 
against great disunion and injustice. 

39 The three primary objects of the so- 
cial state: common defence; common 
privileges of sciences and arts; and the 
cultivation of the manners and usages of 
peace. 

I\'. The Wisdom of Bards. 

1. There are three branches of wisdom: 
wisdom towards God; wisdom with re- 
spect to every fellow man ; and wisdom 
with respect to one's self 

2. The three recognitions which produce 
wisdom: the knowledge of God; the 
knowledge of the heart of man ; and the 
knowledge of one's own heart. 

3. The three indispensables of wisdom: 
genius, science and discrimination. 

4. The three stabilities of wisdom : wliat 
is right, beautiful and possible. 

5. Three things will be obtained by wis- 
dom: the good of the world; mental com- 
fort; and the lo\e of God. 

6. In three things wisdom is apparent: 
genius; science; and demeanor. 

7. The three exertions of wisdom : to un- 
derstand nature h\ genitis; to perceive 
truth h\ studying it; and to culti\ate \o\e 
and peace. 

S Three things ir, a man that make him 
wise and good : qualities ; science ; and 
power. 

9. Three things with which wisdom can- 
not exist : inordinate desire; debauchery; 
and pride. 

\". The sciences and professions. 

2S. Three things becoming ci\il society: 
the sciences of wisdom; the useful arts; 



I selected bj' the parties to try the facts, from seven to 
se\-enty. (7 — 7 n.) Much in t)ie same way as is now 
done with an Englisli jury. 



THE BRITISH PERIOD 



and the accomplishment of refinement. 

29. The three supports of the arts and 
sciences: instruction given by teachers 
privileged and perfectly skilled; privileges 
conferred for the sake of the sciences or 
arts to those who are skilled in them; and 
rewards secured by law to men of science 
and arts for what is skilfully done by them. 

47. The three primary pursuits of a firm 
government: privileged trades, scientific 
knowledge, and agriculture; for, from these 
three arise all other pursuits useful to the 
state; and, as the secondary pursuits de- 
pend on the primary, it is a necessity of 
state to establish the primary ones in a 
privileged and regular manner. 

VI. The learning and mode of teaching 
of the Druids. 

61. The three special duties of the Bards 
in teaching: i. to maintain, preserve, and 
give sound instructions in religion, science, 
and morality ; 2. to preserve the memoi'y, 
of the laudable acts of individuals or clans, 
of the events of the times, and the extra- 
ordinary phenomena of nature; of wars, 
and regulations of country or clan ; their 
retaliations on their enemies and victories 
over them; 3. to preserve faithfully the 
memory of pedigrees, marriages, liberal 
descent, privileges, and duties of the 
Cymry. 

63. Three things that are not to be done 
but by the joint will of country and dis- 
trict, and the paramount sovereign clan : 
I. Altering the law. 2. Deposing the 
king. 3. Teaching new doctrines, or intro- 
ducing new regulations in the sessions of 
the Bards. For these things ought not to 
be done (by the Bards), until country and 
clan are informed of their nature,, their 
tendency, and regular order, according to 
the judgment of the learned who are au- 
thorized by law, and instructors of approved 
wisdom acknowledged by the general ses- 
sion of counti-y and district. The king can 
be deposed only by the unanimous voice 
of the country. 

* The three foundations of learning are: 
seeing much, suffering much, and studying 
much. 

* The three things appertaining to prop- 
er instruction: the best object; the best or- 



[Book I. 

der, and the best langviage. 

VII. The language and literature of the 
Druids. 

— The three indispensable qualities of 
language : purity, copiousness, and aptness. 

— Three qualities which come in aid of 
the purity of a language: it should be in- 
telligible, select, and acceptable. 

— The three supports of language: or- 
der, strength, and variety. 

— The three foundations of thought: 
perspicuity, amplitude, and justness. 

— The three qualities of poetry : endow- 
ment of genius, judgment from experience, 
and happiness of mind. 

— The foundations of judgment: bold 
design, frequent practice, and freqvient mis- 
takes. • 

— The three canons of perspicuity : the 
word that is necessary, the quantity that is 
necessary, and the manner that is neces- 
sary. 

— The three canons of amplitude : ap- 
propriate thought, variety of thought, and 
requisite thought. 7 

These are only a few of the great num- 
ber and variety of the triads; but they are 
sufficient to show their form, structure and 
merits. It is wonderful to see the extent to 
which they have carried their thoughts and 
refinement upon all subjects of government, 
laws, justice, morals and language: — illus- 
trating the duties and obligation in the va- 
rious positions of human life, either public 
or private; the rights and duties of the 
public officer, as well as rights and obliga- 
tions of the private man, as to his person, 
property and freedom ; while all his moral 
duties, and domestic relations are fully re- 
garded and enforced. 

It is not claimed that these triads now 
make their appearance as they came from 
the hands of the ancient Druids, but that 
they are substantially their work and the 
merits due to them. The Cymry admit 
that tiiey have been on some occasions re- 
vised, but that they are essentially and sub- 
stantially the same as they were belbre the 
Roman conquest. This is supported not 
only by the positive declaration of the 

7 Six Old Enifli.sh Clironicles, p. 430; Richard of 
Cirencester, B. i, cli.iv, §9, in n. 



CUSTOMS, MANNERS AND CIVILIZATION. 



Chap. IV.] 

Cymric writers, but also as clearly proved 
by the classic writers before the middle of 
the first century of the Christian era, — and, 
therefore, before Roman influences had any 
effect in producing them, — that the Druids 
and their peculiar learning existed ; that 
the Bards with their poetry and song ani- 
mated and aroused their people to exertion 
and independence; and that although they 
taught their scholars orally, for the sake of 
cultivating their memory, yet all matters 
were committed to writing, both public 
and private, with Greek characters. All 
this is proved by Caesar, Tacitus, Strabo, 
Diodorus, and especially Lucan, who said: 
"Ye Druids, from you we learn, that the 
bourne of man's ghost is not the senseless 
grave, not the pale realms of the monarch 
below; in another world his spirit survives 
still; death, if your lore be true, is but the 
passage to enduring life."* No one can 
read with impartiality what these ancient 
writers have written, without being satis- 
fied tnat the claim of the Cymry, that the 
triads are substantially the work and labors 
of the ancient Druids. Like all old books 
and ancient manuscripts, in their being 
copied and rewritten in their transcripts, 
some changes or additions may have been 
made, as is known to be the case in the 
Psalms of David. To claim them to be 
the forgeries of the Cymric literature of the 
sixth or twelfth centuries is as unreasona- 
able as it is unjust. Forgery of this kind 
is only a modern production, when the 
various avenues to literary productions be- 
came more occupied and closed up. When 
the door was wide open, men were too fond 
of claiming for themselves whatever was 
of any value, to permit them to assign the 
production to others, or to forego the hon- 
ors of it for themselves. 

^5. — Civilizacion and Character of the An- 
cient Britons. 

We have claimed that the Ancient Brit- 
ons were a part of the Cimbri of the Ro- 



8 This translation of Lucan is taken from Matthew 
Arnold, in his very able review of the question here 
considered, found in the English Cornhill Mag-a/.ine, 
1S66, and in the N. Y. Eclectic Magazine of that 
year. See, also, Rowe's Translation of Toucan, B. i ; 
Richard of Cirencester, B. i, ch. iv, §13-15. Lucan 



man history ;i that they were part of the 
original Celtic family, who were once for 
some length of time in Asia Minor, where 
they became acquainted with the then civ- 
ilization of the world ; that they came 
thence west, through Europe, by the way 
of the mouth of the Elbe, to Western 
France and to Britain, — bringing with 
them manv of the arts and sciences, and 
the civilization of Asia Minor. We have, 
in tracing their footsteps in this long 
journey, given some of the facts and 
reasons upon which our assumption is 
founded; but those facts and circumstances 
still continue during the continuance of 
the whole period now under consideration. 
These facts support and prove our assurnp- 
tion, and contradict and exclude every oth- 
er hypothesis at all consistent with history. 
These Cymry first settled in Armorica in 
France ; and soon passed on to Britain as 
their final home; taking with them and 
cultivating the arts and sciences that they 
had acquired while in Asia Minor. These 
are their striking characteristics, which 
distinguished them from all the rest of 
Europe. From the time and place where 
they first settled in Armorica, through 
France, Britain and the British Islands, we 
find throughout the production and labors 
of one and the same people, which history 
and truth will not permit to be that of any 
other people. The great monuinents of 
Carnac, those of Avebury and Stonehenge, 
as well as those of Classerness on the 
Island of Lewis, and that of Stennis in 
Orkney; nor must similar antiquities in 
Scotland and in the Islands of Anglesea 
and Man be overlooked. All these most 
wonderful monuments of the labors of 
man are evidently the production ol one 
thought and purpose and the labors of one 
and the same people. Standing stones, 
either single or in a cluster of a few, as- 
signed by tradition as monuments of some 
burial or event, are frequently found in 

not only assigns superior knowledge in matters of 
theology to the Druids, but great degree of informa- 
tion on all subjects. 

I Arnold's Hist. Rome, ch. \xiv, p. 200; Godwin's 
France, 60, n. 5; Richard of Cirencester, Six Old 
English Chronicles, 423, B. i, ch. 3, §4, n. 5; 3 Nie- 
buhr's Lect., xxiv, p. 42; Palgrave's Anglo-Saxoiis» 
p. I. 



114 



THE BRITISH PERIOD. 



other places, especially in France and 
Britain; but those great monuments at the 
places above mentioned, have an uniformi- 
tv of character and design, and are found 
no where except in those places where the 
Cvmrv and their Druids are known to 
have been most concentrated and identified 
as a people; and tradition have uniformly 
attributed them as monuments of the 
Druids, that there can be no doubt of the 
truth of the conjecture. These monuments, 
consisting of circles and avenues, have 
uniformlv been assigned to have been the 
temples of the Druids, and bv them used 
for the purpose of religion and the admin- 
istration of justice.^ This is the only theory 
of their origin consistent with historical 
facts, and the Cymry the only people who, 
Avith justice and consistency, can claim 
them. 

These monuments consist of immense 
blocks of stone set perpendicularly in the 
ground in circles and avenues, extending 
from 6 or 8 teet to iS or 20 feet above Ihe 
ground; — sometimes set up in the open 
plain, but usually surrounded by a deep 
moat, and wall of earth. Of these the 
most extraordinary are those of Carnac, 
Avebury and Stonehenge That of Car- 
nac is the most extensive, — consisting of 
ten large avenues some miles in length, 
and forming a circle at one end. It is the 
largest, but the rudest. The next in ex- 
traordinary dimensions is that of Avebury, 
which consists of a very large circle of up- 
right stones within a deep moat ; then 
within these again there are two other cir- 
<:les of upright stones, which was supposed 
to form a temple of large dimensions with 
Avings. But the most extraordinar\- of 
these temples is Stonehenge. It evinces 
greater skill, art and science in its con- 
struction; and advancement in architec- 
ture. The stones were hewn and dressed 
with tools of iron; and the top of the up- 
right stone was neatly fitted as a transom, 
forming an united circle of the whole. 
Carnac was the first — the oldest — efibrt of 
the Cymry and their Druids in these works, 
.and we niav well conceive that Aveburv 



2 See Logan's Antirjuities of Scotland, p. 453. 



[Book I. 

was the next, and probably nearly cotem- 
porary work. But Stonehenge was a later 
work, and a production when the nation 
had made great progress in the arts. 

In establishing a probable time wiien 
these events took place, -we are not entirely 
left to conjecture, but greatly helped by 
historical data and facts. By the aid of 
Herodotus, and the monuments of Nine- 
veh, xVe are able to assign the time when 
the Cymry left Asia Minor at about 650 B. 
C. Michelet puts the time when the Cym- 
ry came into France at about 600 B. C.,3 
which was ample time, — at least one whole 
generation had passed away. Their works 
at Carnac in Armorica were soon com- 
menced and progressed. The main part of 
the nation soon passed over to Britain, and 
A\ebury was commenced. 

We have already referred to Abaris and 
the account the Greeks have given of him. 
Taking that account, and the description 
given of him and his people, there is but 
little room to doubt he was a Druid from 
Britain, for the facts stated can applv to no 
other people.'' x\ll the facts stated in al- 
lusion to him go strongly to support this 
claim; such as the people and island he 
was from ; his peculiar dress, and the mys- 
tic arrow, or wand, with which he tra\eled, 
and which he had received from the temple 
at home as the gift of Apollo; which ten^- 
ple was round, and with wings. His object 
in traveling east was to obtain information, 
— in theology and philosophv. In so doing 
he had an interview with Pythagoras, and 
learned his tenets and \iews on those sub- 
jects. This must have happened about 
500 B. C, as Pythagoras some years after 
that date died. This would put the time 
about 150 years after the Cymry left Asia 
Minor, and 100 yea' s after their arrival in 
France and Britain ; but probably about 
140 years before Himilco's \isit to Britain. 
It was long after that, it is probable, that 
Stonehenge was built, corresponding with 
the progress that all people make in archi- 
tecture in the course of their improvement, 
just as we now find the costly and splen- 



3 See his History of France, B. i, cli. i. 

4 .Sec ante, and the authorities tliere cited. 



CUST(3MS, MANNERS AND CIVILIZATION. 



Chap. IV.] 

did churches in New York are superceding 
tliose of a tbrmer and ruder age. There 
is no reason tor ascribing Stonehenge to a 
different people than the Cvmrv, as to the 
Belgians, Tor thev, too, were Cymry, but 
undoiibtetih' a i uder people. 

Now we liunibh' concei\o that the his- 
torical tacts and circumstances stated 
♦proves beyond a reasonable doubt that the 
Cvniry are the same people who took Sar- 
dis in Asia Minor and were at"tervvards ex- 
■ jielleti from thence, in the manner stated, 
ami as narrated b\' Herodotus and others. 
We think the e\idence sufficient, in tracing 
their marks and foot]irint-;, to jirove that 
thev were the same people who passed 
through Europe, upon the route indicated, 
and settled in Northwestern France and 
Britain: just as we have stated. The fact 
that thev carried with them the art and 
knowledge ot building and using the war 
chariot in the manner they did ; and exact- 
ly like those used in Asia Minor, and they 
the only people of Euro]ie wliodid so; that 
so much in their arts and science which 
cannected them with Pythagoras and the 
east; connected with the claim they ha\e 
ever made for themselves, that they came 
from the Suinim'i' country^ near where Con- 
stantinople now stands; leaves no reason- 
able ground to doubt the claim ; and are 
sufficient to exclude every other hypothesis 
foimded on historical facts. These tacts of 
themsches are sufficient to show that thev 
were not the ])ari)arians and imci\ilizei.l 
people that lun'c sometimes been claimed 
the\' were. In olher wortls, these facts 
proN'e them to be in a great measure 
a civilized )ieojiie. But let this claim 
be a^ it ma\', still the reliable facts, 
stated i)\ Ciesar and other historians of 
his t!a\-, are sufficient to show that thev 
weix' a people tor that day tar advanced on 
/the wav to civilization and refinement. To 
use the words ot" Mr. Arnold in the Essay 
above referred tci : "That \\ c ha\'ethe most 
explicit lestimonv in cla-sic writers of that 
day that thi^^ race once possessed a special, 
profwiuul, spiritual discipline; that they 
were, to use Mr. Nash's words [who op- 
posed it] 'wiser than their neighbors.' The 
words of Lucan are singuhuiv c'lear and 



strong, and serve well to stanti as a land- 
mark in this controversy.'' A tair con- 
struction of the testimony of Ctesar is to 
the same effect. What Ciesar states upon 
the subject as to what he '-aw and encoun- 
tered is entitled to full crctiit. Bill he has 
stated many things abtnit the character of 
the people, in relation to matters in w hich 
he had not personal opportimity to \ erify 
them, or which he merely states in general 
terms, that cannot be ti-ne; as being ex- 
pressly contradicted by, or inconsistent 
with what is stated by other historians of 
the time. It is evident to e\ ery one, that 
Ca'sar's expedition to Britain was a tailure, 
and that his account ot it was e\idently 
drawn upon with a view to gi\etohis }\eo- 
ple a fair accoimt of those matters which 
concerned him, and put his case in tiie best 
light. While he does aniple justice to tlie 
skill and abilities of the men and their ot"- 
ficers who were brought against him; set 
his account of the people ami country oth- 
erwise, is either contradicted or not sus- 
tained by the historians who follow him. 
E\'idently his object was to represent that 
the war was conducted on his part with 
great skill, but that there was neither a 
great gain in its success or los< in its tail- 
ure. "If the Britons (jf Ciesar's time," 
says Vaughan,5 "were wont to delight in 
human sacrifices, to paint oi- stain their 
bodies in barbarous lashion, and to ha\-e 
wives of a tamih- in common, nothing of 
this would seem to a]iply to the Britons 
described by Tacitus and Dion Cassius. 
This is a fact of importance in i-elation to 
our early hislor\-, and shoidd be marked by 
the student.' 

y\lthough Cie-ar in \igor and accin-acy 
of st\ie is unsurpassed, and his inlbrma- 
tion i-eliable when dependent upon his own 
obser\ation, vel w hen such inl'onnation is 
second-haiui, it is, in hi^^ connnentaries, 
subject to man\' misrepi-es.Mitaiions and in- 
accuracies. Those just s'.iggested by Mi\ 
Vaugiian ai'e --oine of them ; but there are 
many others, as his description ot'three ex- 
traordinar\' animals <j!" tiie Hercyniari tbr- 
est; — as the bull resembling the stag; a 



.S H.' 



itidiis in J-ln^jsU llisli 



ii6 



THE BRITISH PERIOD 



kind of wild asses ; and the iiri.'' These 
descriptions nui>l he inaccurate and false. 
So must he many matters related of Bri- 
tain and GauL He says of Britain: "The 
island is well peopled, full of houses built 
alter the manner of the Gauls, and abounds 
in cattle." . . . "The inhaljitants of 
Kent, on the sea coast, are the most civil- 
ized oi all the Britons, and differ but little 
ii'i their jiianners from the Gauls. The 
greater part of tliose witliin the country 
never sow their land, but li\e on flesh and 
milk, and yoclad in skins. All the Britons 
in o-o/cj'd/ pai!it themselves with woad, 
which gi\ es a bluish cast to the skin, and 
make them look terrible in battle.'"" This 
is not only inconsistent in itself, but con- 
tradicted by what he himself says else- 
where, and the whole course of the ancient 
historians is irreconcilable with it. He 
found the island well peopled, full of houses 
built alter the manner of those of Gaul. 
He found the land cultixated, and full of 
corn; and lii-^ army sometimes set to gath- 
ering it. He required of the Trinobantes, 
(a people on the north side of the Thames, 
and adjoining the Cassi, where he himself 
had been,) to furnish his whole arm\- with 
corn, which was accordingly done.'"' A 
country well peopled and full of houses; 
with cultivated fields, and full of corn. 
With immense droves of cattle, with plen- 
ty of horses for their ca\alry and ciiariots, 
as well for domesiie uses. The use and 
construction of the chariot brought to that 
perfection which astonished Ca-sar himself, 
and struck liis army with terror;— capable 
of detailing lor one single purpose four 
thousand chariots. Now a people who 
were accustomed to commit to writing ,ill 
matters -public and private," which was 
not withheld for the purpose of impro\ iny 



[Book I. 

barous and uncultivated jieople that Cicsar 
represents them to be. This subject is not 
only worthv of the attention of the student, 
as Mr. '»'aughan says, but especially the at- 
tention of those persons >vhom Mr. Arnold 
designates as "Celt-haters," or prejudiced 
persons w ho are fond of perxerting e\'ery- 
thing to their misguided \iews. 

The reader's attention is not onh- called* 
to these errors of Ca-sarV, but there are 
others equaliv obnoxious to similar com- 
ment. As his statement, that "they think 
it unlawful to feed upon hares, pullets, or 
geese; \et thev breed them up for their 
diversion and pleasure." This is not only 
ridiculous, but contro\erted bv oiu- reason 
and experience. The author has seen in 
the marshes of an army through a hostile 
countr_\-, with wliat exertion the people 
saved such animals from rapacious soldiei'v, 
as though the\ were their household gods, 
and might lead a more simple man than 
C?esar into his eri'or. The stor\- ot' the 
communit\- of wi\es, is also self-condemn- 
ed, a.- contrar\- to natm-e and unsupported 
by anything else in history. But we niity 
also say that the thing was impossible, in 
the midst of a people whose jiriestlujod 
(the Druids) guanied their religion and 
morals with such \igilance. It is an asser- 
tion like that we some time find made by 
inconsiderate and prejudiced tra\elers in 
respect to Americans, because lhe\' find 
something of the kind, or pol\gani\-, in 
some solitary place in Oneida coimtv , N. 
Y., or at Great Salt Lake, it is charged as 
a reproach to the whole people. Oi" be- 
cause, fifty veais ago, it was so common a 
matter aniong tlie English sailors ami la- 
borers lo mark and tattoo their arms and 
body with their riame oi- the representation 
of some instrumenl. as a eha.in and anciior. 



the memorv, oi' preserving it froiri \ul'j'ar i orarrcjwand heart, and the like, oneshoidd 



ears; — who liad a corporation of learned 
men who-e duty it was to teach the people 
in all tlie ails and sciences of which thev 
were masters, and especially in all matters 
of religions and morals; cannot he the bai-- 



r,S^L- H. vi, ch. 23-.>6. 
7 Com., H. V. ch. 10. 
;i; Com., B. V, ch. lb. 



assert that the British peojile "i,'r;/fV(///i'" 
were all tattooed. But we tVequentlv find 
such prejudice and unlViendK remarks 
made, and are founded entireh' ujion nation- 
al prejudice, or "h.'itreil ot' race." 

Many ol the poinis upon wliicii the cix- 
ilization of the Ancient Britons, and their 
progress in impro\ einents deiiended, ha\-e 
already been suggested to the reader; still 



Chap. IV.] CUSTOMS, MANNERS 

there are many more worthy ot" his con- 
sideration. Whatever results the investi- 
gation might have produced, upon an un- 
I'riendly mind years ago, the question no\v 
is a ytry different matter, when aided by 
what has been discovered and produced by 
researches in mounds and otlier objects, 
wlier(.- articles of antiquity ha\'e been 
buried and unknown for ages. Such re- 
searches in recent tiiue have produced ob- 
jects of wondertul results in demonstrating 
the progress that had been made in those 
ancient times, towards a high degree of 
civilization. Progress in the arts that 
would not permit civilization and refine- 
ment to lag behind. The arts and sciences 
are kindred, and dependent upon one an- 
other; so that when antiquar\' finds an ob- 
ject of ancient art, he can well tell much 
more of the progress which that people 
have made in the arts if not in the sciences, 
and establish the progress they ha\-e made 
in civilization; just as a bone v.ill enable 
an unprejudiced and learned zoologist and 
antiquary to establish the family of animals 
to which it belonged, and their character- 
istics. In the oldest mounds which can be 
assigned to the Cymry, there have been 
found iron and bronze, showing that they 
\\ ere in an advanced age of civilization. 
This must necessarily have been, and they 
must have brought the knowledge of iron 
and the arts and science necessarily de- 
pendent upon it, with them from Asia 
Minor; which was necessary for them to 
maintain and keep up their chariots, which 
lliey could ne\"er lia\e invented and con- 
structed except as ha\ing been instructed 
in Asia Minor; and iron w^as necessary to 
their construction. The chariot therefore 
was proof of the identity and existence of 
the Cymry in Western Europe. The arts 
and civilization w hich they brought with 
them to Armorica and Britain, was work- 
ing out a new civilization in Western 
Europe, which was crushed and stamped 
out by Ca;sar with remorseless cruelty. 
No where was this more evident than in 
the result of tlie war of Ctcsar against the 
Venetians. C:esar was astonished at the 
jierfection of their shipping. It was the 
astonishment experienced by Xenophon 



AND CIVILIZATION. 



117 



upon \isiting Tyre, and witnessing the 
wonderful perfection of Phoenician ship- 
ping. Ciesar found there such wonderful 
impro\ements in the arts as applied to their 
shipping, that he may well be surprised to 
find that the Venetian cables were made of 
iron chains; and a person in reading his 
account of it, would even now suppose he 
was reading an account of a British mod- 
ern navy, rather than one of Venetia. That 
undoubtedly was the triumph and result of 
the arts brought to the country by the 
Cymry. At that time there was the most 
intimate and friendly intercourse between 
the Venetians of Armorica and the Britons. 
The historical triads give an account of 
the aid given by the Britons to the Vene- 
tians in that war in opposition to Ciesar, 
and that for that purpose Caswallon^ pass- 
ed over to Aririorica with a large army. 
There can be no doubt of there being a 
substantial truth in this legend about Cas- 
wallon;!" for Csesar complained of it, and 
made it the cause of the war against the 
Britons," that they had rendered aid to the 
Venetians against him in their land and 
naval operations. These statements of the 
triads and that of Ciesar corroborate and 
confirm each other. They further show 
the intimate relation which subsisted be- 
tween the people of Britain and that of 
Armorica, and whatever showed advance- 
ment in the arts and civilization in the one 
was equalh- attributable to the other. Both 
\vere C\'mr\ , and had the same arrange- 



y Ciissivfll'-nmiib of Ca'sar, B. v, ch. 9. 

10 The triiul and leg-ion is this: "The second com- 
bined expedition was cop-ducted hy Ca.swalion, son 
of Beli, * * * and their number was tliree score 
and one thousand. They went ^vilh Caswalion after 
the Caj.sarians [Romans] over the sea to tlie land of 
the Geli Llydaw [Gauls of Armorica], that were dC- 
scendents from the orig-inal stock of the Cymry. * * 
* And it was in revenge for this expedition that the 
Romans first came to this island." 

1 1 Ca;sar savs: "The Venetian slate is by far tlie 
most powerful and considerable of all the nations 
dwelhnu- along die sea coast; and that not only on 
account of their vast shipping-, wherewith they drive 
a mighty tr-affic lo Britain, and their skill and exper- 
ience in'naval aftairs, in which they greatly surpass 
the other maritime states." * * * "The neighbor- 
ing states moved by their example and authority, by 
their princes, entered into a confederacy for acting in 
all things with conunon consent, and alike expose 
themselves to the same issue of fortune." (B. iii, ch. 
S.) "Cssar resolved to pass over into Britain, hav- 
ing certain intelligence, that in all his wars with the 
Gauls, the enetnies of the commonwealth had ever 

I received assistance from thence." (B- iv, ch. iS.) 



ii8 



THE BRITISH PERIOD. 



[Book 1. 



ments to their Druids and Bai-ds to teach I of Ca?sar in liis account of Britain, except 



them in reHgion, morals and the arts ; which 
accounts for the great advancement made 
by tliem in naval affairs, and the commer- 
cial relation between the two people. 

At Cresar's time, and previous thereto, 
the most highly improved and civilized 
part of Britain was not that seen by Cajsar, 
but that in the neighborhood of the valley 
of the Avon, of the British channel, and 
the isle of Wight. There was the site of 
the great tin ti"affic with the Phoenicians 
and other eastern nations, and the great 
commercial relation, spoken of by Ccesar, 
between the Britons and the Venetians; 
and also the site of the great population of 
Ancient Britain who carried on that great 
traffic, and raised those immense monu- 
ments of their labors — those of Avebury 
and Stonehenge, and have left to us the 
mounds and barrows of the counties of 
Hants and Wilts, which yield to the anti- 
quary high evidence of the progress then 
made by the Cymry in the arts and civili- 
zation. 

One of the greatest evidence of a peo- 
ple's progress, in improvement and civili- 
zation, is their acquisition of money and 
coinage. These objects collected b}- anti- 
quaries from those ancient mounds and ex- 
cavations, afford ample proof of the pro- 
gress made, in these respects, by the Ancient 
Britons, before the time "that the Roman 
conquest had any influence upon their cus- 
toms and manners. Ciesar says: "They 
use brass money [probably bronze] and 
iron rings ot certain weight. The pro\- 
inces remote from the sea produce tin, and 
those upon the coast iron ; but the latter 
in no great quantity. Their brass is all 
imported. "12 This shows the unreliability 



12 Com., B. V, ch. 10. The readers of Coesar are 
led to suppose that but little was known of Britain 
]irevious to his dav, and tiiat Kent and that part of it 
whicli he had visited was tlie most improved part of 
it: whereas both histoiw and tlie antiquities of the 
country clearly show that west of the Hamjiton For- 
est, in the neighborhood of the valley of the Avon, v,....^., .,. ...^ ^ , ...^ .., ^,^,. .„.^., i„ 

and the Isle of Wight, there was and for a Ions;' time the time of the Pha-nicians. {See Rawlmson's Her- 
had been a superior civiliz.ation, in connection with odotus. Vol. 2, p. 416, B. iii, ch. 115, n. 7; see, also, 
the tin trade, and traffic of the country. The evidence I i Giles' Ancient Britain, 10 and 11, and 65-6.) One 



in those matters which are represented as 
coming directly under his own observation. 
The tin was procured near the sea shore, 
and not from the interior. Iron must ha\e 
been used in considerable quantity in the 
construction of their chariots and arms^ 
And we again insist upon it, as a fair and 
reasonable conclusion, that the Cymry 
brought with them the knowledge and use 
of ii-on, their chariots and other matters, 
tVom Asia Minor to \'enetia and Britain. 
This accounts tor the liberal quantity of 
iron used by the Venetian.^ in the construc- 
tion of their vast shipping, as narrated by 
Ciesar; even so extensive as to be able to 
use it in chain cables. This shipping of 
the Venetians, "wherewith they drive a 
mighty traffic to Britain, v.as a traffic be- 
tween a kindred people, participated in by 
both; — the Venetians occupying a central 
point on the route of that ancient traffic in 
the tin trade between Britain and the Med- 
iterranian sea through Gaul, which ac- 
counts tor their success and prosperity in 
it. The knowledge of bronze and iron 
must have been brought by the Phoenicians- 
to Britain--the Tin Islands — at a very ear- 
ly day, possibly before the Cymry arrived 
theje, when it was occupied by the Gaelic 
Celts. But when the Carthaginian inter- 
coiu^se commenced with Himilco, the C\m- 
ric were there, and besides what they 
brought with them they acquired much 



Romans who were curious in such inquiries," This 
is evident from these authorities ujion the lih trade, 
and that extensive shipprng- and traffic (that Cxsar 
himself speaks of) between the Venetians and 
Britain, and that commerce was with the western 
jiart of the country, of which C;esar was entirely ig-- 
norant: and which, imfortunatelv, many of the mod- 
ern authors detract and misrepresent. These same 
authors also say, "that the Britons were much far- 
ther advanced in civilization than the savage tribes 
with whicii it has been the fashion to comjiare them. 
Were this not the case, the somewhat unsuccessful 
employment ag-ainst them of so lartre an armv as 
that of Coesar would be disuraceful to the Roman, 
name." (Ibid. p. ji.) 

Xot only is the importance of the Briti^li tin cinn- 
merce shown by ancient classic historians, bui the 
antiquities of the country illustrate it, even back to 



upon this subject is collected li3' the authors, of the 
English Pictorial Ki.story, (i Vol., p. SS, B. i, ch. iv, 
also I Giles' Ancient Britain, 11,) and they sav of 
this: "Indeed, various facts concur to show that, 
however ignorant of Britain Cxsar himself may have 
been when meditating' his invasion, ,a good deal v.'as 
even then known about it liv those of the Greeks and 



pig of tin has been found in South-western England, 
so different from that of all other nations, it is at- 
tributed to the Phrenicians. "It is remarkable from 
its shape and marks, evidently taken from its usual 
form of the trough into which the metal was run. It 
is ])reserved in -tlie Truro Museufu." (See, also, 
3 Xiebuhr's Lect. 4O.) 



CUSTOMS, MANNERS AND CIVILIZATION. 119 



Cliap. IV.] 

new improvements in this great traffic. In 
this way they early acquired the use of 
money; and many things in their antiqui- 
ties indicate their connection with tlie far 
east— Phoenicia and Egypt. This is dem- 
onstrated by what C.esar says of the use 
of iron rings and bronze for money ; and 
tlie great amount of these found in the an- 
tiquities of Britain. "The Egyptian mon- 
uments illustrate these rings, and in Britain 
great quantities have been found, some of 
large size, seemingly worn over the shoul- 
<ier or around the body as ornaments, but 
probably serving the pui-pose of money, as 
indicated by the fact that their weights are 
all exact multiples of one and the same 
standard or unit. '''3 

There ha^^ been, without doubt, three 
periods in British history of monej' and 
coinage, previous to the Roman conquest. 
The firsi is with the money spoken of by 
Cresar, — bronze and iron rings. This 
money probably commenced Avith the 
Phoenicians. The second consisted of a 
coinage of pure gold, of peculiar devices 
and emblematics, without any literal in- 
scription. Of this sort of coin a consider- 
able quantity was discovered about a cen- 
tury since at Carnbre Hill in Cornwall. 
This coinage was adopted long before 
Casar's time, but like many other things, 
was kept out of his sight. And the third 
sort, was that which came into use about 
C;fsar's time, and continued until the Ro- 
man conquest ; when everj- thing became 
so changed, as Gildas says, "that it was no 
longer thought to be Britain, but a Roman 
island-; and all their money, wiiether cop- 
per, gold, or silver, was stamped with 
Ca'sar's image." This is full admission 
that the kind and character of their money 
w;;s not changed, but only stanxped anew 
with the imperial insignia. n 



13 12 Xew Arner. Cyclo.,443, titlu "Numismatics." 
See. also, I Pictorial Hist. Ensfl.md, 105; Loi^an'.s 
Antiquities of Scotland, 36S. 

14 Gildas, §7; I Pictorial Eng'., 10'?. These three 
didi. rent kinds of British coined money deserve a 
further annotation, i. The ring-money; of this the 
English Pictorial History (Vol. i, p. 10+) says, upon 
the authority of ;i learned paper of Sir William 
Betham, thev have been found in great nvuiibers in 
bronze, gold and silver. "Sometimes the form is 
that of a complete ring, sometimes that of a wire or 
bar, merely bent until the two ends are brouglit near 
to each other. In some cases the extremities are 



These facts, established with as much 
certainty as historical facts usually are, 
would satisfy an unprejudiced inind that 
the Britons and the Cymric Gauls had, 
previous to the Roman conquest, made 
that progress in the course of civilization, 
which was but little behind the Romans; 
and that the application of the term of 
savage or barbarian to them was wrong 
and unjust. 

The character and manners of the An- 
cient Britons, as delineated to us by the 
classic writers, agree very well with 
that of the Gauls. i^ This harmonizes ex- 
actly with our theory. What Caisar says 
upon the subject leads to the conclusion 
that these two peoples differed very little 
from each other, in their houses, language, 
manners and institutions. In these re- 
spects there was a common identity and 
communication between them. Cwsar 
found ready cominunication between the 
two countries, by means of merchants and 
others passing from one country to the 



armed with flattened knobs, in others they are round- 
ed out into cup-like hollows. Sometimes several 
rings are joined together at their circumferences; 
other specimens consist of rings linked into one an- 
other." And these all agree in weight to a certain 
part or multiple of an unit, which is considered to be 
proof that thev were used as mone\-. 3. The Carn- 
bre monev and the like; "these were consideredto 
be real British coin. Some were stamped with fig- 
ures of horses, oxen, hogs and sheep; a few had such 
figures of animals on one side, and a head apparently 
o'f a roval personage on the other. All of them were 
of gold; and perhaps it was the only monev thought 
to be worthy of being thus pressed." * * * "It is 
admitted that there were really British money,— that 
is to say, that thev were not only current in Britain, 
but had been coined under the public authority of 
some one or more of the slates of the island. This 
we seem to be entitled to infer, from the emblematic 
figures impressed on them, which distinguished them 
from any known Gallic or other foreign coins', and 
are at the same time similar to those commonly 
found on what appears to be the British money of a 
somewhat later period." 3. The more recent British 
coinage of this period was between Caesar's time and 
that of the conquest by the Emperor Claudius." The 
greater number of the" coins in question bear, either 
in full or abbreviated, the name of Cunolielinus who 
lived in the time of Augustus." Some have this 
name or another abbreviated. 

Of these coins Mr. Logan (p. 3159) says: "The 
coins of the Britons bear the impression of the heads 
of their princes, with various figures on the reverse 
side, either symbolical or representing articles, now 
sometimes uriknown; but the figure of a horse, the 
mystical symbol of Ceredwen or Ceres, as here 
shown, is'fi-equently introduced. The British coins 
usually present the' inscription Tascio, concerning 
Avhich there has been so much conjecture. It has 
been said, with much appearance ol reason, to be 
the native appellation of the nobles, being_ the same 
as the Gaelic toshich, which signifies chief, and hence 
it meant no more th;in Rex of modern coin." 

15 Tacitus' Agricola, §11. 



THE BRITISH PERIOD 



other. Hii^ confidential ally — Divitiacus, 
who undoubtedly was a British Druid — 
had been chief with the Suessiones, in Bel- 
gium, and had a dominion over which he 
ruled in Britain ;'•» demonstrate the facility 
and ease of communication between the 
two countries and people. Throughout 
the vast territory occupied by the Celts, 
they are uniformly represented as possess- 
ing a striking similarity of character and 
habits, — quick in their determination and 
passions, but too soon over with their ex- 
citement to be really malignant, often lib- 
eral to a fault, and hospital to strangers, 
and fond of company; — inquisitive as to 
news, and foreign countries. Distinguish- 
ed for the wearing of the pantaloons, and 
gay plaid clothing and cloak, with the Cel- 
tic cap, which has since been called the 
cap and emblem of liberty. 

Such was the general character of the 
Celt, whether British or Gallic. But says 
Michelet: "a new Celtic tribe, — the Cym- 
ry, came to join the Gauls. The new 
comers, who settled tor the most part in 
the centre of France, on the Seine and the 
Loire, were, it appears, of a more serious 
and staple character. Less indisposed to 
restraint, they were governed by a sacer- 
dotal corporation — the Druids. The prim- 
itive religion of the Gauls yielded to the 
Druidism of the Cymry."'^ 

The character of the Ancient Britons, as 
delineated oy Strabo and Diodorus, as they 
appeared to the Phoenicians, Greeks and 
Romans before Caesar's time, and that 
given to us by Tacitus immediate!}- after- 
wards, perfectly agree. The former authors 
represent those people as a hardy, persever- 
ing and industrious race, who worked the 
hard earth and rock to procure tin, which 
they faced and run into metal in bars for 
exportation. This they took in large 
quantities in wagons and boats to their sea- 
port, i* to sell to the merchants who came 
there for it, or to exchange for such articles 
as they needed and chose to take in barter. 

in Cajsar's Com., !>. ii, §4; Loijiin's .\ntiuuities, 
p. 44. 

17 History of France, ch. i. 

iS This port was called Iclis on or near the Isle of 
Wight, or between it and Cornwall. 



[Book I. 

They are represented to have been a kind 
and well dressed people; and "from then- 
intercourse with foreign merchants, were 
civilized in their manners." But Tacitus 
is still more explicit. He says that Agrico- 
la found them capable of education and 
fond of letters. "By way of encourage- 
ment, he praised their talents, and already 
saw them, by the force of their natural 
genius, rising superior to the attainments 
of the Gauls." Again he says: "The 
Britons are willing to supply our armie.s 
with new levies ; they pay their tribute 
without a murmur; and they perform all 
the services of government with alacrity, 
provided they have no reason to complain 
of oppression. When injured, their resent- 
ment is quick, sudden and impatient; they 
are conquered, not broken-hearted ; redviced 
to obedience, not subdued to slaverj'."^^ 
Such have ever been the true character ot" 
the true Britons; — a brave and determined 
people; easy led with kindness, but hard 
to be driven by either oppression or injus- 
tice. Ever kind and generous, but ever 
intolerant of wrongs. Always ready faith- 
fully to discharge their duties in whatever 
situation fortune may place them ; but ever 
rebellious against tyranny and supercilious 
arrotiance. 



19 Tacilus's Ai);ricola, §13 and 21. As to the in- 
domitable bravery of the Britons under every cir- 
cumstances and adversity we have the frequent tes- 
timony of boih Ca;sar and Tacitus. Cx-sar frequently 
testifies to their bravery and skill in battle, and says 
ot his first landinsf, after delineating- the boldness 
with whicli -the Britons opposed the Romansin their 
landing-, "the battle was obstin;lte on both sides." 
Xothin^ but the advanta^^e gained liy the use of the 
engines on board of the.boats of shallow drafts in 
shooting- missiles with deadly effect upon the tianks 
of the Britons enabled Ca;sar to obtain a lirm footing. 
Tacitus savs-: "Ostorius resolved to storm the place," 
being inclosed with a. i-ampart thrown up with sod, 
difficult of attack by cavalry; "the assault was or- 
dered. The Britons, inclosed bv their own fortifica- 
tions, and pressed on ever\' side, were thrown into 
utmost confusion. Yet even in that distress, con- 
scious of the guilt of rebellion, and seeing no way to 
escape, they fought to the last, and gave signal proofs 
of their heroic bravery." 

It seems that the Britons beat the Romans when 
fighting with missiles and light arms. This was 
frequently observed, especialh' at the battles in 
which Caractacus, and also that in which Galgacus 
was defeated. It was only when the Romans came 
into close quarters, where their heavy weapons and 
superior defensive armor and discipline came into 
full operation, that they had the advantage, and were 
successful. 



ORY OF THE ANCIENT BRITONS. 



BOOK II.— THE ROMAN PERIOD. 



CHAPTER I. 

THE ROMAN KILE FROM THE CONQLEST 
TO THE REKiN OF DIOCLETIAN. 

^i — Tin CoiiijHist to Siu'foHi/is, A. D. 43 
to 61. 

In that long period from the retreat of 
Ca'sar to the conquest of Claudius — almost 
a century — the Britons enio\-ed a happy 
exemption tVom foreign invasicjii, during 
which tliey made great progress in im- 
provements and national prosj)eritj. Dur- 
ing the same time the Romans had also 
made great improvements of the same 
kind. Of that period, from the cieath of 
C;esar to that of Augustus, a period of fif- 
ty-eight years,' it was tlie spirit of the lat- 
ter that swayed the Roman world. Tlie 
material prosperity of Rotne was then so 
great, that Augustus boasted that he found 
Rome in brick and left it in marble. But 
that Emperor left to this world a more en- 
durins; monument of his wisdom, as a be- 
quest to his coimtry, and an example to 
mankind, in gi\ing to his successors, in a 
written will, his advice of confining the 
empire within tliose limits, which nature 
seemed to have placed as its permanent 
bulwark and boundaries.2 Tiberius, his 
successor, in a reign of twenty-three 3'ears 
preserved the peace of tiie empire, and fol- 
lowed the wise advice of this predecessor, 



I From B. C. 44 to A. D. i^. 

z It seems that, notwithstandinu^ this, Aug'ustus 
about A. D. 26, upon some pretense made prepara- 
tion to invade Britain, concerning- whicli Giles (i 
Flist. Anc. Britons, 5S,) says; "But tlie emperor had 
no sooner arrived in Gaul than the Britons sent a 
deputation to meet him. Some time was spent in ne- 
jjotiatinsr, and it seemed fruitless; for the historian, 
Dion Cassius tells us, that the Britons would not en- 
ter into a treaty, and that Augustus, when on the 
point of invading the Island, was witnheld by a re- 
volt of the Salassii." 



more from the want of any laudable enter- 
prise, and that which should distinguish a 
statesman, than from any appreciation of 
the moral value of the bequest. In A. D. 
37 this worthless tyrant in the midst of his 
tyranny, crimes and worthlessness, was as- 
sassinated; and was succeeded by Caligula, 
wlio is represented as a tnost detestable 
character, who, after a reign of foiu- years, 
was also assassinated, by which tlie Roman 
empire and the world were relieved of an 
execrable tyrant; and a worthless and \i- 
cious man. He was succeeded by Claudi- 
us, a nephew of Tiberius, a cold, phlegmat- 
ic man, and but little better than those w ho 
had just preceded him. In the third year 
of his reign, A. 1). 43, he ordered his gen- 
eral in Gaul, Aulus Plautius, to proceed to 
invade and conquer Britain, with as little 
regard for the wise admonition andliequest 
of Augustus as for any just cause tor the 
war. 3 

In puisuance of the orders of Claudius, 
Plautius collected a large army and naval 
conveyance at the same port in (iaul — now 
supposed to be Boulogne — at which C:esar, 
ninetv-eiglit years before, started upon a • 
similar expedition. Plautius was an ex- 
perienced and able general, but like most 
of the Roman generals of the day, selfish, 
heartless and cruel. The army collected 
for the enterprise consisted of four legions 
of the regular army, making tAventy-fi\e 
thousand men, with auxiliiiries of various 
troops sufficient to make his whole t'orce 
fifty thousand. A large fleet was prepared 
to embark them. But notwithstanding the 
high reputation of their general, he found 



3 Vaughan's Revolutions in English History, z\ 
and 44; I S. Turner's History Anglo-Saxons, 71-74; 
Tacitus' Agricola; i Pictorial History of England, 
36, .tc. 



THE ROMAN PERIOD 



great opposition on the- part of the troops 
to engage in the enterprise. Tradition and 
iiistory informed theni of the opposition, 
wliicli tiieir great C;esar had met with from 
the Britons. They con.sidered the brave 
and determined deiense the Britons made 
for their country, even in tlie midst of tlie 
waves upon the sea shore. They thought 
of the chariot, which they had never met 
in battle, and did not much like the idea of 
being rode over by its wheels. Besides, 
they looked upon Britain being out of the 
worlds and said: "We will march anv- 
where within the Roman world, but not 
out of it." But at length appeals to their 
patriotism, and to the glory of the Roman 
name, and the fame and wealth that thev 
themselves would acquire, overcame their 
scruples; and they \vere embarked. The 
weather turned out to be tempestuous; and 
their fleet was some scattered, so that they 
did not make land for two days. This, the 
veterans claimed, was just as thev had pre- 
dicted, and received the adversity as no 
good omen. At length tljey landed in 
three divisions, somewhere on the coast be- 
tween Dover and the isle of Thanet. Of 
course they took Gesar for their guide; 
and their landing could not be far from the 
same place. But this time the Britons did 
not oppose their landing, deeming it best 
to make their opposition in the interior. 
Pluutius had under him, as his lieutenants, 
some of the mcjsi^ able generals, among 
whom were Vespasian and his son, Titus, 
Iioth oi" whom at'terwards became renowned 
for their reign as emperors, and capture of 
Jerusalem. In this instance the Empire 
had made every preparation for success, 
and was not then particularly distracted bv 
engagements anywhere else. With their 
large army of fifty thousand veteran troops, 
with the arms, equipments and discipline, 
produced by Roman arts and experience, 
this attack upon the Britons was an over- 
match for them, in everything except their 
determined bravery and i-)ersevering pa- 
triotism. 

At this lime the leading men in Britain 
upon wliom the responsibility of defending 
the country would fall, were Guiderius the 
sovereign, and his brother, Arviragus, two 



[Book II. 

sons of Cymbeliiie, who had now been 
dead a number of years, and their second 
cousin, Caractacus; inen whose names are 
deser\edly retained in merited renown in 
British history, as well as known in classic 
literature. ■• 

The Roman army soon ad\anced into 
the interior, in the direction of London. 
The Britons watched their movements, and 
attacked and annoyed them upon every op- 
portunity. Before they reached the Thames 
above that city two se\ ere battles were 
fought, in the last of which Guideriu.s, 
[Togodumnus,] their sovereign, was slain. 
By this unfortunate event Arviragus be- 
came sovereign of the state of the Trino- 
bantes, but it was desirable to elect a su- 
preme sovereign for the whole nation, 
whom they denominated their Pendragon 
orWledig,'' as commander-in-chief. From 
the position and influence of the Trinoban- 
tes it would seem that this olficial appoint- 
ment should be theirs; but the established 
reputation oftCaractacus, and Jiis known 
patriotism was such as to point him out as 
the prominent candidate. At the genei-al 
assembly or congress held to determine 
the question, Ar\iragus, with equal patriot- 
ism and self denial, was the first to cast his 
sufterage for Caractacus, and he was duly 
elected Pendragon. 

The Britons ha\ing thrown every ob- 
stacle in the way of the enemy's crossing 
the Thames, the\- withdrew to the north 



4 Three persons in nasnes and identity are most 
singularly mixed up, in history and the classics. 
Cymbeline, as he is called by Shakespeare, is known 
in the history of Ihe Ancient Britons as Cvnfeivn, 
which name the Romans latinized as Cuncibelinus. 
Guiderius' British name was Gwydyr; but historians 
sometimes (and often; call him Togodumnus. Ar- 
viragus' British name was Arifog; and that ot Car- 
actacus was Caradawg. 

These names and the history of the time from A. 
D. 43 to 77, a period of thirty-four years, when Ag- 
ricola was appointed governor of Britain, are very 
much confused and mi.xed up. \'aughan (and other 
historians) says: "Cunolieline, the king of the Trin- 
obantes, deputed the command to his sons, Caracta- 
cus and Togoduinnus." Cymbeline (Cunobeline) 
had been dead, and Guideriu.s (Togodumnus) had 
succeeded him as ruler for a number of years; and 
Caractacus was not his son, hut his grand nephew, 
and was the son of Bran, the son of Llyr (I,ear of 
Shakespeare), who was the brother of Cvmbeiine. 
Unfortunately, four hooks of Tacitus' Annals, from 
B. vi to xi, for A. D. 37 to 47, covering six or eight 
years of the .lirst of this war, are lost; or we migiit 
be furnished with more reliable account of it. 

5 In Britisli history these terms frequently occur; 
Pendragon may be translated as commander-in-chief; 
and AVledig, as emperor. 



THE ROMAN RULE TO DIOCLETIAN. 



Chap. 1. 1 

side above London, it is said at Chertsey, 
and prepared to defend that point as the 
most probable place where the Romans 
would attempt to tbixe a crossing. At"ter 
an obstinate resistance, and several at- 
tempts wiiich tailed, the Romans were 
successful. In the last attempt, Plautius 
divided his army into three divisions, one 
ol which was undei^ his own immediate 
command, and another under that of Ves- 
pasian, the future eniperor, with aderterm- 
ination that it should be a success. Tliey 
entered the ri\er at tiie difterent points as- 
signed them, wliile a strong bod\- of Ger- 
man ca\alry, w hich had swam the river 
below, attacked the Britons in tiank. After 
tjie passage, a desperate engagement con- 
tinued on the north side, for two days.i' 
At last the Pendragon was defeated by an 
unexpected and daring movement on his 
tiank and rear by Cneius Geta, the recent 
conquerer of Mauritania. This exploit of 
Geta was so highly appreciated by the Ro- 
man senate that they awarded to him a 
triumph. — \\ hich was considered most ex- 
traordinary honors to a jierson who had 
never attained the consular dignity. Car- 
actacus did not despair, and instead of re- 
treating into the interior, led his forces to 
the north of London into the morasses of 
Essex, where his movements would be at 
greater advantage o\er hi.s enemies. Here 
Plautius found his operations so rough and 
discouraging he withdrew to the south side 
of the Thames, and sent an invitation to 
Claudius, his sovereign, with so favorable 
an account of his operation, as to induce 
that emperor to come to Britain with a 
large amount of additional aid, 'with a view- 
to enjoy the glory and reputation of the 
linal triumpii. The artful general had two 
objects in \iew by this maneuver: — to se- 
cure more immediate aid; and then to 
gratify a weak and inefficient master, and 
share with liim the \ictorv he expected to 
make. Claudius took the bait, and hasten- 
ed to join his general, and share with him 
in the glory of the conquest. He imme- 
diatelv ordered the necessar\- re-enforce- 



123 



6 Dion Cas.sius, B. 1\, 10-2.^; M<<i-i;-:in"s Camliriun 
Hi-slory. 9^ ; 1 Giles' Anc-ii.-nt Briton-;, 76; 2(1 Ihid. 
117. 



ment, and pursued a journey for hiniself 
b>' the way ot Ostia and the Mediterranean 
to Marseilles, and thence through Gaul to 
Britain. Landing at Richborough, he was 
soon at camp, where they were impatiently 
waiting him, and where the soldiers were 
highly gratified with having an Emperor 
with them in camp, — then an entire new 
thing. But what was undoubtedly the 
most gratifying to them was the aid he 
brought with him, to insure their success. 
It is said that some elephants' \\ere in- 
cluded in the forces he brought ; and though 
this has been doubted, }et it is probable, 
for the bones of an elephant has recently 
been found in an excavation made in that 
part of the island, as though it might be 
one of those there buried. Besides Geta 
with his experience in Africa must iiave 
been perfectly acquainted with their use 
and management. 

The Roman army being thus re-enforced, 
again moved to the north side of the river, 
— first to \'erulam, and then against Caer 
Col, now Colchester, while the Coritani 
under the guidance of the traitor Admin- 
ius joined them, raising the standard of 
rebellion in the rear of the Pendragon. 
Caer Col was said to be the capital and roy- 
al city of Gjmbeline, the father of Ar\ir- 
agus, the late Pendragon, and king of the 
Trinobantes. It was then one of the most 
important places in Britain, yet Caractacus, 
as a matter of sound policy, was opposed 
to hazard his army and the place in its de- 
fense. He was, however, over-persuaded 
by the importunities of his people to make 
a stand in its defense. Contrary to his 
own judgment he was induced to risk an- 
other pitched battle. His defeat was de- 
cisi\e; for the preparation which had been 
made against him was too great and de- 
cided, to admit of his success. At'ter this 
resistance Colchester was surrendered, and 
made the principal of the Roman stations, 
and called Camulodunum. Claudius being- 
satisfied with this success, made a treaty 
of amnesty with the Coradida; and Iceni, 



7 Pictorial History of England, yi. The idea of 
the Romans was that the elephants would be sv.ccess- 
ful in disconcerting- the chariots, as horses are very 
fearful of elepliants. 



124 



THE ROMAN PERIOD. 



[Book n. 



bj Avhich it was stipulated that on their 
payment of a certain tribute they should, 
under the Roman Protectorate, he guaran- 
teed the retention of their lands, laws, and 
native government. Claudius, leaving the 
further prosecution of the war to his g"en- 



were only overcome, — not conquered. He 
saw that the settled and improved parts of 
the coimtry, along the valley of the Thames, 
in the direction of Gloucester'" on the 
•SeveiMi,!' and from the isle of Wigl-it,'2 bv 
the \-alk'y of the A\'on to the same place 



erals, hastened his return to Rome, where on the Severn, must be subdued or Britain 

he was to enjoy a magnificent triumph pre- must be given up. In these directions were 

pared for him by the senate, with the title the most populous part of the island, where 

of Britannicus, as a reward for his success there Avere numerous towns and cities, and 

in Britain, which so little depended on his the country much cultivated. The first of 



own merits. The Roman people in their 
gi-eat rejoicing over the events in Britain 
did not neglect to remember and reward 
the generals by whom it was accomplished. 

This expedition of Claudius, so remun- 
erative in cheap honors,'^ and so little de- 
pendent upon his own eflbrts, was accom- 
plished in six months; of which timeonlv 
sixteen days were spent in Britain,-' when 
he hastened to return to Rome, to enjoy 
his ostentatious triumph. 

The Roman generals were thus left to 
accomplish the conquest of Britain, in the 
best manner they could : which they found 
by severe experience to be a hard and te- 
dious task. The Britons were not the 
people to submit tamely to the unjust de- 
mands of those who would enslave them, 
because they were once stricken down, or 
menaced by overwhelming power, so long 
as human perseverance and endurance held 
out a hope to them. Caractacus and Ar- 
viragus were deeply inspired with these 
patriotic sentiments, and the people sup- 
ported them with resolute confidence. The 
views of their chief were now adopted. 
Instead of risking pitched battles, where 
Roman discipline and arms had so greatlv 
the advantage, it was determined to harass 
the advance of their enemies, and strike in 
battle only whenever the opportunitv 
would favor success. 

Plautius had become well aware of the 
task he had before him. As yet he had 
only conquered that part of the covntry in 
the vicinity of London, principally the ter- 
ritory of the Trinobantes, whose people 



S See Tacitus' Annals, B. xii, §3, as to tlie estima- 
tion in which) tliey were really held by the people of 
Rome. 

9 In the summer of A. D. 44. 



these routes of conquest was taken by 
Plautius himself, while Geta was left with 
a sufficient portion of tlie army to hold 
possession of the territory they had already 
subdued in the neighboihood of Camulod- 
unum, — Colchester — which thev were now 
making their headquarters and the ba^is of 
their operations. The second line of op- 
eration, from the isle of Wight to the 
Severn, was assigned to Vespasian and liis 
son, Titus. Plautius, on his route, was 
watched by the vigilance of Caractacus^ 
and constantly annoyed by severe opposi- 
tion and constant fighting. The states, 
towns and settlements, he passed through 
onlv yielded to his power when superior 
force compelled them. He succeeded in 

10 Caer Glou. Glevum. 

n Sabrina. 

12 Veita or Victis. In this vicinity were thosc- 
whom Caesar and others called Belija:. But it is in- 
sisted upon that what Civsar so often speaks of as 
the Belg'iB in South Britain must have reference to 
the same people, whom the Ancient Britons called 
Lloeg-rwvs (Logrians). Ca;sar called them Belijie, 
because they rejiresented themselves as having eini- 
u:r.ated from Gaul (Belij^^ium) since the drst L'ymry. 
But thev were all of the same race -and lantfuaj^e; 
having- come toi^ether peaceably, as fricnus and 
brethren. They were called Lojrrian Cymry. Since 
Caisar's time, in pursuance of his authority thev have 
been called Belijie; but all done on this uiistake. 
Richard of Cirencester falls in with wh.it Ca;'sar has 
said without iiiquiiy. (B. i, cb. 6, §12.) lie says: 
"Below towards the Ocean lived the Belgiv, whose 
chief citv was Clausentum, near where Southampton 
now is. "* * * All the Belgai are Allohroges or 
foreigners, and derived their origin from the Belga; 
and Celts." [This is not very intelligible.] Again 
he savs: "All the region south of the Th.imes w'ere» 
according to ancient records, occupied by the war- 
like nations of the Senones. These people imder the 
guidance of their renowned Brennus, )H:netrated 
through Gaul, forced passage over the -Vlps," Ac. 
* * * "In conseuuence of this vast expedition, the 
land of the Senont.s, being left without inhahilants, 
and full of spoils, was occupied by the above men- 
tined Belga;." The original Senones were seated on 
the bank.s of the Seine; and when a portion of these 
went on the expedition to Italy, a jwrtion of the Brit- 
ish .Senones joined them, and other Cymric Celts 
from Gaul took their place in Britain; and probably 
these were those called the Logrians. This is per- 
fectly consistent with their being all Cymry, — and 
that is more consistent than any other theory. 



THE ROMAN RUL?: TO DIOCLETIAN. 125 

For the next two years Plautius was en- 
gaged with an unusnal effort, backed by 



Chap. I.] 

establisliing the authority ot" the Roman 
government in tiie country through which 
he passed, and stations and fortifications 
were placed along the line of the Thames 
to the Severn. Vespasian succeeded to do 
the same on his route, ''^ along the line of 
tlie Avon, until they met on the Severn in 
the vicinit}' of Gloucester. But this cam- 
paign was not accomplished without great 
efforts, and in the midst of scenes of ter- 
rific warfare. It was here that Vespasian 
established his reputation lor high military 
genius, which eventually created him em- 
peror of Rome. The whole route was 
through an old and well cultivated coun- 
try, full of towns, and filled with a brave 
and determined people, who had resolved 
to do their utmost to save their country 
and be tree. While this general was thus 
engaged, he was so hemmed in by his 
enemies on one occasion, that his escape 
seemed to be impossible. But his danger 
was observed by his son, Titus, who rush- 
ed to his assistance with such ardor as to 
repel the danger and rescue his father. In 
the midst of such efforts to save a country 
from such a conquest and unjust war, one 
is led to inquire, who were these brave 
people who so Spartan-like defended their 
country ? They were Bj-itons, and at least 
Cymric Celts; and it was Arviragus who 
led them during the campaign. 

These operation.s enabled the Roinans to 
hold in subjection the country between the 
two lines, from Dover to Gloucester and 
from the Thames to the Avon. This cost 
them the exertion of at least four costly 
campaigns, in which there had been much 
fighting; and much blood and lives lost on 
both sides. But as yet only a wedge had 
been run into the heart of Britain. It was 
a staggering blow; but Britain still held 
out many a year, with a devotion and en- 
durance not excelled by any other country 
or people. 



1,5 Richurd of Cirencester, p. 465, B. ii, uh. i, §14, 
4045 A. M. i.e. A. D. 44, says: "Vespasian, at that 
lime in a private station, lieing- sent by the emperor 
Chuidius with tlie second lesfion into this country, 
attacked the Belsj.ie and Damnonii, and liavina; 
finig-ht thirty-two battles, and taken twenty cities, re- 
duced them under the Roman power, to>^ether with 
the isle of Wight." See, also, Md. ante, ^\z. This 
infonnation is taken from Dion Cassius. 



the resourses of the empire, to extend his 
linjs to the next valley north, and some 
farther to the southwest, in the directi(jn of 
Cornwall. During all that time he was 
vigorously opposed bv Caractacus and his 
people, with astonishing perseverance and 
success. He ibund his progress slo\s, 
and attended with unexpected difficulties; 
and opposed with great skill. It was a war 
of post, — from station to station, — attended 
with numerous battles and bloodshed. 
When a territory was conquered it was re- 
duced by the war from a flourishing coun- 
try to a ruin, and wliat remained of it not 
worth the cost. Along these lines werc 
left extensive fortifications and encamp- 
ments as evidence of that cost, and the de- 
termined resolution with which the coun- 
try was defended. 

In A. D. 50 Plautius was superseded b\ 
the appointment of Publius Ostorius as 
governor of Britain and general-iii chief 
He came there late in season, and found 
matters in great disorder. So tar the pros- 
pects of a Roman conquest was not en- 
couraging; and that of the Britons hope- 
ful. They were pieparing for a vigorous 
campaign against their enemies the next 
season. They thought themselves safe 
during the winter; but Ostorius anticipated 
their designs by precipitating upon them 
an unexpected winter campaign, in whicli 
he gained unusual success; and greatly 
disconcerted the well intended plans of the 
Britons. With a greatly increased arm\ 
and resources, he was determined to push a 
vigorous caiTipaign and teach his opponents 
that their cause was hopeless. Caractacus, 
however, never despaired of the cause of 
his country. His own principality was 
that of Siluria, situated on the west side of 
the Severn, and including a large portion 
of South Wales. The Silures, being the 
bravest and most skillful warriors among 
the Britons, with alacrity rallied around 
their chief, with confidence in a war that 
had not yet reached them. 

In the meantime Geta had secured the 
line of the Nen, from the bay now known 
as the Wash to the Severn, by a chain of 



126 



THE ROMAN PERIOD. 



forts along the Nen and the Avon to the 
■Severn; and within this line and the South- 
ern Avon, Ostorius was determined to re- 
duce the people to subjection; and for that 
purpose he proceeded to disarm the inhab- 
itants. This aroused the people to a new 
revolt, and another exertion for their free- 
dom. Foremost of these were the Scen- 
ians, the inhabitants of Norfolk, Suftblk, 
and the adjoining country to tlie west of 
them, who rallied and fortified themselves 
in a place which aftbrded much natural 
means of defense. Ostorius resolved to 
take the place by an immediate assault, and 
with his legionai-y troops with great exer- 
tion carried it by storm. "The Britons," 
says Tacitus, 1^ "inclosed by their own for- 
tifications, and pressed on every side, were 
thrown into confusion. Yet even in that 
distress, and seeing no way of escaping, 
they fought to the last, and gave signal 
proofs of their heroic bravery." 

This success restored peace and submis- 
sion in that quarter, and enabled Ostorius 
to proceed to the west. He this time pro- 
ceeded, beyond his former lines, as tar as 
the channel separating the island from Ire- 
land ; and wherever he encountered oppo- 
sition he laid the country in waste, and his 
soldiers carrying oft' considerable booty. '^ 
While here intelligence was received of the 
insurrection of the Brigantes against the 
Romans, which called his attention in that 
quarter, which was soon reduced to sub- 
mission. Having now reduced everything 
in his rear to subjection, Ostorius deter- 
imined to turn his whole powers to the 
west, and against Caractacus and his Si- 
lures. That chieftain was now the soul of 
the war, and it was determined he must be 
conquered. "Renowned," sa\s Tacitus, 
"for his valor, and for \arious good and 
evil tbrtune, that heroic chief had spread 
his fame through the island. His knowl- 
edge and skill in all the wiles and strata- 
gems of the war, gave him man}- advan- 
tages; but he could not hope with inferior 
numbers to make a stand against a well 
disciplined army. He therefore marched 



14 Tlie Annals, B. xii, §131. 

15 Tacilus' Annals, B. xii, ' 



[Book II. 

into the territory of the Ordovicians. A 
hill in Shropshire at the junction of the 
two rivers, — the Bolu and Teme, was se- 
lected with great skill as the scene of his 
final eftbrts. That hill is known as Caer- 
Caradoc, and was by him skillfully fortified. 
There had been gathered those brave spir- 
its who considered peace with the Romans 
to be only another term for slavery. When 
Ostorrits came to see the difficulty of tak- 
ing the place, — the dubious ford of the river, 
— the rugged ascent of the hill defended 
with walls and palisades, he hesitated. 
These, with the intrepid countenance of 
the Britons, and the spirit that animated 
their whole army, struck him with aston- 
ishment. The chieftains of the various 
tribes were busy with their men ; they ex- 
horted them to new eftbrts by every gen- 
erous motive, and aroused their ardor. 
Caractacus inspired them anew with his 
noble patriotic sentiments; and assured 
them that the day had come which was to 
decide the fate of Britain. In the midst of 
his address he exclaimed: — "The era of lib- 
erty, or eternal bondage begins from this 
hour. Remember your brave and warlike 
ancestors, who met Julius Ciesar in open 
combat, and chased him from the coast of 
Britain. They were the men who freed 
their country from a foreign yoke; who 
delivered the land from taxation imposed 
at the will of a master, and above all, who 
rescued your wives and daughters from 
\iolation." 

Ostorius was aroused from his astonish- 
ment by the general cry of his army that 
all things wovild give way to %'alor; and 
gave the signal for the attack. The river 
was passed, and the Romans advanced to 
the parapet. The struggle there was long 
and obstinate; and while it was fought 
with missive weapons, the Britons had the 
advantage. The Romans were ordered to 
advance under the protection of a military 
shell, and level the pile of stone which 
protected the Britons. A close engage- 
ment ensued in which the nati\es were 
driven tTom their breastwork, and retired 
to their fortification on the hill. The ene- 
my pursued \\ ith eagerness, and forced 
their way to the summit, under a heavy 



THE ROMAN RULE TO DIOCLETIAN. 



Chap I.] 

shower of dai-ts. The Britons with their 
inferior weapons were luiable to maintain 
the conrtict; and the legions witli their 
superior arms liore down all before them. 
In the midst of a terriljle havoc, the victory 
became complete. Caractaeus succeeded 
in making his escape; hut his wife and 
daughter with his iM-other were made pris- 
oners. 

This was as sad a day for Britain as Hast- 
ings;— a battle as well fought against the 
conquerors of the world. But the Britons 
with their usual perseverance and detei'mi- 
nation, resolved not to yield to a foreign 
master while there reinained life and hope. 
With all their adverse tbrtune, the people 
were onlv hushed into silence, — not sub- 



name of Caractacus was in high celebrity. 
The emperor, willing to magnify the glorv 
of the conquest, bestowed the highest 
praise on the \alor of the vanquished king. 
He assembled the people to behold a spec- 
tacle worthy of their view. In the field be- 
fore the camp the prietorian baniis were 
drawn up luider arms. Tiie followers 
of the British chief walked in proces- 
sion. The military accoutrement'-, tht 
harness and rich collars, which he had 
gained in various battles, were displayed 
with pomp. The wife of Caractacus, his 
daughter and his brother followed next; he 
himself closed the melancholy train. Tht- 
rest of the prisoners, struck with terror, 
descended to the mean and abject supplica- 



dued. Thev could not complacently think i tion. Caractacus alone was superior to 



of the hard and unjust cause which pre- 
vailed against them, but with just senti- 
ment determined again to try to retrieve 
their disastrous cause upon the first fair 
occasion, as we shall see. 

Caractacus had tied for refuge to the 
large state of the Brigantes. He put him- 
self under the protection of Carlismandua, 
the queen of that people. With the hopes 
of gaining the favors of the Romans, that 
princess betrayed her guest, — loaded him 
in chains and delivered him to his con- 
queror. Upon this event the Romans had 
great rejoicing; not only in Britain, but in 
Rome itself. The war had now been con- 
tinued for nine ^•ears, and it had become to 
the Romans a deadly and expensive war, 
and they became very anxious to see an 
end to it. Diu-ingall that time Caractacus 
had identified himself with it as it.> most 
active and efficient agent; and by the Ro- 
mans he was looked upon as the heart of 
the war. They flattered themselves, that, 
as they now had him in their power, 
the war was at an end and the conquest 
complete. As evidence of the opinion en- 
tertained of him b}- the Romans themselves, 
we quote the words of Tacitus: — "His 



misfortune. With a countenance still im- 
altered, not a symptom of fear appearing, 
no sorrow, no condescension, he behaved 
with dignity even in ruin." 

When he was brought before Claudius 
he beha\ed with his usual dignity, and ad- 
dressed the emperor fearlessly. He stated 
his position by birth and fortune; and did 
not disguise his resistance to Roman pow- 
er. "My present condition," he continued, 
"is proportionately a triumph to you. I 
had arms, men, and horses ; I had wealth 
in abundance ; can you wonder that I w'as 
unwilling to lose them.'' Vou aspire to 
universal dominion; does it tbllow that all 
must stretch their necks to receive the 
yoke.'' I am now in your power, betrayed, 
not conquered. 1 stood at bay for years; 
had I, like others, yielded without resist- 
ance, where would hax'e been my name or 
your glory.'' If \ou are determined on 
vengeance, execute yoiu" purpose; it will 
soon be over. But if \ou liid me li\-e, I 
shall always survive in iiistor\- as one ex- 
ample at least ol Roman clemenc}-." 
Claudius granted him a free ]iardon;and 
he, his wife, and daughter, and brother, 
were released from their fetters. \\'hat be- 



fame was not confined to his native island; | came of them is not for certainty known to 
it passed into the provinces, and spread all i history; but tradition says that some years 
over Italy. Curiosity was eager to behold later they returned to Britain, 
the heroic chieftain, who, for such length I Ostorius, having enjoyed his triumph, 
of time, made head against a great and i and the rejoicing of the Romans over it, 
powerful empire. Even at Rome the [ soon thereafter began to experience the 



128 



THE ROMAN PERIOD. 



reverses of fortune. Contrary to expecta- 
tion the conquest wa^ not yet accom- 
plislied. The Britons soon rallied and 
A\ere again upon their defense. A camp 
liad been established in the countr\ of the 
Silures, and measures taken to connect it 
by a chain of forts witli their other estab- 
lishments in the country. The Britons in 
a body siu^rounded them, and if they had 
not been immediately relieved by rein- 
forcement from the neighboring garrisons, 
the place would have been taken, and the 
troops cut to pieces. As it was, however, 
the priefect of the camp, eight of the centuri- 
ons, with manv of the bravest soldiers, 
Avere killed in tlie attack. Soon atter that 
.a tbraging partv, and a detachment sent to 
support them, were attacked and put to 
the rout. Another body of troops has been 
sent out by Ostorius and fiercely encoun- 
tereil by the natives. Legionary troops 
were sent to their relief The battle was 
renewed, for some time upon equal terms, 
but eventually to the defeat of the Britons 
without any great loss. From that time 
the Britons kept up a constant alarm. 
Frequent battles and skirmishes were 
• fought. Detachments and parties were at- 
tacked in unexpected places, and making 
it dangerous to be at any place not pro- 
tected bv a large aiMiiv. The natives weve 
.still actuated with ho])eN to expel their 
enemies, and led on, sometimes hv their 
chiefs and sometimes without them, to 
seek e\er\' opportunit\ to take adxantage 
and anno\ their enemies, as resentment or 
a good opportimity excited them. ''Of all 
the Britons," says Tacitus, ■the Silures 
were the most determined. They fought 
with obstinacy, with inveterate hatred. It 
seems lhe Roman general had declared, 
that the \ er\ name of the Silures must be 
•extirpated. . . . That expression reached 
the Silures and aroused their fiercest pas- 
sions. 'l.\\() auxiliary cohorts, whom the 
.avarice ol" their officers sent in quest of 
phuider, were intercepteti by that terocious 
people, and all niatir prisoners." This 
success brought on a new confederacy of 
the neighboring states, and rendered the 
condition of things daily more dangerous 
to tlie Romans. "Ostorius, by these im- 



[Book II. 

toward exents, was worn out with anxiety- 
He sunk under the fatigue and expired, to 
the great joy of the Britons, who saw a 
great and alvle commander, not, indeed, 
slain in battle, but overcome by the war." 
Before a successor was appointed, or or- 
der restored, Venusius was in command of 
the Britons, as successor of Caiactacus, 
and gained a considerable \ict0r3' over the 
Romans under Manlius Valens. This 
\^enusius was a considerable figure in 
Britain during these times. He had been 
married to Cartismandua, the queen of the 
Brigantes, wlio had betrayed Caractacus. 
This act of treachery, and her discarding 
her husband, Venusius, and taking to her 
bed her armor-bearer, was an act equally 
odious to the people and the Druids; and 
made her unpopular. !•' This induced her 
to seek Roman protection. Venusius be- 
came separated from her and firml}' at- 
tached to the interest of the country; and 
b\- the Romans he was looked upon as the 
next in ability and importance after Carac- 
tacus; but in British history and tradition, 
it is said that Arviragus was the successor 
as pendragon. The country had become 
every way much distracted. Aulus Didi- 
us Gallus was sent by the emperor, Nero, 
to take command as successor of Os- 
torius. He was a man of great ability 
and experience, but aged. He was soon 
able, however, to restore confidence by 
some decided success against the Britons. 
He remained in command but a few \ears, 
and without any extension of the Roman 
conquest. He was succeeded by Veranius, 
who died within a year, Avithout accom- 
plishing anything more than maintaining 
the position they had already acquired '^ 



16. 'lacilus History, U. iii, ^45. 

17 It is difficult to cslabli.sh the precise dates ;md 
events between the death ofOstorius, [A. U. C. SoS,— 
A. D. 55 1 and the acces.sion of Suetonius, [A. L'. C. 
Si;;, A. D. 60] a period ol' five years of the most ca- 
lamitous time to the Romans in Britain: and Tacitus 
says of it: "a dreadful calamit}- lietell the army in 
Britain;" hut does not intorm us what it was. But it 
must lie the defeat ofthearuiv under Manlius Valens 
by V'enusiur. the llien British chiettam. That aftiiir 
was so tfreat a matter as to he looUed upon by the 
Roman people as "a dre;idlul calamitv." That event 
took ])laee after Ostoriu.<' death, and liefore Didius 
assiuued conuuand. (See Tacitus' Annals, B. xiv> 
§29, and Asfvicola §14.) The same year that Ostori- 
us died, witnessed also the death of Claudius, and 
lhe accessitui of Nero as emperor of Rome. 



Till'; ROMAN RULE TO DIOCLETIAN. 



Chaji. 1. 1 

TlK■^c UL'fi- gloomy times for the Romans, 
and llu'ir success in retaining- Britain was 
as much acconinHshed h\- the means tiiey 
used in distracting tiie country and di\ iile 
tlie (htl'erent states, as hy the three ot" their 
arms. \\'liere\ er lliere was a jirince or 
goxernmeiU in tiissatisfaction, (<r a \veak 



i?9 



moral and religious teachings, aroused the 
people to an acti\e sense of their duty to 
themselves and countr\-, and to those ob- 
jects of lo\-e an^l attaclnntnt which are 
e\-er\-\\ here honored -under the name of 
)iatriotism. These subjects would be glow- 
ingly dilated upon by their bards, until the 



one thai llie\' cmild tlailer or inveigle, they j general spirit of the people were aroused to 
^^■ere sure l<> tio it; for their polic_\- was "to i do or die. These elements were more 
liivide and conquer." This was done at hateful, if not more fearful, to the Romans 
any cost, where it was dangerous to plun- | than the military. Long before was this 
<ier and gain booty. To such frail princes j order of men suppressed in Gaul; and con- 
they would assign territor\ , o\er \\hich ! trary to the principles of the Romans as to 
they would rule to the interest and satis- the toleration of any religion or morality 
faction c)f Roman power. "Exhibiting," in other countries, Ihev had ordered the 
sa_\s Tacitus, 1-^ -a striking proof of that re- i Drinds to be suppressed, as the a\'owed 
tinedpolicx. witli which it lias e\er been eneniy of Roman power. Suetonius, from 

moti\es of interest and nieans of success, 
was deterniined to execute this Roman de- 
cree, and destroy the Druids in Britain. 

Previous to this in^•asion of the Romans, 

the great central resort of the Druids was 

PlauUus entered upon the conquest of ' the valley of the Southern Avon (the Alan- 



the practice ol' Rome, to make e\ en kings 
accomiilices in the servitude of mankind." 

j;j. — S/fr/i>//i//s to Ai^ricold^ A. D. 6i to 78. 
Eighteen, years had now transpii-ed since 



Britain, anil tiie Roman conquest still re- 
mained witliin the lines bv him established. 
'I'he affairs and condition ol" the counlr\- 
were in a most deplorable situation ; and 
those of the Romans in Britain were ecjual- 
1\ so. .Suetonius was now- sent as go\ern- 
<>r ot' Britain, and Roman interest stood 
much in need of such a man.' i le \vas an 
<;rticer of great merits, exjierience and ac- 
li\ity, aiiii with all deliberate ;uid iudicious. 
He inspired hope and some contidence into 
the deplorable atiair^ oi the Roman armv. 
T!ie command gixen liim introduced him 
at once into a tield where llie siicccess of 



nas of the Romans'" ; for there was their 
great temple .Stonehenge, the most dense 
popidation, and the greatest improvement. 
But \'espasian had, many years before 
Suetonius' time, thoroughly subjugated 
that interesting part of tlie country to Ro- 
man power, and inade it dangerous for 
Druids to be there; who had t^ed for safety 
to the isle of Mona, and deserted their 
great temple to go to neglect and ruin. It 
was Suetonius" first determination, after 
peace and order within his lines, to extend 
his conquest o\er Cambria and Mona; to 
britig those resolute people to subjection 



tlie r.rilons hail been s;ich tliat it required ^"'' exterminate the Druids, who were so 



of him the greatest acti\it_\ and \igilance. 
"A more actixe eaiijjiaign," sa\ s 'J'acitus, 
■•had ne\er been kiKjwii. nor was Britain 
■at any time so tiercel; disputed." lie had 



obnoxious to him. On this subject his 
tierce resolution was as tixed as that of 
Obtorius had been. The Silures and Or- 
dovices were to be the first people he de- 



not onh the miiitai-\ elements 



(^l^j, : termined to subdue and conquer. He, 



country- to contend with, hut aUo its moral ' therefore, with all the iorce he could mus- 
and religious instructions.- Suetonius had : t^''" '"-'I'-it' a rapid march to the west, crush- 
been made well aware ol' liie inthience the : '"§' ^^ ^ry opposition as he passed on his 



Druids had ujion the spirit and patriotism 
"1 the people. He knew that thev in their 



iS Aj;i-k-i>Ki. §Niv, ill ^^ hkli hi- i;ivfs a rcmai-kabte 
instance ot'.^uili |)olie\. 

1 I'aiilimis SiR-Umius. a|i|->(iiiiti-(l liv \ito (X'. t'. 
•■> ). .\. n. Ci.l Si-c Taiilus' .\nn., W. w. , ^1^,. 



way through the country of the Ordovices, 
until he came to the banks of the Menai 
Strait, which separated him from Mona, 
the object now of his hatred and de\asta- 
tation. So far the march of his legions 
under the Roman eagles had been unob- 



THE RODMAN PERIOD. 



[Book II. 



structed; the old British roads facilitating 
his movements, and the country afforded 
liim forage and sustenance as he proceeded. 
But now he was obstructed by the beauti- 
ful Strait,— a new Bosphorus, which must 
be crossed. On the other side, on Mona, 



citing information of a rebellion raised in 
the eastern part of Britain. This was pro- 
duced by a revolt of the Icenians caused 
by such outrage on the part of the Romans, 
which produced sympathy and union with 
the iniured throughout the whole countr\ . 



had been gathered many of the people and | This brought forth a rent.wal of the war in 
the Druids \\ith hopes of protection and its most terrible aspect, and one the most 
safetv. But this obstruction did not long I renowned in the history of the country, 
delay the experienced general; for he or- xh(? late king of the Icenians, in a long 
dered boats to be constructed for the trans- I and prosperous reign, had accumulated 
portation of his men, and his cavalry to j much wealth, and was celebrated for his 
either ford or swim. All were busy and j wishes. With the hopes of making secure 
excited on both sides;— the one in prepara- to his family and people, a part of what lie 
tion to cross and conquer, on the othei" to 1 owned, he made his will, bequeathing the 
defend, and, if needs be, to die tor their j whole in equal shares between the emper- 
counirv. But the decree had gone forth j or and his two daughters; ami placing them 
that Mona ir-ust be subdued, and no longer ' and his kingdom under the protection of 



afford an asylum tor the Druids, or a refuge 
for the discontented and enemies of Rome. 
A Roman,2 who wrote from his own mem- 
orv, thus describes the scene, in language, 
probably some colored, in order to excite 
its horror : "On the opposite shore stood 
the Britons, close embodied and prepared 
for action. Women were seen rushing 
through the ranks in wild disorder; tiieir 
apparel funereal : their hair loose to the 
Avind, bearing flaming torches in tlieir 
hands, and their whole appearance resem- 
bling Furies. The Druids standing around, 



Rome. He deemed this stroke of policy 
would ensure suthcient protection to hi> 
family, and to the interest of his people. 
But amidst the licentious soldiery, and the 
corrupt and plundering officers command- 
ing in Britain, this was a frail dependence, 
ami a tatal mistake. Upon his demise hi> 
dominions were seized and ravaged, hi^ 
house pillaged, and his effects taken as ob- 
jects of phmder. The widow of Prasuta- 
gus, the late king, attempted to resist these 
wrongs, which only produced greater out- 
rages. She was taken and infamoush 



with uplifted hands invoking the aid of scourged with stripes; anti her daughters 
heaven, and pouring forth imprecations taken away from her b\- tlie officers, in 
upon their enemies. The novelty of the \ wanton license, and dishonored. The peo- 
sight struck the Romans with awe and ter- \ pie were treated as slaves, and their prop- 

ert\- as lawiul prize. These acts of outrage 
and t\rannv aroused the wiiole countr\' in 
a revolt; who chose rather than to submit 
to such injuries and insults, to abide the 
i-esult (jf their reljellion, let the consequen- 



ror. Tliey stood in stupid amazement, tm- 
able to move; but the exhortation of the 
general inspired new vigor in the rank^, 
and the men excited each other with re- 
proaches at their disgrace. They felt the 



reproach, :idvanced their standards, and ces be what they might. The Icenians im- 
rushed with impetuous fiu-\- to the attack ; mediately rushed to arms, and the neigh- 



bore down their opponents, and inxohcd boring state joined them in a new cf)nfed- 

cracy against the Romans. Ai: army was 
brouiiht into the held, and Boadicea came 



them in their own fires. The island fell; 
a garrison established to retain it in sub- 



jection ; and the religious groves were le\'- 
elled to tiie ground." 

While Suetonius was thus busily engaged 
in bringing the island into subjection, and 
exterminating tlie Druids, he received ex- 

2 Tacit^^^' Annuls, B. xiy, J3. 



forth to recei\e the sympatliy and liomage 
of hei" jieople. Everv where the men rush- 
ed to arms — indignant at tiieir injuries, and 
determined to revenge A sense of a just 
resentment united them in any enterjirise 
which promised to punish their enemies or 
redress theii" wrongs. 



THE ROMAN RULE TO DIOCLETIAN. 



■Chap. I .] 

The Romans and theic allies, becoming 
frightened by these just demonstrations, 
and conscience-stricken with a sense of the 
injustice that they themselves had per- 
petrated, became fearful of the consequen- 
ces, thought they saw terrible signs in the 
heavens, and heard woful forebodings from 
many objects on earth.3 Suetonius, almost 
the only one who preserved his equanimity 
upon hearing this news, and being well 
aware of the frightful storm which then 
threatened them, hastened back from An- 
glesey (Mona) to London; passing through 
the heart of the country, with the hopes to 
awe the people into subjection. But they 
felt their injuries too deeply, and too sensi- 
tively imbued with the hopes and justice 
of their course for that. As he proceeded 
he gathered in his forces to meet the com- 
ing storm. Previous to his arrival the 
Britons had attacked the principal colony 
— probably at Colchester — and the inhabit- 
ants, for safety, had gathered within a tem- 
ple erected there by the Romans. This 
was soon surrounded, besieged and taken ; 
and the inhabitants slaughtered. Petilius 
Cerealis, who commanded a neighboring 
camp, marched with his legion to the relief 
of the colony ; was met by the Britons, 
tiushed with their recent victorv, who at- 
tacked him, put his legion to rout, and cut 
his infantrv to pieces. Cerealis escaped 
with his cavalry to his intrenchments. The 
procurator of the province, being alarmed 
at the scene around him, and fearing the 
indignation of the people on account of his 
tyranny, fled to Gaul for safety. On the 
arrival of Suetonius at London, he saw 
the precarious situation of affairs, and the 
preservation of the place so hopeless, that 
he came at once to consider whether it was 
not his duty to abandon it, and to concen- 
trate his forces at some place further in the 
interior, where he would have a larger 
force and greater hopes of success. Against 
the urgent remonstrance of the people, he 
determined to abandon London to its fate. 
The people were permitted either to follow 
his army, or remain where they were; 
those who remained, being either Romans 



131 



3 Tacitus, who remembered tliese matters of which 
he wrote, is eloquent in describing' them. 



or traitors to the British cause, were soon 
captured and put to the sword. V^erula- 
num, another Roman colony, and London, 
then as well as now the commercial em- 
porium, were equally unfortunate. Taci- 
tus assures us, that the unfortunate people 
thus slaughtered amounted to se^•enty 
thousand, all citizens or allies of Rome. 

The forces that Suetonius was able to 
collect together amounted only to about 
ten thousand men; but these were mostly 
veterans. With these he was determined 
to bring on immediately a decisive engage- 
ment. With this view he selected an ad- 
vantageous situation, so surrounded as to 
protect him from ambuscades; and where 
his opponents had no approach except in 
front. The army was posted and disposed 
of by their general with that skill and abil- 
ity characteristic of a Roman veteran. It 
was otherwise with the Britons. They had 
an immense army, but had neither of their 
great generals to command them, — neither 
Caswallawn, nor Caradoc, nor Arvaragus, 
nor Venusius or Arthiu\ They had no ex- 
perience in discipline, and were over- 
confident in their numbers and enthusiasm. 
The army was arranged in immense num- 
bers, but in irregular di\isions hy states, on 
the plains in front of their enemy. Being 
confident of success, they thought they 
had him within their grasp, and acted ac- 
cordingly. In their confidence they invited 
their wives and daughters to come in car- 
riages and chariots, to witness their success 
and triumph. 

The queen, Boadicea, rode forth in a 
chariot, elegantly dressed and ornatnented 
with a golden girdle. Her yellow or auburn 
hair, properly clasped, hanging to her 
waist; and displaying in her gestures the 
w^hite coinplexion of her arms, — character- 
istic of her race; with her injured daugh* 
ters sitting before her She drove through 
the ranks, and addressed the men in ap- 
propriate terms for the occasion. Both 
Tacitus and Dion give her a speech, and 
attempt to repeat it; so that there can be 
but little doubt that she harangued her 
troops in a manner well adapted to raise 
their patriotism. She referred to the in- 
tolerable injuries received by herself and. 



132 



THE ROMAN PERIOD. 



daughters, which was responded to with ir- 
repressible indignation by every Briton. 
She appealed to her people to expel the 
unmerciful tyrants and plunderers from 
their shores; — to imitate the glorious deeds 
of their forefathers, and save their country 
and freedom. Her resolution, she said, 
was fixed, not to survive the defeat of her 
people on that day. 

Suetonius was equally engaged to en- 
courage and raise the spirits of his t'oops; 
and upon doing so, he gave the signal for 
the attack. The Britons advanced with 
ardor to meet them ; bvit the Romans had 
the advantage in the attack, for they ad- 
vanced in a narrow front between the ele- 
vated grounds which protected their flanks ; 
and thus like a wedge entered the heart of 
the British army. Then the auxiliary 
troops and cavalry of the Romans rushed 
on their flanks, with a force and shock so 
unexpected to the Britons, that it threw 
them into confusion, if not into a panic. 
Of this the discipline and steadiness of the 
Romans took advantage, and the defeat 
soon became complete. The Britons fled ; 
but in their retreat they were obstructed by 
their carriages and chariots in their rear, 
so that the Romans came upon them in 
the midst of the obstruction, and slaugh- 
tered without mercy and withovit regard to 
age or sex. It is said by Tacitus that 
eighty thousand persons were thus slavigh- 
tered, while on the part of the Romans 
only four hundred were killed and about 
the same number wounded.^ All people 
have occasionally met with such reverses, 
which are oftener attributable to over-con- 
fidence in superior numbers than the want 



4 Such is the subslance of the account of the battle 
as given by Tacitus. Tut there is reason to believe 
that the battle was not so easily gained; nor the re- 
"Mt so terrible to the Britons; though truly a calam- 
itous defeat. Mr. Vaughansays: "The first charge, 
however, did not decide the fortune of that dreadful 
day. The Britons rallied once and again. The 
legionaries were in danger of being exhausted ; but 
the issue was in their favor. The natives, once dis- 
ordered, the wagons served to impede their flight, 
and the destruction which followed was horrible." 

Another historian, who assumes to take his author- 
ity from Dion Cassius, says; "The fortune of the day 
towards sunset inclined to the Romans. The Britons 
were driven back within their entrenchment, leaving 
large numbers dead on the field or prisoners in the 
hands of the enemy. In the course of the night 
Boadicea died a natural death, which put an end to 
the contest in that part of Britain." 



[Book II. 

of the proper courage and resolution of a 
good soldier or patriot. That night, as she 
predicted, Boadicea did not survive the 
dreadful calamity of her country. 

Suetonius was determined to follow up 
his success in this battle, by pressing se- 
vere measures upon the Britons until he 
should suppress all opposition, and compel 
them to submission. For this purpose 
large reinforcements were sent to him from 
Germany by order of the imperial govern- 
ment. This enabled the cominander to 
strengthen every post within his lines, 
where any danger was apprehended. 
Wherever any rebellion manifested itself, 
or was apprehended, the country around 
was laid waste with fire and sword. These 
severe measures of the merciless Roiiian 
general brought on opposition and conten- 
tion from some of his own officers, as be- 
ing unnecessarily severe and cruel. They 
believed the Britons to be a peaceable and 
passive people, when well treated; but 
courageous and vindicti\e when ill used 
and oppressed. They contended that more 
conciliatory measures would be more po- 
litic and successful. These representations 
were made to the emperor, and efforts 
made to have Suetonius removed.^ To 
these difficulties was added that of a severe 
famine, brought on by the war, and the dis- 
tracted state of the country. The emper- 
or, at length, was induced to make an in- 
quiry, and sent his freedman, Polj'cletus, to 
inquire into the state of Britain. This 
man came upon his high and import- 
ant mission in the spirit of an upstart; 
everywhere making ostentatious display 
of his power and iiuportance, which, on 
the part of the officers of the government, 
w^ere everywhere submitted to with hum- 
ble complacency ; but, says Tacitus, "his 
magnificent airs, and assumed importance, 
met with nothing from the Britons but 
contempt and derision. Notwithstanding 
the misfortunes of the natives, the flame of 
liberty was not extinguished. The exor- 
bitant power of a manumitted slave was a 
novelty which those islanders could not 
digest. They saAv an army that fought 



S Tacitus' Annals, B. xiv, §38. 



THE ROMAN RULE TO DIOCLETIAN. 



Chap. I.] 

witli valor, and a general who led them to 
victory ; but both were obliged to wait the 
nod of a wretched bondman." This vain 
creature made a favorable report, and Sue- 
tonius was continued in his command a 
while longer. But soon events happened 
which caused his removal. He was suc- 
ceeded bv Petronius Turpilianus, who had 
just served out a consulship. He com- 
menced his rule under the policy which 
had been pointed out in opposition to his 
predecessor. He saw the kind and obliging 
disposition of the Britons, and forbore to 
provoke any hostilities; which produced, 
as its natural results, the fair fame of an 
administration of peace. 

From the termination of the administra- 
tion of Suetonius to tlie commencement of 
tiiat of Agricola, there transpired sixteen 
N-ears.G During that period the times were 
very unpropitious; — mucli confusion, bad 
administrations and crimes in the Roman 
government, both at home and in Britain. 
After Turpilianus, came Maximus, tlien 
Bolanus, then Cerealis, and lastly Fron- 
tinus. The first three who ruled for nine 
years, pursued a peaceful administration 
within their lines; while Arviragus and 
Venusius, as the British chieftains, were, 
on the outside of those lines, keeping and 
restraining the Roman power within those 
bovmds. The peninsula of Cornwall, all 
Cambria west of llie Severn, and thence 
to the Humber, and all north of that line, 
was still in the possession and under the 
government of the Britons. When Cerealis 
was appcJinted by Vespasian, it was with a 



most numerous population, and extensi\'e 
territory. Numerous battles were fought 
with various success; much blood was 
spilt, and where the country did not sub- 
mit it was involved in all the calamities of 
war. When he was succeeded by Fron- 
tinus, the same state of things continued, 
and he carried the war against the Siliu-es. 
After a most severe struggle with these 
people, so distinguished for their able and 
obstinate resistance to the Roman con- 
quest, this experienced genei'al was able to 
reduce the country to submission. It was 
in this war that Arviragus and Venusius 
fought their last battle for their country 
and the freedom of their people. The first 
named was the younger son of Cymbeline, 
and, after Caradoc was taken prisoner, was- 
the pendragon, or chief in command of the 
Britons. He fought in all those battles 
with Plautius, at the commencement of the 
conquest in Eastern Britain ; was the gen- 
eral who commanded in those numerous 
and terrible battles with Vespasian and 
Titus, along the line of the Avon ; and then 
in all those fearful contests witli the Ro- 
man generals in the West, and Siluria. 
Until Agricola was able, — when supported 
by the power of the Roman empire, — to 
suppress the war, and subdue that part of 
the country, this hero, for nearly forty 
years, was in continued service and battle 
for his country and its freedom, and always 
with the most disinterested and self-sacri- 
ficing patriotism. When lie fell and ceased 
to oppose the ambitious advance of Roman 
power, Juvenal in poetic terms announced 



view to change the state of things in Bri- j the glad tidings to the Roman people, that, 
tain ; and therefore an able and experienced "Our great enemy Arviragus, the car-borne 
officer was sent there. Cerealis immediate- | British king, had fallen froin his battle 
ly fell upon the Brigantes, a state with the 1 throne." Few heroes of any age are so 



f> From A. D. 62 tci 7S. The foUov.-insr list gives Ihe niime.'i 
(luring the conquest, with the dates of their appointment; 



ol' the lirst Roman Governors of Britain 



I. Aulus Plautius, 



Publius Ostorius Scapula, 

3. Aulus Didius, " " 

4. Quintus Veranius, " " 

5. Suetonius Paulinus, " " 

6. Petronius Turpelianus, " " 
■ 7. Trebellius Maximi:s, " " 

S. Vetlius Bolanus, " " 

9. Petilius Cerealis, 

10. Julius Frontinus " " 

]i. Cneius Julius Agricola, " " 

Which makes this period, Irom the co 
service in Sj, in all 42 years. 



sent by the Emperor Claudius 



Claudius 
" .Claudius 

" Claudius - 

" Nero 

" Nero 

" Nero 

" Viteliius 

" Vespa.'ian 

" Vespasian 

" Vespasian 

uencenient of the conquer 




served 



;t A. D. 43 to ihe end of Agricola's 



134 



much entitled to patriotic commendation 
as this cousin of Caractacus, and so little 
known. V^enusius, too, the hero of the 
Brigantes, was well worthy of being the 
distinguislied associate of his chief. These 
two distinuished generals of the Britons, 
from their long service in acti\'e conflicts 
for the right, and the demands of old age, 
now gave way to the more youthful service 
of Galgacus, a chief of Strath-Clyde 
Britons, who is now about to rise to add 
new luster to the heroes of Scotland, and 
to the distinguished generals of Britain. 

4^3. — Agricola to Scz'crns, A. D. 78 to 193. 

In A. D. 78 C. Julius Agricola was ap- 
pointed by Vespasian governor of Britain, 
and took command there. He was a gen- 
eral of great experience and ability ; had 
long before .-erved in the wars in Britain, 
and was well acquainted with its people. 
Though a Roman general, he was kind and 
humane; — particularly characterized with 
good sense and judgment. Of all the Ro- 
mans he was the best adapted to conciliate 
and subdue the Britons by a just and kind 
government; and to refrain from those acts 
which would justly provoke indignation 
and resentment. He commenced his ad- 
ministration by giving evidence of an un- 
doubted good intention towards the inhab- 
itants, and to reform all those flagrant 
abuses of which they justly complained, 
and which, undoubtedly, was the principal 
cause of continuing the unhappy war. But 
the war was on hand and had to be closed ; 
and those who still continued it did not 
know his kind intention, and were taught 
by sad experience to hold the Romans as 
their most cruel and deadly enemies. His 
first object was to bring to an end the fatal 
war which had been prosecuted by Cerealis 
and Frontinus in Cambria. Thither he 
marched his army, and by a decisive vic- 
tory gained in a severe battle with the Or- 
dovices in North Wales, he spread a knowl- 
edge of the general the\- had to deal with ; 
but what was still more important for the 
preservation of peace, he alsb at the same 
time took e\'ery means and occasion to sat- 
isfy them, that he was their friend and pro- 
tector. This policy soon produced a re- 



THE ROMAN PERIOD. [Book i i. 

conciliation with the several states in that 



part of the country, which had been en- 
gaged in the war; and peace was restored. 
'•That peace," says Tacitus, "which, through 
the neglect or connivance of former gov- 
ernors was no less terrible than war itself, 
began to difl'use its blessings, and to be 
relished by all." This historian and 
biographer is eloquent and happy in de- 
scribfng all the means Agricola took to 
restore the people to confidence, and the 
arts, peace and civilization. He found the 
people highlj' capable of appreciating im - 
provements and learning; and he by all 
honorable appliances encouraged them in 
it. Instead of the devastation produced by 
the war, the country began to exhibit, in 
some measure, its restoration to its former 
hapi^y condition; to which were added 
such arts and improvement as might be 
borrowed from the Romans. This induced 
the people to settle down into a permanent 
and durable peace. 

In the meantime, after the first campaign, 
and after all the south had submitted, Ag- 
ricola was obliged to pursue fi\e or six 
other severe but successful campaigns, in 
order to reduce to subjection that part of 
the island north of the H umber and the 
Mersey. This w^as the great war in which 
Galgacus acquired his deser^■edly great re- 
nown. He first proceeded against the 
Brigantes and brought them to submission. 
His third and fourth campaigns were oc- 
cupied in bringing to Roman subjection 
the British states occupying the country 
north of the Brigantes and south of the 
waters of the Forth. Galgacus and the 
Britons, after disputing with Agricola 
e\ery favorable locality, was compelled to 
withdraw north of the Forth. According 
to Roman policy elsewhere in Britain, the 
Roman general was determined to secure 
what he had taken possession of by a line 
•of intrenchments, stations and fortifications 
from the Forth — near Edinburg — to the 
mouth of the Clyde. This fortified line 
was intended as a means of compelling the 
North Britons to keep north of it, and se- 
cure to the Romans all south of it; hut 
such intention turned out to be very de- 
lusive. In after ages the northern people 



THE ROMAN RULE TO DIOCLETIAN. 



Chap I.] 

found it but little obstruction to their pro- 
gress south. Agricola determined that this 
line should not be the terminus of his 
progress north. In the fifth campaign he 
placed a large fleet in alliance with his ar- 
my in a progress he made albng the north- 
east coast, for some considerable distance 
north of the Forth. In this campaign all 
the forces at his command were most sin- 
gularly combined, and most heartily enter- 
ed into the attempt to conquer this north- 
ern land; and the legion allies, cavalry, 
engineers and sailors, all united in one ef- 
fort; very creditable to the tact and skill of 
the general, but which produced but a very 
temporary conquest. At the end of the 
campaign his fleet was ordered to proceed 
north around the island, and return south 
on the west side: which was done, and 
then the Romans for the first time were 
assured that Britain was an island. 

But Galgacus was still at liberty to op- 
erate with his Britons against the Romans 
whenever a fair opportunity presented it- 
self. This Agricola determined should not 
be. He therefore prepared his sixth cam- 
paign against him, and marched north 
from the valley of the Forth, for the pur- 
pose of bringing him to a decisive engage- 
ment. He came up with him at the foot 
of the Grampian hills, where was fought 
one of the most celebrated battles of 
Britain. On the side of Galgacus there 
was a greater union of diverse elements of 
people than in any former battle. There 
were the Caledonians, who possessed the 
northwest and were the ancestors of the 
Scotch and Highlanders. They were of 
the blood of the ancient Gauls — the primi- 
tive Celts — known as the Gaels. There 
were then also the men of another family 
— from the northeast — the ancestors of the 
Picts. These were Cymry who fled from 
the Roman conquest in the south, to the 
north, seeking the protection of a hardier 
soil and a hardier climate; though its ten- 
dency was to render them more barbarous. 
They were the men who fondly adhered to 
that favored word of their ancestors, — the 
Aber.i There were also the people of Gal- 



135 
Strath-Clvde. 



1 The word Aber, as the heginning of a name for 
plactp, is as numerous in Northeastern Scotland as 



gacus — the Cymry from 
Thus was united as one people — the Gael 
and Cymry — united as Celts, fighting the 
last battle for Britain. 

At last the two armies were drawn up in 
battle, arrayed opposite to each other, ready 
ibr the conflict. The commanders of each 
being thoroughly imbued with the import- 
ance of the result, made long and passion- 
ate harangues to his respective anliy, im- 
pressing upon them the importance ol the 
occasion, and enlisting their men to an ex- 
ertion equal to its importance. All saw 
that on one side the issue was country and 
freedom ; on the other — Roman dominion, 
honor and life itself. They became impa- 
tient on either side, and excited for the en- 
gagement. The Roman general had placed 
his ten thousand auxiliary infantry in the 
center of his line, and his cavalry, about 
three thousand, divided upon each flank. 
The legions were stationed in the rear at 
the head of the intrenchments as a reserve, 
only to be used in case extreme necessity 
required it, as Roman blood was consider- 
ed too precious to be exposed upon any 
less occasion. Galgacus had his army 
marshalled with equal skill. His first line 
was mustered in a long line near the toot 
of the hill, with the plain in front of them. 
The second line further up on the hill. His 
army being most numerous, enabled him 
to extend his lines to a great extent, which 
induced Agricola also to extend his line; 
which enfeebled it, and rendered it danger- 
ous to his safety. Considerable space \yas 
left on the plain between these contending 
annies. This space was occupied by the 
chariots and cavalry of Galgacus who 
rushed to and fro, creating great excite- 
ment, and impressing their enemies with 
their power. Agricola, having fully ob- 
served all before him, and confident in his 
position, dismounted, took his position near 
the colors of his infantry, where he knew 
the greatest danger w^ould be, and ga\-e the 
signal for battle. While the battle was 
fought at a distance from the respective 
army, with missive weapons, the North 

in Wales, — as Aberystwith, Aberg-avennv, Aberdare 
in Wales. So we find in Scotland Abernethy, Aber- 
f.;ldie, Aberdeen, and numerous others in both coun- 
tries, but no where else. 



136 THE ROMAN PERIOD. 

Britons were gaining the advantage, as was 
observed in the great battle with Caracta- 
cus. With missive, light weapons the 
Britons were superior to the Romans; but 
when these came in close quarters, where 
their superior weapons, shields and discip- 
line would liave their full advantage, the 
Romans everywhere had the advantage, 
and were successful. The Roman genei-al 
therefore ordered sou-;e of his cohorts to 
make a.charge. This produced its expect- 
ed eifects. The cohorts used their short, 
heavy swords with dexterity, and cut di- 
rectly through the light shields of the 
Britons into their heads and bodies. Other 
cohorts followed the example with the same 
success. With this part of the army all 
was giving way before the Romans. But 
the Caledonian horsemen and charioteers 
came with such a furious charge upon the 
Roman cavalry, that they in turn gave wav 
to this enthusiastic onslaught. The nar- 
rowness of the plain, and the inequalities 
of the ground, prevented proper military 
movements, and great confusion ensued. 
Horses without a rider and chariot deprived 
of its master, were madly running in everv 
direction and adding more noise and up- 
roar to the confusion. On seeing this the 
Caledonians on the hill in reserve, descend- 
ed to aid their brethren in the strife, and 
attempted to outflank the enemy and attack 
them in the rear. But Agricola having 
some of his cavalry still at his conimand, 
ordered them to charge this reserve. They 
did so, and cutting their wav through, 
turned and charged them again in the I'ear. 
This successtul movement and charge pro- 
duced a crisis in the struggle, and decided 
tlie late of the day. All now was irretriev- 
ably lost to the Britons, and became indis- 
criminate slaughter and carnage. Some 
of the Caledonians fled to save themselves ; 
others retused to do so, resolutely determ- 
ined to sell their lives dear as possible, like 
brave men devoted to their country. Night 
only put a stop to the pursuit and carnage. 
All was lost to Caledonia and to Britain, 
and to Rome nothing gained but the battle. 
The next morning the Romans tbund 
nothing but a solitary and devastated land, 
for the inhabitants had fled from it, having 2 From A. D. 43 to S5. 



[Book II. 

burnttheir houses and destroyed everything 
which gave any evidence that that part of 
the land had ever been inhabited. It is 
said this battle cost the lives of ten thous- 
and men to the Britons; with not as many 
hundred to the Romans. But notwith- 
standing this victory, Agricola and the 
Romans were never able to hold any part 
of Scotland, for any length of time, north 
of his line of fortification between the 
Forth and the Clyde. 

Agricola, A. D. 85, was recalled by a bad, 
and jealous, and vicious master, the em- 
peror Domitian, after having served as 
governor of Britain seven years. Of all 
those who ruled Britain in that capacity, 
he was the best, and best qualified to rule 
the people, for tlieir own interest and for 
that of the state. Had he been permitted 
to remain there it would have been a great 
blessing to the people and country. He 
was succeeded by a Lucullus, who was dis- 
tinguished for nothing in history except as 
an in\entor of some impro\ement in arms ; 
but to Britain was of no account. 

With Agricola the wars of the conquest 
may be considered as terminated. During 
that time, a period of forty-two years,2 
Britain experienced but little else than a 
series of calamities, but maintained com- 
mendable and glorious eftbrts in opposition 
of that wicked conquest, and in an endeav- 
or to preserve her independence and free- 
dom. At its commencement she had been 
making a most laudable progress in im- 
provements and civilization. She then 
had a large population with culti\ated 
fields, numerous houses, and vast herds of 
cattle. She had cities and towns fast grow- 
ing to cities; extensive systems of roads, 
which the Romans turned to their own use 
in accomplishing her conquest; she had 
commerce and shipping; and used coined 
money in her traffic. The arts were mak- 
ing progress, with a chosen body of men, 
the elite of the people, whose duty it was 
to teach and instruct them in religion, 
morals, and the arts ; who were tbnd of 
literature, poetry and music. All this 
progress. Improvement and hope must be 



THE ROMAN RULE TO DIOCLETIAN. 



Chap. I.] 

forcibly put down to gratify Roman ambi- 
tion and robbery ; — to compel them to pay 
tribute as compensation for injustice, and 
oppression ; but which was resisted with 
genius and talents, — with patriotism and 
perseverance, that has become the admira- 
tion of history, and never excelled. But 
the war is now over; and Britain is to be- 
gin a new career, under the oppression of 
supporting a foreign government, with a 
large standing army to enforce their tribute 
and unjust demands; with a large portion 
of their population having been slaughter- 
ed, and their country having been terribly 
devastated by war. But submission was 
compelled,bv the irresistable decrees of the 
sword, and henceforth Britain suffered or 
endured a bad, or a better government, in 
common with Rome herself 

The Roman people, always selfish and 
cruel, had degenerated into luxury, volup- 
tuousness and wickedness; even into total 
disregard of the rights of humanity, as to 
require innumerable lives to be sacrificed 
to gratify a vicious curiosity, in their 
slaughter by gladiatorial exhibition; and 
to demand the fattest of slaves to feed their 
fish ponds. This disregard of humanity 
produced with it all manner of corruption 
and perversion of morals. In the midst of 
this degeneracy, the government itself be- 
came more and more degenerate. Still 
there were times when the government 
would be impro\ed, and appear like an 
oasis in the midst of a general degeneracy 
and depravity. In ten years after the re- 
call of Agricola by Domitian, that "unre- 
lenting and insatiate tyrant,"3 the world 
was relieved of this vile and cruel monster, 
by the hands of an assassin, (A. D. 96,) af- 
ter an inglorious reign ' of fifteen years. 
Britain had now become so much a part of 
the Roman empire as to suffer or rejoice 
in the good or bad character of the emper- 
or whom destiny placed over her. Upon 
the departure of Domitian, it was the good 
fortune of Rome to enjoy the consecutive 
rule of five wise and just, if not really the 
good emperors, for more than eighty 
years ;• until the accession of Commodus in 



137 



3 Tacitus' History, B. v, Appendix, §23. 
4Thesc_were Nerv.a in A. D. 96, Tr;ij;tn in gS, 



A. D. 180; in which the people of Britain 
enjoyed its benign and peaceful blessings 
in common with those of Rome. Of these 
distinguished emperors, two of them — 
Adrian and Antoninus Pius — were particu- 
larlv attentive to the interest of Britain. 
The former, while making a tour of inspec- 
tion throughout the empire, visited Britain 
in A. D. 119. This visit was made for the 
purpose of rendering himself better ac- 
quainted with the wants and interests of 
the provinces. While in Britain, for the 
purpose of rendering South Britain more 
secure from invasions by the Caledonians 
and Picts, he ordered the celebrated wall, 
first erected by Agricola and finally rebuilt 
b}' Severus, to be rebuilt or renovated, from 
the Tyne to the Solway Firth. His wall 
was built of earth and sod, with a large 
ditch on the north or outside of it; and 
protected at proper inter\-als with forts and 
towers. This was done in A. D. 120, in 
consequence of iVequent invasions disturb- 
ing the South. Twenty years later in the 
reign of Antoninus Pius, Lollius Urbicus, 
his governor of Britain, cleared the terri- 
tory north of the Adrian wall to the north- 
ern wall of Agricola; and substantiall}' re- 
built that wall from the Forth to the 
Clvde.5 



Adrian in 117, Antoninus in 13S, Marcus Aurehus 
from ibi to liio. Adrian is often written Hadrian; 
Antoninus called Antoninus Pius : and Marcus Aure- 
lius Antoninus. Gibbon calls these two the two An- 
tonines. i Gibbon's Hist, ch. lii, p. 3S. 

5 We have from time to time noticed the custom of 
Roman generals in Britain, that when they had sub- 
dued any portion of the territory they secured it by a 
line of intrenchments and fortiftcations, so as to hold 
that secure from its being- reconquerjpd by the natives: 
as the line of the Thames, the Severn, the Xen, &c. 
But those most noted were the two selected and 
adopted bv Agricola: i. that from the Tvne to the 
Solway; and 2. that from the Firth of the Forth to 
the mouth of the Clyde. These two lines have be- 
come celebrated in history and antiquities. The 
space between the Forth and the Clyde is not over 
thirty miles, and seems almost to cut the ishmd in 
two. Upon this line there are to be seen the ruins of 
a number of forts in a regular chain, within a small 
distance of each other, beginning at Dumbarton, 
and thence eastward to Arthur's Oven near the Firth 
of the Forth. This line was reconstructed under 
Antoninus Pius, about A. D. 140. That work was at 
the time substantially done, but no attempt was ever 
made to repair it. 

But the most distinguished and greater work of 
the two is the most southern one, from the Tyne to 
the Solway; and generallv known by the appella- 
tion of "the wall of Severn's." This line selected by 
Agricola about A. D. Si, was afterwards very thor- 
oughly and substantially repaired and strengthened 
by Adrian about A. D. "120. But what rendered it so 
remarkable and durable work was that of the Em- 



138 



THE ROMAN PERIOD. 



From this time to A. D. 20S, when the 
emperor Severus came to Britain, a period 
of nearly seventy years, history gives us 
but little information as to Britain, or who 
its rulers were; and the same remark 
might also be made of the previous fifty 
years, except during a portion of the time 
of Adrian and Antoninus. During those 
times, so vacant in history, we know but 
little of the actual condition of the people, 
or the progress made by them. We learn 
more about York and its vicinity, than of 
the Thames, or that which lies south of it. 
It is claimed by British writers that the 
south was in a great measure under their 
own rulers and laws, either as independent 
princes or tributaries to Rome; and there 
are many reasons to believe that this was 
substantially true. 

§4. — Severus to Diocletian^ A.D. 193 to 2S4. 

Severus was elected emperor A. D. 193; 
and during the fore part of his reign, Brit- 
ain was much disturbed both for the want 
of a stable and etScient government and 
on account of the constant invasions made 
by the Caledonians and Picts. The Ro- 
man historians give us the names of sever- 
al governors who ruled in Britain during 
that time, without being apparently able to 
accomplish any decided benefit. At length 
one of these governors, Claudius Albinus, 
was by the army in Britain declared to be 
emperor, and became a formidable rival of 
Severus, who was then engaged in the far 
east. Albinus crossed over to Gaul, on 
his way to Rome, with a view of contest- 



peror Severus about A. D. 210. It was then about 90 
years since the line had been repaired by Adrian; 
and was then in a much dilapidated state, being- 
orig^inally principally constructed of a ditch and 
rampart of earth and sod. Severus therefore de- 
termined to build an entire new line a little north of 
it. The distance was about 74 miles, beginnine;' 354 
miles east of New Castle, and ending- 12 miles west 
of Carlisle. The wall was built of stone 8 feet thick, 
12 feet, hig-h to the base of the battlements; on the 
north side there was a ditch 36 feet wide and 15 feet 
deep; and on the south a permanent road for the 
convenience of passing from one end of it to the 
other. On the line there was erected, as part of the 
work, Si castles and 330 turrets. So important a 
work is a striking- evidence of the difficulty encoun- 
tered in opposing the invaders from the north, and 
the importance of doing so. It seems that the wall 
with the army rendered effectual protection to the 
south from such invasion, until about, the time that 
the Roman army and officers were withdrawn from 
Britain — being about 200 years. 



[Book II. 

ing his claim with his master; taking with 
him in his army a large force of Britons. 
Severus hastened to meet him, and they 
came to a severe conflict near Lyons A. 
D. 197, each with an army, it is said, of 
150,000. At midday the victory appeared 
to be decided in favor of the British, who 
with a violent charge routed the center of 
Severus' army ; who, himself in despair, 
fled in disguise from the field. But fresh 
troops coming up to his rescue, and attack- 
ing the Britons in the disorder of the pur- 
suit, retrieved the otherwise lost battle. 
Albinus was taken prisoner and beheaded. 
The Britons of the army were sent back, 
under Virius Lupus, Severus' lieutenant, as 
governor. Lupus did not very well suc- 
ceed in keeping the northern enemy quiet, 
and the country generally was in a distract- 
ed and lingering condition. This produced 
the impatience of Severus, who with his 
usual \igor determined to change and re- 
trieve the affairs of Britain. He came 
with a large army, and made York his 
headquarters in A. D. 208. He proceeded 
with an efficient army and vigorous meas- 
ures to punish and drive the invaders to 
the north. He found the wall of Adrian 
to be dilapidated and not worth repairing ; 
and the difficulties of the country had cost 
the lives of many of his soldiers. Though 
now aged, and under the necessity of being 
carried in a litter, yet he was ever at the 
head of his army, pushing vigorously all 
his measures For the purpose of secur- 
ing, at least, the south he ordered a new 
wall to be built, near the line of that built 
by Adrian, from the Tyne to the Solway. 
This was now to be very substantially 
built of stone, with many improvements 
in the engineering and art of war, to ren- 
der it permanent and efficient. In the 
midst of these enterprises, before he could 
be ready to return to Rome, he sickened 
and died at York A. D. 211. And was suc- 
ceeded by his two sons, Caracalla and Geta, 
both worthless, and inimical to each other ; 
— more of a curse than a benefit to the em- 
pire. They soon left Britain, where they 
were of no benefit to it, to be governed by 
the officers and army of the empire, as well 
or as indiiferent as they might without 



Chap. 11.] DIOCLETIAN TO TH 

their care or attention. Soon after the 
death of Severus that part of the island be- 
tween the wall of Severus and that of An- 
toninus, was surrendered to the possession 
and care of the native government; its 
possession being too precarious and too 
frequently disputed to be any longer worthy 
of the protection and care of the Roman 
government. 

But the formidable stone wall of Severus 
was of great service to South Britain, in 
preserving their tranquility and securing 
them from invasion from the north. For 
no invasion from the north passed that 
wall, until long afterwards, when a new- 
enemy made its appearance under the 
name of the Scots and Picts; and then on- 
ly when the Roman government had be- 
come far more degenerated and decrepit. 
In the meantime the Britons had become and 
were considered free citizens of Rome, by a 
general decree passed in the reign of C<ir- 
acalla. This boon reconciled the people to 
their condition, by being placed in the same 
situation, politically and as to the adminis- 
tration of the law, as other Roman citizens 
of the empire. In the long lapse of time 
— seventy-three years — from the death of 
Severus to the accession of Diocletian in 
A. D. 2S4, Rome was governed by twenty 
different emperors, four of whom were 
good men, many bad and some indifferent ; 
but none of them were able to make a 
mark, or produce an epoch in history, like 
that which distinguished Diocletian. Dur- 
ing that undistinguished time no event of 
any importance transpired in Britain con- 
nected with its political or civil history 
with Rome. The history of the empire 
during that period leaves that of Britain 
almost a blank; for their history is gener- 
erally silent, except when it is connected 
with w"ar and revolutions. But as to the 
Britons themselves, as to their domestic, 
religious and civil affairs, they did progress, 
and have many interesting facts in their 
history which must be left for a chapter on 
that subject. 



E END OF HIS RULE. 139 

CHAPTER II. 

THE RULE OF DIOCLETIAN TO THE EN'D 
OF THE PERIOD. A. D. 2S4— 42O. 

§1 — The Times of Diocletian to the Death of 
CoHstantius, A. D. 284-306. 

In the history of the degenerate era of 
the Roman people, the reign of Diocletian 
is a striking epoch ; especially to Britain, 
as well as to the Roman world. The long 
period of seventy-threeyears, of unimport- 
ant events since the death of Serverus, had 
now come to an end, leaving the history of 
Britain almost a blank. There now came 
a period of more stirring and interesting 
events; but nothing to save the downward 
course in the decline and fall of the Roman 
empire. Upon the election of Diocletian, 
his attention was called to a people w-ho 
then began to vex his empire, and who 
never ceased to trouble Britain. They 
were known as the Saxons, and had become 
distinguished as pirates, engaged in plun- 
dering every cultivated country, along the 
shores of Gaul and Britain. In this busi- 
ness they had become extremely expert, as 
well as unscrupulous. It is said that they 
had been taught and disciplined in this vo- 
cation by the result of a singular event, 
narrated in the history of the times and re- 
peated by Gibbon.' The home of the Sax- 
ons was the country north of the mouth 
of the Rhine, but principally between the 
Elbe and the Eider. Some years before 
this time the emperor Probus had taken a 
colony of Franks from the northwestern 
Germany — neighbors and relatives of the 
Saxons — and settled them on the north- 
western shore of the Black Sea, with a 
view of placing them there, as a barrier 
against the inroads of the Huns. The 
Franks soon became dissatisfied with their 
new home, and determined to return again 
to their fatherland. They determined ta 
do this by water rather than by land ; and 
neither the compunction of morals or civ- 
ilization being in the way, they seized the 
shipping in the port as their own property; 
and with it sailed across the Black sea, 



I Gibbon's Hist., ch. xii, p. 123; also ch. xxv, p. 
S40. 



140 



THE ROMAN PERIOD 



down the Bosphorus, and the Dardanelles, 
through the ^Egian and Mediterranian 
seas; by the Gibralter, Atlantic and the 
British channel to their native home. On 
their way every country they passed they 
robbed and plundered; every town conve- 
nient on the way they sacked and pillaged; 
and even Syracuse and Carthage tell to 
their rapacity. On their return home, they 
were the wonder and admiration of North- 
western Germany ; — the Saxons admired 
their story and adventure; the plunder 
shown them excited their cupidity rather 
than either their morals or humanity. 

The Saxons taught by this example, and 
disciplined by some of the adventurers, 
-soon became apt scholars and expert pirates 
in their new vocation. They soon became 
adept seamen, courting the storms and 
waves, and fearing neither dangers nor 
death. In the course of their voyages of 
piracy and plunder they soon became ob- 
jects of terror along the coasts of Britain 
and Gaul. The shipping in the commerce 
between those two countries became the 
special object of their piracies ; and every 
town an object to be sacked and plundered. 
In this exegency Diocletian was called up- 
on for the aid and protection of the im- 
perial government. It was found to be a 
pest diilicult to cure. It was found that 
when the Saxons were sought for by an 
armed force, they were not easily to be 
found. With their light, shallow and 
piratical built vessels, they easily avoided 
pursuitby hiding themselves in the shal- 
low streams and bayous, in the uninhab- 
ited part of the country; and when there 
were frightful storms, they sallied forth re- 
joicing in the dangers ot the waves, which 
permitted no commercial or civilized crat't 
to be out; and no part of the country knew 
which would be the first to be attacked and 
plundered. A large Roman navy was col- 
lected at Boulogne to protect the country 
and guard against these piracies. But it 
was a difficult matter, and the whole coun- 
try were loud in their cries for protection 
and relief. And it was equally difficult to 
find an officer of the proper skill and abili- 
ties to command the naval force against 
them. 



[Book II. 

In this dilemma an officer known by the 
name of Carausius offered his services to 
the emperor. He was a skillful and ex- 
perienced navigator; a man of great re- 
sources and abilities; well acquainted with 
Britain and the channel between it and 
Gaul. He was sent by the emperor to take 
charge of the imperial navy in the British 
channel; ana he immediately showed his 
skill and success in the object of his ap- 
pointment. He made Boulogne his head- 
quarters; and his success against the 
piracies of the Saxons and Franks was ap- 
parent, and the people rejoiced in their in^- 
pro\ed security But it was soon repre- 
sented to the emperor that Carausius was 
becoming faithless. That he was in the 
habit of permitting the pirates to pass south 
on their \oyages of plunder with impunity ; 
and only sought to catch them, on the re- 
turn, when he might gain by taking their 
plunder, — that he was using them as a 
sponge, to promote his own interest. 
Whether these accusations were true «?r 
false, his sagacity enabled him to see the 
danger of his life, and to induce his whole 
fleet to turn over to him as independent of 
the empire. The great wealth he had ac- 
quired in the service greatly facilitated this 
transaction. The army and people readily 
declared for him, and proclaimed him em- 
peror and governor of Britain. 

The revolt of Carausius and his acces- 
sion to the government of Britain, with 
the whole Roman fleet in the British chan- 
nel, was accomplished A. D. 287; and from 
thence for seven years he was the prosper- 
ous and successful ruler of his country. 
The success and ability with which he had 
managed the Roman fleet, and Suppressed 
the Saxon piracy, had rendered him pop- 
ular with the Britons, and rendered his as- 
sumption over the government and army 
of the country easy ; besides the Britons 
have ever claimed him as their country- 
man, — as a native of Menapia, now Mene- 
via or St. Davids, on tne western coast of 
Wales. He put his navy into a first rate 
order, and commanded with supreme rule, 
whatever belonged to the sea, from the 



Chap, n] DIOCLETIAN TO THE 

mouth of the Rhine to Gibraller.i It was 
the third time that British naval affairs had 
commanded the attention of European 
powers, and commenced to be the mistress 
of the sea. He was equally successful and 
prosperous in the government of his coun- 
try; and perhaps at no time was Britain 
more prosperous. Though a thorough 
sailor, he was a man of taste, and encour- 
aged the arts. He coined money and 
metals ;2 patronized artists, and invited su- 
perior ones from the continent. He dis- 
played his abilitv and capacity to govern to 
that extent that the Roman government 
acknowledged his rule and independence. 
But in the midst of his prosperous reign 
death overtook him, by means of an assas- 
sination, by Allectus, one of his ministers, 
who usurped the government, and held it, 
against the efforts of the Roman govern- 
ment, for three years longer, A. D. 297. 

In the meantime Diocletian, with all his 
abilities, found the administration of so ex- 
tensive a government as that of Rome to 
be arduous and difficult. He therefore as- 
sociated with him, in the administration of 
the government, Maximian, another soldier 
of fortune like himself. Generally the 
first overlooked the aflairs of the east, and 
Maximian those of the west. He was for 
some tiine engaged in suppressing a dan- 
gerous rebellion in Gaul, and restoring it 
to order. After a reign of six years Diocle- 
tian recommended the adoption of two as- 
sistants as Csesars and not as Augustus. 
Diocletian selected Galerius, and Maximian 



END OF HIS RULE. 



141 



1 Pictori;il History of Eng-l-.ind, 103. '"The n;ivy of 
Carausius must have been manned in a threat meas- 
ure by his own Britons; and tlie superiority whicli it 
maintained for years in the surroundiny;- seas, pre- 
servinu;- for its master his island empire ajjainst 'the 
superb tieets that were built and equipped simul- 
taneously in all the rivers of the Gauls to overwhelm 
him,' [quoted from .Mainerliiiiif, and in Britannia af- 
ter the Romans, p. lo,] ma^' be taken as evidence 
that the people of Britain had been long familiar 
with ships of all descrijjtion." 

Again, p. 109: "British builders had acquired con- 
siderable reputation for skill. The pan^g-yrist, 
Eumenius, tells us that when emperor Constantius 
rebuilt the city of Autun, in Gaul, about the end of 
the third century, he brought the workmen chieflv 
from Britain, which very much abounded wilh the 
best artificers." 

2 See I Giles' History of the Ancient Britons, 202, 
where he says: ''But a more undoubted source of 
information for the reign of Carausius in Britain, 
are his coins, which remain in such abundance that 
every one who founds a numismatic cabinet may 
without difficulty procure a large number ot those 
which were struck by Carausius in this island." 



took Constantius, who on account of his 
pale complexion had received the appella- 
tion of Chlorus. The latter was to see to 
Western Gaul and Britain, while Maximian 
was engaged on the Rhine. Carausius had 
now been in the properous possession of 
Britain for five years, and Constantius was 
determined if possible to reclaim it, to the 
Roman government. Carausius had the 
possession of Britain; but also that of 
Boulogne and the adjacent country. Con- 
stantius determined first to recapture Bou- 
logne,3 and then to retake Britain. After 
a long siege the place was taken, and with 
it a considerable portion of the British 
fleet. In the meantime Carausius was as- 
sassinated, and Allectus held the govern- 
ment. After much delay Asclepiodatus, 
the lieutenant of Constantius, succeeded to 
evade the British navy, with his arm}- and 
transports, landed safely on the western 
coast, and immediately burnt his shipping, 
as a decisive indication there was to be no 
retreat. Allectus itnmediately marched 
west to meet his enemy; but his march 
was so hurried and disorderly, that upon 
being soon met he was defeated and slain. 
Soon afterwards Constantius landed in 
Kent, where he found grateful and obedient 
subjects. Their loud and unanimous ac- 
clamations gave assurance "that they sin- 
cerely rejoiced," says Gibbon, "in a revolu- 
tion, which, after a separation of ten years, 
restored Britain to the body of the Rotnan 
empire." 

Constantius, during the nine years from 
the time he landed in Britain until his 
death, never left the island ; his principal 
residence being at York. Of all the per- 
sons, during this period, into whose hands 
the sovereign power of Rome was confid- 
ed, he was the best. With all the ability 
and resolution of an active and efficient of- 
ficer, he was kind and aftable; and void of 
the love of that ostentatious show and as- 
sumed dignity which sometimes character- 
ized his distinguished associate, Diocletian. 
He tbund Britain, after the death of Allec- 
tus, in a deranged condition and much a!- 



3 Then known as Portus Itus, Bonaparte's C«sar, 
173; Gesoriacum, i Gibbon, D. & F., ch. .\iii, p. 130; 
on maps as Bononia. 



142 



THE ROMAN PERIOD 



tered from what it had been under Carausi- 
us; and much afflicted by incursions from 
its enemies at the north. They were re- 
pelled and driven back by Constantius, 
who soon brought about a prosperous and 
happy state of affairs in the country, ren- 
dering him one of the best and most pros- 
perous rulers; and entitling him to the 
warm reception the people had given him. 

In the meantime changes had taken place 
in the rulers of Rome. Diocletian had 
been and was the ruling spirit of the time, 
yet he took the extraordinary resolution to 
abdicate all his successful and dazzling 
powers and to retire to a private life ; and 
persuaded his associate, Maximian, to do 
the same.'* This step of the two Augustus, 
brought forward the two Ctesars into their 
positions as emperors of Rome. This in 
Galerius produced some additional display 
of his natural arrogance and love of the 
exercise of arbitrary power, but in his asso- 
ciate, Constantius, it produced not any 
change in his excellent character. It was 
then thought nece,s.sary to select two new 
Cffisars in their places; and this was done 
by Diocletian and Galerius without the 
consultation of Constantius. 

But this produced but little or no effect 
on Constantius, who pursued the even ten- 
or of his way, tor the prosperity and wel- 
fare ot his island home, as well as for the 
good of the empire. The persons thus 
elected to these distinguished positions 
were known by the names of Maximin 
and Severus, who, until then, were to the 
public unknown and undistinguished. 

§2. — Conxia?itiiie and //is Time, from A. D. 
306—367. 

The last exploit of Constantius was an 
easy victory over the Caledonians, in driv- 
ing them back within their own dominions. 
"He ended his life,'' says Gibbon, "in the 
imperial palace of York,' fifteen months 
after he had received the title of Augustus, 
and almost fourteen years and a half after 
he had been promoted to the rank of 
Caesar." His son, who had been with him 



4 In A. D. 304. 

I A. D. 306, July 25. 



[Book II, 

upon the most affectionate terms, from the 
time he last entered Britain when the son 
was eighteen years of age, was now imme- 
diately proclaimed emperor in his father's 
place. This was thought to be dvie him by 
the people and army of Britain, as well on 
account of their grateful rememberance of 
the father, as the bn-th and merits of the 
son. He had now been with his father 
about twelve years, receiving his example 
and instruction ; and becoming well ac- 
quainted with all the business and interests 
of both Britain and the empire. Few men 
ever elevated Upon an exalted position, en- 
tered it under more favorable auspices. By 
his merits and illustrious deeds he after- 
wards acquired the distinction of Constan- 
tine the Great. After a limited campaign 
north of the wall of Severus, engaged in 
repelling the constantly recurring inva- 
sions from the north, this prince left the 
island, being called to the continent by im- 
portant business; and taking with him vast 
number of British youths as addition to his 
army. He nevei" returned to Britain; but 
until after his death in 337, this country 
seems to have enjoyed a tranquil and pros- 
perous times, founded upon the reputation 
of the vigor and success of his reign and 
that of his father. 

The elevation of Constantine was resist- 
ed by Maximin and Severus; and various 
changes and revolutions took place in the 
administration at Rome, for the following 
six vears, while in the meantime Constan- 
tine was left to rule in the empire west of 
the Alps. In 308 so distracted were the 
times at Rome, that there were at once six 
emperors contending against each other, 
or forming combinations of one set against 
another, or engaged in civil war. There 
was Galerius, the old emperor; then Max- 
imin and Severus, who had been exalted as 
Csesars; then Maxentius, the son of Max- 
imian, who had abdicated with Diocletian; 
then Licinius, who had been elevated by 
the choice of Galerius ; and Maximian, who 
had returned from his abdication to power. 
All this produced in Rome the utmost con- 
fusion, corruption, treachery, and civil war. 
Maximian and his son made some attempts 
against Constantine, while in Gaul, which 



DIOCLETIAN TO THE END OF HIS RULE. 



Cliap. II.] 

were unsuccessful. During these si.K years 
that Constantiue governed Gaul, that coun- 
try was in a very unhappy condition, aris- 
ing from the war and distracted govern- 
ment that had ruled, and the continued 
pressure and invasion of the barbarians 
upon it. The demands of tlie government 
and the taxes the people had to pay be- 
came burdensome and oppressi\'e. Con- 
stantine was kept busy in repelling the 
enemy of the country, and in relie\ing the 
people. So well did he discharge these 
duties, that historians speak of it as the 
best performed, useful and innocent part of 
his lite. 

At length in A. D. 31J, in consequence 
of the hostile attitude of the rulers at 
Rome, and the solicitations of the people 
and senate there, to be relieved of an in- 
tolerable tyranny, Constantine determined 
to march into Italy with a large army, 
though lie sincerely opposed war, and loved 
peace and good government. The safety 
of Gaul would not permit him to take with 
him all his troops, nor so large an army as 
would ensure the enterprise from great 
danger. The army with which he marched 
over the Alps did not exceed forty thousand 
soldiers, and not e.xceeding one- fourth of 
the number that his enemies might bring 
against him. But he confidentlv relied up- 
on the superior character of his troops. 
He knew that those of Italy were enerva- 
ted by corruption and all manner of disso- 
lute practices, his own army had been ac- 
customed to local services and strict dis- 
cipline. He had formed his resolution; 
passed the Alps, and was at the foot of 
them before the court of Maxentius at 
Rome were aware he had left the Rhine. 
Wirh no obstacle which much detained 
him he was on the plains in the vicinity of 
Turin. The principal force brought against 
hiin, under the command of the officers of 
Maxentius, was a body of heavy cavalrv, 
formed after the maimer and discipline of 
the east. The horses and men were clothed 
in complete armor, and their aspect was 
formidable and appalling. On this occa- 
sion their generals had drawn them up in 
a compact body in the fashion of a wedge, 
with the point in ad\'ance towards their 



143 



opponents; and they flattered themselves 
that their onslaught would be irresistible. 
But the experience and skill of Constan- 
tine enabled him to so order the arrange- 
ment of his own army as to baffle and de- 
feat this formidable attack of the cavahy. 
Upon being so defeated they fled to Turin, 
whose gates were unexpectedly shut against 
them. They then fell an easy prey to the 
army froin Gaul. Two inore battles, — that 
of Verona, which was severe and well 
fought, and another in the vicinity of Rome, 
where, after a severe conflict, the Roman 
army was totallj- defeated, and many of 
the troops, with the emperor Maxentius, in 
their attempt to escape were drowned in 
the Tiber ; and the possession of Rome, 
Italy and the empire was readily jielded 
up to Constantine. From that time to his 
death in 337, his career was that of perfect 
success and triumph, in comparison with 
other imperial crowned heads; but these 
matters more properly belong to the his- 
tory of the empire, except as its results 
may reflect upon Britain. 

The great revolution produced by these 
events, was the transfer of the imperial in- 
fluence from the predominant Pagan re- 
ligion to that of Christianity. The Chris- 
tian religion had now, for nearly three 
hundred years, been making its way and 
gradually spreading its truths and benefi- 
cence throughout the civilized world. But 
it had thus far progressed and maintained 
its influence and power, as a religious and 
moral instruction, independent of the gov- 
ernment and the influence of all secular 
power. It made its way among the hum- 
ble, the honest and conscientious, against 
the opposition of the powerful and the 
severest persecution, until it had its con- 
gregations and churches, its priests and 
bishops, in eveiy country, and its influences 
began to be everywhere felt and acknowl- 
edged. During late reign of Diocletian 
as most severe and sanguinary perse- 
cution had existed for years, still the Chris- 
tian church was able to sustain itself, and 
gradually make its way. How far Constan- 
tine had observed these matters, and had 
become convinced of its truth and eventual 
triumph; and determined in due time (q 



144 



THE ROMAN PERIOD 



embrace it as his best policy ; or was, as 
sometimes asserted, convicted by a miracu- 
lous interterence, may be a question for the 
casuist. But it is said that on the night 
before his great battle on the banks of the 
Tiber, in which his opponent, Maxentius, 
in endeavoring to escape was drowned, he 
was assured in a dream that under the in- 
signia of the christian he should be victor- 
ious. Others say, that before the battle 
there was manifested to him in a cloud in 
the heavens, and to the astonishment of 
the whole army, the sign of the cross, with 
an inscription that under that sign he 
should conquer. Be that as it may, it is 
certain that from that time Constantine 
favored the Christian religion, and gave it 
the protection and influence of the imper- 
ial government. This became a new era 
and influence in the church, which had as 
great an influence upon Britain as any 
country ; for there Christianity had made 
a great progress. 

Another great event of this reign, which 
greatlv affected Britain in common with 
all Western Europe, was that of the em- 
peror removing the seat of government 
from Rome to Constantinople. That act 
undoubtedly diminished the power of the 
western part of the empire to maintain it- 
self against the encroachments of the bar- 
barians, and hastened its decline and fall, 
though at the same time it strengthened 
and prolonged that of the east. The build- 
ing of this city on the site of Byzantium, 
and making it the capital of the empire, 
was commenced by Constantine A. D. 3Z4, 
thirteen years before his death. The selec- 
tion of this place tor his new capital, was 
gvnded by its great beauty, as well as by its 
great commercial convenience between the 
two continents, which have ever since ren- 
dered it one of the most important cities of 
the world. The choice of the place and 
the erection of this city, were worthy of 
the perpetuity of his name, as well as the 
other great services and achievements of 
Constantine 



[Book II. 

barians or religious controversy. These 
were successfully and judicially disposed 
of, and many laws and regulations adopted 
of great importance to the public. One of 
these was that which separated the military 
department from the civil ; and prohibited 
the military officers from interfering with 
the administration of justice, or the collec- 
tion of -the revenue. This was a matter of 
importance to Britain, as well as to other 
portions of the empire. Another regula- 
tion was that which was specially tor the 
benefit of Britain. The Saxons had con- 
tinued their depredations upon the people 
and towns situated near the seashore; 
which had been increasing, and becoiiiing 
quite annoying since the time of Carausius. 
To remedy tliis evil Constantine establish- 
ed certain officers called Counts of the 
Saxon shore, whose jurisdiction extended 
around the southeastern portion of Britain, 
from the northern coast of Norfolk to Ports- 
mouth in Hampshire, and whose duty it 
w"as to protect these shores from the Sax- 
on invasions; and for that purpose they 
had under their command a certain num- 
ber of troops, loot and horse; and also there 
were built at different important places 
along the shore nine forts and castles, in 
order to secure those places from the dep- 
redations of these pirates. Besides these 
counts of the Saxon shores, there was the 
governor, or count of Britain, as conimand- 
er-in-chief and vicegerent over the whole 
Roman dominion on the island. For the 
convenience of the administration the Ro- 
man part of the island was divided into 
five parts: — Maxima and Valentia were 
made consular pro\inces, and Prima, Se- 
cunda, and Flavia2 pr;esidial districts; each 
having its military force, and also its prop- 
er executive and judicial officers. But as 
has been remarked, each department seji- 
arate, and the military prohibited from in- 
terfering with the judiciar}' or the collec- 
tion of taxes. 

Constantine the Great expired A. D. 337, 
after a most distinguished and prosperous 



Though the reign of this emperor was^i-^ign of thirty-one years, greatly mourned 

and lamented by his people. He was sue- 



eminently successful and splendid, yet it 
was kept continually in commotion, either 
by civil war or the encroachments of bar- 



2 Sec tlic iiiup for tlie^e divisions; see, also, Rich- 
ard of Cire-icester, ]). 437, B. i, ch. 6, §3. 



DIOCLETIAN TO THE END OF HIS RULE. 145 

triumph over it; while at the same time 



Chap. 11.] 

ceeded in tlie empire by his three sons, 
Constantine II, Constan.s, and Constantius, 
after much contention among the relative 
claimants and much bloodshed. They soon 
demonstrated that they were unfit to rule 
the empire. Two deceased in a few years; 
but the youngest, Constantius, succeeded 
in holding on for twenty-four years, when 
Jic was succeeded by Julian the Apostate 
in 361. In the next six years followed 
three more emperors, and a permanent di- 
vision of the empire into tlie East and 
West. During this time tlie empire was 
making rapid decline towards its final fall ; 
and-the barbarians of the north making 
mucli progress in aiding it, to accomplish 
the event. Britain in the meantime suffer- 
ed in common with the rest of the empire; 
— frequently depressed by a bad govern- 
ment, oppressed by excessive taxation, and 
heavy drafts upon her men to recruit the 
imperial armies. Besides all this, she was 
frequently attacked on the one side by the 
Saxon pirates, and on the other by inva- 
sions by the Caledonians and Picts, while 
at the same time she was robbed by the im- 
perial government of her means of de- 
fense. During the reign of Julian the 
country was so reduced in its means of de- 
fense that their northern enemies triumph- 
antly passed over the wall of Severus, and 
were pillaging even London ; while at the 
same tiine the Saxons were ravaging the 
shores, — carrying oft" their property as 
plunder, and their people as slaves. 

t<3. — Thcodosius, the Gc?icral, and //is Time 
to the Departure of the lioiiians, A. D. 
367-420,-53 Tears. 

The Roman empire was now pressed on 
-all sides, and at all points manifesting its 
decay. The barbarians crowding upon it 
on all sides, and coming upon it with all 
kind of people, and under every name: — 
the Huns and the Goths, the Alans and 
Vandals, as well as the Saxons, the Franks 
and the Burgundians. All heathendom 
let loose upon civilization and Christianity; 
and the latter in morality and patriotism 
debasing itself, so that the former in its 
rudeness, paganism and ignorance might 



this overwhelming flood of barbarians wei e 
the principal cause of its decline and over- 
throw. Among the officers of the empire 
who were battling to preserve its existence 
along its frontier on the Rhine, was Theo- 
dosius, an able and successful general, and 
whose son, of the same name, afterwards 
became an emperor of great distinction. 
This able general in 36S was sent to Britain 
to retrieve the covmtry, if possible, from 
the poverty and degradation to which it 
had been reduced, by the bad care and pro- 
tection given to it by the Roman empire. 
This general did all that it was possible for 
man to do with the reduced means of the 
empire, to restore order ; to repair the walls, 
the forts and defenses of the south; for the 
country had been reduced by plunder, by 
taxation, and by taking off" the men as re- 
cruits for the imperial army, so that it had 
been made helpless. But Theodosius, by 
the help of the Roman army, was able to 
give to Britain, for a while, at least, a re- 
lief by repelling and chastising the inva- 
sions from the north and pursuing and 
punishing in blood the Saxon pirates,^ who 
had been engaged in robbing the country. 

Theodosius was permitted to remain in 
Britain during two campaigns onlv, before 
he was recalled, by the necessities and de- 
cline of the empire. During that time, in 
addition to the expulsion of the northern 
invaders, on the one hand, and the disper- 
sion and pvmishment of the Saxon pirates 
on the other, he was able to do much to- 
ward a restoration of the former prosper- 
ous condition of the country. So success- 
fully had he been in his measures in the 
north that he was able to restore to the 
government the province of Valentia, nortlx 
of the wail of Severus, which had been for 
years in the possession of the northern 
tribes. The whole covmtry, which had 
been so subverted by every species of law- 
lessness and wickedness, was reclaimed to 
the demands of justice and the rights of 
humanity. The citizens of London, grate- 



I I Pictorial Hist. Ena:., B. i, ch. i, p. 49: i Gil.i- 
bon's Decl. and Fall, ch. xxv, p. 340; Ibid. cb. 
.xxxvii, p. 503; Richard of Cirencester, B. i, ch. (\. 
§3. 



146 



THE ROMAN PERIOD. 



ful for the benefits conferred upon them by 
the happy restoration of their affairs, ac- 
knowledged their obligations to the able 
general for his efficient and successful 
measures, and for the order and justice he 
had established in the administration of 
their affairs. But the benefits conferred 
upon Britain by their connection with the 
empire, was at all times temporary and 
spasmodic, and always leaving them help- 
less; by having been prohibited from 
adopting any military or other measures 
for their own good and protection, and be- 
ing also constantly robbed of means and 
men, for the benefit of other parts of the 
empire. 

Gratian was emperor of the West from 
A. D. 367 to 3S2, and he was among the 
most worthless and inefficient rulers. The 
only good we know of him Avas his per- 
mitting the general Theodosius to spend 
two years in Britain. He neglected the af- 
fairs of the government for the amuse- 
ment of the chase, shows, and every object 
of luxury and degradation, and consequent- 
ly every part of his empire was falling into 
disorder and ruin. At the same time that 
the barbarians were attacking his empire 
on the outside, on the inside he was taking 
them into his employment in the army; 
and making a body of Alans, his house- 
hold troops. Everywhere dissatisfaction 
and dilapidation prevailed. This state of 
things reached Britain and reversed the 
prosperous state of afiairs established by 
Theodosius. This produced a revolt, and 
the soldiers and people of the province 
with great unanimity proclaimed Maximus 
their emperor.^ Among them he was ac- 
knowledged as an able officer and a favor- 
ite citizen. He has ever been claimed by 
the Britons as a native, and the Anglo- 
Saxon Chronicle says that "he was born 
in the land of Britain." There he had 
married a Cambrian princess, — Helen, the 
daughter of Eudaf, a ruler in North Wales; 
and there were his children as pledges for 
his faithfulness and patriotism. This new 
emperor had been a fellow-soldier with 



2 See Xcnnius' History of the Britons, §28, p. 393; 
1 Pictorial Hist, of England, p. 50; Gibbon's Decl. 
-■ind Fall, ch. xxvii, p. 370. 



[Book II. 

Theodosius, and possessed much of his ex- 
perience and ability. It is said that with 
his ability he was a modest and unassum- 
ing inan, and at first earnestly declined the 
honors proposed to him, but was compelled 
to accept the dangerous present of the im- 
perial purple. He thought it necessarj' 
and politic for him. to pass over to the con- 
tinent, and claim his rights and dignity 
there, as safer and easier to maintain his 
position there, than to preserve it in Britain. 
He therefore passed over with a large 
fleet, and an iminense army of his coun- 
trj-men. The emperor Gratian fled from 
Paris to Lyons, where he was soon betrayed 
by his officers and beheaded. Theodosius, 
the emperor of the East, thought it prudent 
to negotiate with Maximus, rather than to 
contest his position. By treaty it was ar- 
ranged that Maximus should confine his 
rule west of the Alps ; and accordingly he 
turned his attention to the West, and made 
Treves the capital of his dominions, which 
consisted of Britain, Gaul and Spain. If 
his wisdom and prudence had been equal 
to his ambition, he might have been satis- 
fied with so splendid a dominion, capable 
of being made equal to all that the most 
exalted ambition could desire; which with 
its natural boundary of the Rhine and the 
Alps, might have been made an effectual 
barrier xigainst the barbarians north and 
east of it. To have accomplished this, 
within these boundaries, might have been 
a wise and sagacious object of ambition ; 
or to have confined it to Britain. "The 
reign of Maximus might have ended in 
peace and prosperity," sa\-s Gibbon, "could 
he have contented hiinself with the pos- 
session of three ample countries, which 
now constitute the three most flourishing 
kingdoms of Northern Europe." But he 
was led astray by wild ambition and false 
glor}- ; and possibly lacked the taste and 
real ability requisite to produce his true 
glory from the resources of his country, 
arjd the prosperity of his people. He was 
therefore induced, by the example set be- 
fore him, and the fashion of the age, to 
seek the gratification of his ambition in 
too wide a field and in the glory of war, to 
his entire ruin. He was induced to march 



DIOCLETIAN TO THE END OF HIS RULE. 



Cliap. II.] 

with a well disguised haste over the Alps, 
and into Italy against a feeble government; 
and for a while with success. But the em- 
peror Theodosius was induced to come to 
the relief of Italy, whose combinations 
were such as soon to overcome Maxim us, 
who was utterly defeated and beheaded.3 
While Maximus ruled in Gaul, he made 
Conan of Powys in Cambria, cousin of his 
wife, Helen, king of Armorica.'' From him 
descended the sovereigns and dukes of 
Brittany, which terminated in Anne of 
Brittany, queen of France in the fifteenth 
century. The ^ast army of Britons who 
followed Maximus into Gaul and Italy nev- 
er returned to their native land, but were in- 
duced to settle in Armorica under Conan. 
This is only another instance, of the many, 
in v'hich large bodies of Britons have been 
induced to return to their Cymric relatives 
in Gaul. 

For some years after the death of Max- 
imus we are again left in the dark as to the 
history of Britain. It is probable that the 
restoration given to its government by 
Theodosius and Maximus may have lasted 
for a few years; but soon the old story re- 
turns, of a bad government, or none at all; 
and the return of invaders and pirates to 
break down and destroy all prosperity as 
an incubus and blight upon the land. Some 
five or six years after Maximus' death, 
Chrysantus, an efficient lieutenant of 
Theodosius the Great, was sent with a suf- 
ficient army to relieve Britain. He was 
able again to expel and punish the invaders 



147 



respite to the afflicted country. In A. D. 
395 Theodosius died, and the rule of the 
West was given to Honorius ; and within 
eight years terrible calamities and dissolu- 
tion befell the empire, and parts of it taken 
away by the barbarians; and we find bar- 
barian officers high in command in the 

3 In A. D. 3SS, after a reign of five years, which 
until the last were years of success. 

4 With Conan is connected the legend of Ursula, 
in which she and a large number of British women 
attempted to .furnish his colony in Armorica with 
wives. On their voyage thither a storm drove them 
o?"^ their course, and they were landed on the 
Khine m Germany, where they were badly treated. 
On account of her conduct and virtues she was cele- 
brated as St. l": ,..;a. Th_-re is probably but little 
truth m the It- ,. . 



government. Stilicho, of barbarian origin, 
but an able general, was the leading spirit 
in the government. He w'as in cominand 
in Gaul, and being informed of the usual 
difficulties of Britain having again oc- 
curred, provided means by which the in- 
vaders were repelled and severely punish- 
ed. But soon, in consequence ol the ne- 
cessities of the einpire, and its invasion by 
the Goths, Stilicho was recalled home, and 
his influence, and probably most of the 
troops, were w-ithdrawn.s 

In this situation, while still pressed by 
their enemies, the people permitted the 
soldiers to elect one Marcus emperor of 
Britain A. D. 407; and soon after permit- 
ted the same soldiery to dethrone him and 
put him to death. In this manner was this 
unhappy country buffetted about, between 
the protection that the empire pretended to 
give and anarchy induced by the Roman 
army, as to be unable to help themselves. 

It is not probable that at any time pre- 
vious to A. D. 420 the legionary troops of 
the Romans were entirely withdrawn from 
Britain. But after Maximus was proclaim- 
ed emperor, the Roman civil authority was 
so reduced, that they were frequently un- 
der the command of some usurped author- 
ity, or that of the natives of Britain. But 
the civil authority, or that which controlled 
the judiciary and the collection and dis- 
bursing the revenue, was always kept sep- 
arated from the military, and continued to 
represent the Roman sovereignty in Brit- 



, . , ^ , y ain. It is therefore probable that the civil 

and pn-ates; and afford another temporary j • • , *■ J ^ *-i u <.i 

„,. , ^ y administration continued on, though the 



military government changed from one 
hand to another. These changes in the 
government, by which a new emperor was 
proclaimed, or governor, or tyrant elected, 
were produced by the interference of the 
military, or the legion, very much in the 
same way as such changes were accom- 
plished in the empire. Sometimes such 



S Xennius' Hist. Britons, §30, p. 396, in speaking of 
some one or all of these reliefs given by Rome to 
Britain, says: "Once more the Romans assisted the 
Britons in repelling their neighbors; and, after hav- 
ing exhausted the country of its gold, silver, brass, 
honey, and costly vestments, and besides having re- 
ceived rich gifts, they returned in great triumphs to 
Rome." See i Gibbon's Decl. and Fall, chap, xxx, 
p. 413, as to Stilicho. 



^^g THE ROMAN PERIOD. [Book ii. 

change ^vas effected with the aid and con- 1 made Aries the seat of his government 

■■-■'- and his imperial residence 



sent of the people, and sometimes entirely 
without their interference. The last re- 
markable change of this kind in the gov- 
ernment of Britain occurred during the 
acknowledged sovereignty of Honorius, 
A.D. 407, when the legionary troops again 
sought to raise some one to the throne; 
and not knowing whom to elect, it is said 
that they found some one of the name of 
Constantine, and on account of the rever- 
ence they had for the name, they elected 
and adorned him with the purple. But it 
is probable that this part of the story is a 
mere witticism of the historian, for a sen- 
sational effect; for the British historians 
say that he was previously a person of dis- 
tinction, and a grandson of Conan of Ar- 
morica; and a man of considerable ability, 
as the sequel will demonstrate. If this 
Constantine, when thus proclaimed em- 
peror, had the patriotism and good sense to 
confine his jurisdiction to Britain, he might 
have been a great benefactor to his country ; 
but he was compelled, either from choice 
or from circumstances and the example of 
those vicious times, to claim what he could 
of the empire, and soon arranged to pass 
over to the continent, after the manner of 
Maximus. Like most men, having more 
ambition than wisdom and patriotism, and 
having taken one step he must take anoth- 
er in the same direction, rather than make 
good and wise use of what he already had. 
For that purpose he enlisted and disciplined 
a vast number of British youths, and took 
them with him in his career. He .-oon 
made himself master of Gaul and Spain. 
He had a son who had previously been a 
monk in a monastery at Winchester, who 
was taken into public service and made 
governor over the latter country. In his 
Spanish campaign he had in his service 
not only a large force of Britons, but from 
the north of the island two bands of Scots 
and Attacotti. 

For four years Constantine successfully 
held rule of the three countries, Britain, 
Gaul and Spain ; and with energy and suc- 
cess making headway against his northern 
enemy on the Rhine, and his imperial foes 
who attempted to cross the Alps. He 



Thus was the 
humble soldier playing the roll of fortune 
in royal dignity. But fortune often 
changes, even with great men. He had in 
his employment a Briton, known to fame 
as Count Gerontius, a most able and ex- 
perienced general, with a determined and 
more" than a Roman character. His mas- 
ter could illy spare his services, but for 
some reason the employee had taken an of- 
fence against his employer, and determined 
on revenge. The son was taken prisoner 
and put to death. The father was besieged 
at Aries; and would also have been taken, 
had not an Italian army unexpectedly come 
to his relief. But upon its being an- 
nounced to be the army of Honorius, the^ 
legitimate emperor, the commanders of 
both armies declared for him. Gerontius 
being thus left, was obliged to flee for safe- 
ty. But he was able in his retreat to res- 
cue his name and fame from oblivion, by a 
romantic defense and death. He was pur- 
sued by a treacherous body of his troops, 
who at night surrounded his retreat, in or- 
der to triumph over him and put him to 
death. His retreat was a fortified house, 
and well supplied with light arms and mis- 
siles. With these he resolutely detended 
himself, wife and servants, who were de- 
votedly attached to him and determined to 
die with him. He held out in his defense 
with much skill and determination, that at 
daylight he had killed three hundred of 
his assailants, and had exhausted his mis- 
siles;— some of his servants having desert- 
ed him, and his enemies having surround- 
ed his house with fire. He might hims^jlf 
have escaped, but he was determined to 
die in the defense and protection of his 
wife; and she was equally resolved not to 
live to sufter a life of misery and disgrace. 
She therefore caused her own death on his 
sword, and he upon seeing all lost, caused 
his own death by a plunge of his dagger at 
his heart. The usurper Constantine soon 
after this was taken prisoner at Aries, and 
sent to Honorius at Ravenna, when he suf- 
fered death. This restored Honorius to 
the government ot the West, and his rule 
over Britain was never after that contested 



DIOCLETIAN TO THE END OF HIS RULE. 149 



Chap. 11.] 

until after he himself had expressly re- 
nounced it in A. D. 420. During the nine 
years in which the power of Honorius had 
been thus restored, he on two or three oc- 
casions had furnished Britain with addition- 
al troops for her protection, against those 
enemies who were constantly attacking her 
both by land and sea, — both as plunderers 
and pirates. At length, contrary to the 
wishes of the Britons, Honorius was com- 
pelled, by his own exigences at home, to 
withdraw all protection and power from 
Britain, which was done without any hos- 
tilities or enmity on either side; but mutual 
friendship for a long time continued to 
subsist between the Britons and the Ro- 
mans; and upon tiiat event the emperor 
Honorius, in a letter addressed to the states 
and cities of Britain, formally released 
them from their allegiance, and acknowl- 
edged their*> independence. 

5:4. — TItc Close of tlte Ronuni Period. 

We place the close of the Roman rule 
o\er Britain in A. D 420, after they had 
held their heavy hand upon it for 377 years, 
from the time when Claudius commenced 
his conquest. When this vmjustifiable 
conquest — founded o\-\\\ upon wicked and 
wild ambition — was commenced, the Brit- 
ons were a prosperous and happy people, 
having 'made great advance in all the ele- 
ments which constitute progress and civili- 
zation. In the reign of Cunobeline, the 
paramount sovereign, whose long reign 
ended just before the conquest, both his- 
tory and antiquarian researches prove that 
the Britons were in the possession of all 
those things which rendered them a civil- 
ized people. They had made great pro- 
gress in agriculture; having large herds of 
horses, cattle and larm stock, and raising 
grain in large quantities; having numerous 
towns, with extensive systems of roads 
from one place to another throughout the 



^ Xt-nnius', in §2S, s;iys: ''Thus, agreeably to the 
accounts g-ivcn by the Britons, the Romans sj;overned 
them lour hundred and nine j'ears;" — 409, and before 
the conquest 43, which would be 452 A. U. The date 
of the separation is verv uncertain. Turner puts it 
at A. D. 410, and possibly that may be the true date; 
but there are many reasons for putting; it at A. D. 
420. It is so stated in the English Pictorical History. 
See Appendix O. 



country ; having a large export trade to 
Gaul, and the civilized countries of 
Europe, in which the metals of tin and iron 
constituted an important item ; having ex- 
tensive commercial business between them 
and Gaul,i with a large shipping interest; 
having extensive manufactures of articles 
of domestic utensils and uses, as well as 
the larger articles of chariots and wagons, 
and the necessary harness; having a learn- 
ed society, of priests, bards and teachers, 
who were charged with the duty of teach- 
ing the people in matters of religion, mor- 
ality and the arts, and who practiced 
writing, both public and pri\ate, except 
when teaching, for the purpose of iniprov- 
ing the memory of their pupils, and re- 
taining improper matters from vulgar ears, 
it was done orallv; and tinally, having a 
system of coined inoney, in gold, silver 
and bronze, to transact their business. 
.Such was, the character of British society 
and civilization when the Romans made 
their conquest, and converted it all to Ro- 
man greediness. 

When the conquest was accom])lished, 
at the end of a hard fought war of forty- 
two2 years, for their independence and free- 
dom, the people returned with their usual 
character to persevering industry and the 
arts of peace. Agricola discovered this, 
and testified in strong terms of their ca- 
pacities for it. But they had to begin this 
new career, after many thousand of their 
people had been slaughtered, many of their 
towns laid in ashes, their hotises burned, 
their property plundered, their fields laid 
waste, and the country generally devastat- 
ed by war. But still, with their known en- 
ergv and industry, the people made won- 
derful progress, not only in recovering their 
foriuer situation as to property and circimi- 
stances, but in adoptiiig and using all the 
arts and improvements, that the Romans 
were capable to introduce to them. This 
was continued under \ery adverse circum- 
stances for two hundred years, until about 
the times of Constantius and his son Con- 

I It was on this commerce that Aug-ustus and othr 
er emperors before the conquest collected large im- 
port duties in Gaul, upon the British goods and ship- 
ping. 

2 From A. D. 43 to S5, — 42 years. 



I50 



THE ROMAN PERIOD 



stantine; during the latter part of which 
time thev were subject to frequent and de- 
vastating invasions from the north; and 
bemg plundered by their government of 
their property and their voung men, for 
the benefit of anotlier country and people. 
After the conquest, the people were sub- 
jected to all kind of difficulties. They were 
not permitted to form a government of 
their own, or bear arms in their own de- 
fense. This was the peculiar province of 
the Roman government, and that which 
they furnished was often as bad and detest- 
able as it could be. From that time forth, 
with a few exceptions, they were cursed 
with a bad government, and subjected to 
intolerable taxation both as to men and 
money, which was constantly taken out of 
the country. Then the country was con- 
stantly de\astated by the invaders from 
the north, and plundering expeditions of 
the Saxon pirates from the sea. These in- 
tolerable e\ils were perpetrated upon the 
countiw, until it was reduced to utter fee- 
bleness, — until the coimtry was prostrated 
as by a paralysis, which a brave and ener- 
getic people could not resist. 

This state of things went on from bad to 
worse, until Rome herself was utterly 
prostrated by the continued invasions of 
the northern barbarians; — until Rome — 
who alone claimed the right to rule and 
govern — was taken and sacked by Alaric 
the Goth, and until Britain was reduced to 
entire helplessness. Such was the boon 
conferred upon Britain by tiie Roman con- 
quest. Such was her situation when Hon- 
orius in 420, being no longer able to pro- 
tect or plunder her, declared her free and 
independent in her then helpless condition. 
She was declared to be independent and 
free, after she had been so iaxed, and rob- 
bed, and plundered, that there were hardly 
enough left to go through that operation 
again. Such was her condition for thirty 
years previous to that time, and such it 
unavoidably continued to be for thirty 
years after that event. Besides these oper- 
ations of the Roman government which 
so reduced and depleted Britain of her 
wealth and prosperity, there are two more 
subjects that should be noticed in this con- 



[Book II. 

nection : (i.) That Rome was continually 
taking away from Britain her able-bodied 
young men to fill her armies, who were 
never permitted to return. This was done 
by Constantine, then by Maximus, then 
by Constantine the usurper, then by Stili- 
cho, and by ^tius in the great battle 
against Attila the Hun. These men so 
taken away from their country were scatter- 
ed over the empire, or colonized, but never 
permitted to return. Once or twice they 
were colonized in Armorica. (2.) Imme- 
diately upon the accomplishment of the 
conquest it was found dangerous to leave 
arms in the hands of the Britons, and there- 
fore the Romans took good care to disarm 
them, and to keep them so. During the 
whole time of the Roman rule in Britain, 
the people were not permitted to have any 
control over the military afTairs That was 
a matter that the Roman government were 
pledged to do; and the Britons prohibited 
from doing. All this was so done by the 
Roman go\ernment in order to secure 
their rule over them. WHien, therefore, 
their independence came, they were in a 
helpless condition, having been plundered 
of their property- and wealth both by their 
government and tlieir enemies; and then 
placed in a situation they should not be- 
come acquainted with militarv afi'airs, or 
defend themselves. Because they were 
thus deprived of their property, of their 
arms, and all acquaintance with military 
afi'airs, thev were not the soldiers who met 
Ca-sar, or fought with Piautius or Ostorius; 
but in e\erything else they were the same 
Britons, — bold, hardy, fearless and perse- 
\ering; and always fbimd to be such when 
incorporated into the Roman army, where 
the}' frequentl\' furnisiied some of the 
ablest generals. 

iJS. — The Sequel of titc Roman Period. 

Such was the condition of the Britons, 
when about A. D. 420 they found them- 
selves liberated from the Roman sover- 
eignty, by the letters of Honorius, directed 
to the cities and states of Britain, announc- 
ing to them that he Avas unable to render 
them anv further assistance against their 



DIOCLETIAN TO THE END OF HIS RULE. 15! 

enemy, delivered them tVom tlieii cruel 
oppressors." They advised the Bviions "to- 
build a wall between the two seas across- 
the island," and "returned home «vith great 
triumph." This wall the islanders accord- 
ingly did build, on the Antoninus line, be- 
tween the Forth and the Clyde. 

This assistance so rendered by the Ro- 
mans can be assigned to no period so Avell 
as that between 412 and 414; and to its 
having been done by Count Constantius. 
It appears from Bede, Gildas and Nennius, 
that two or three such reliefs were granted 
to the Britons within a few years before it 
was finally refused, and Honorius' letters 
sent. Nennius describes the last of these 
thus: "Once more the Romans undertook 
the government of the Britons, and assist- 
ed them in repelling their neighbors ; and 
after having exhausted the country ot its 
gold, silver, brass, honey, and costly vest- 
ments, having besides received rich gifts, 
they returned in great triumph to Rome." 
Taking these statements together, with the 
known historical facts of that period, it 
can apply to no time as well as that which 
just precede 420.2 

The British (Cambrian) historians say in 
confirmation of Bede's chronolgy, that af- 
ter the death of Constantine the Roman 
tbixes returned to Britain three times, — i. e. 
A. D. 414, 416 and 419 or 20. In Rev. 
Theophilas Evans' Prmiitive Ages it said : 
"A council of the leading Britons was 
held, at which it was determined to invoke 
once more the interposition of the Romans, 
and offer them tribute and the entire sub- 
mission of the country. The names of 
those who were deputed to carry this reso- 
lution into effect were Peryf Ap Cadifor 
and Gronw Ddu Ap Einion Lygliw. Not- 
withstanding the affairs of Rome could 
scarcely justify any expectation of assist- 
ance, vet, by the importunities of these 
men, they obtained a legion of troops, who 
returned with- them to Britain; and soon 
dispersed or destroyed their enemies. This 
occurred in the year 420." This authority 



Chap. II.] 

enemies; — that they were free to govern 
themselves as best they could, and urging 
them to make efforts to defend themselves. 
Although this date of the letters of Hon- 
orius has been contested, and placed some 
years previous to the death of Constantine 
the usurper in 411, yet it is insisted that 
the date stated is correct, for the reason 
that it is supported by the old authorities; 
and the events previous to the death of 
Constantine are inconsistent with its being 
previous to that time. After Count Con- 
stantius had taken Constantine prisoner at 
Aries, he proceeded on the commission 
that Honorius had given him, to restore 
Gaul and the west to his command. This 
he did do during the three succeeding years, 
both in Gaul and Britain. In 413 Adolph- 
us the Goth had become, by most roman- 
tic events, the brother-in-law of Honorius, 
and taithtull_\- supported him with his armj' 
of Goths. The next year he was engaged 
in Southern and Eastern Gaul in assisting 
Constantius in preserving Roman authori- 
ty in that country, which he efffciently 
performed by repelling the barbarians on 
the Rhine, and taking off the heads of two 
usurpers, Jovinus and Sabastian, which 
were sent as trophies to Honorius ; while 
the General Constantius was holding the 
seaports of Gaul, and, as it is supposed, of 
Britain also. In 414 there can be no doubt 
but that between the General Constantius 
and Adolphus all the western territory of 
the empire was held for Honorius; nor 
that but Britain was equally protected with 
Gaul. 

"From that time," says Bede,i {i. e. after 
Count Constantius had taken Aries, and 
the death of Constantine,) "the south part 
of Britain, destitute of armed soldiers, of 
martial stores, and of all its active youths, 
which had been led away by the rashness 
of the tyrants, never to return"; and on 
account of the eruption of the northern 
ntitions, the Britons sent messengers to 
Rome, praying for succor to drive away 
their threatening enemy. "An armed 
legion was immediately sent them, which, 
arriving in the island and engaging the 



1, ch. xii. 



2 Turner, Gibbon, and Giles, put the time of is- 
suing Honorius' letters previous to 410; but it is be- 
lieved that they are not supported by any ancient 
authority, nor 'bv the facts of history. Sec Bede; 
Pictorial History of England. 



:•;: THE ROMAN PERIOD 

then stales t-ie assistance received of the 



Roman army,, in expelling the enemy, in 
repairing the defences, and encouraging 
the peot5lc to make arrangements to defend 
themselves; informing them they would 
be able to aid them no more; they then 
bade the country and the people a final 
adieu, and se]i.'.ration. 

It was then upon this final separation 
that Honorius issued his letters to the cities 
and states of Britain, acknowledging his 
inability to defend them, and their entire 
independence; and advising them to make 
arrangements to defend themselves. His- 
torians of the times represent that all this 
was done in friendship and on good terms 
between the two countries, which for a 
long time so continued; and that it was 
with great regret, and slowl}' did the 
Britons give up their connection and hold 
on the empire; and their right to demand 
of the Roman government a protection 
against their enemies. They were still 
anxious, after so long a habit, to retain, and 
depend upon, the majesty and power of the 
Roman name as a guaranty for their pro- 
tection. This, therefore, could not have 
happened before the death of Constantine 
and the capture of Aries A. D. 411; be- 
cause he was in enmity with Honorius; 
and all the movements before that Avere 
made by the soldiers and officers of the 
Roman army, and in the name of Rome. 
That was the case with Maximus Constan- 
tine, and all the usurpers and tyrants set 
up in Britain, which was said to be so fer- 
tile of them. All those revolts were pro- 
duced by the Roman soldiery; and the 
usupers assumed the purple under the 
Roman name and organization. But after 
the letters of Honorius in 420 it was other- 
wise. 

The letters of Honorius came to the 
Britons with regret; for, although the Ro- 
mans had reduced them to their present 
low condition by taking from them in large 
amounts both men and money, yet they 
had become accustomed to their govern- 
ment; and now in the midst of their ad- 
verse circumstances and surrounding ene- 
mies, their ofter of freedom was not a boon. 
The cities and states to which those letters 



[Book II. 

were directed were regularlv organized as 
municipal governments, as stipendaries 
and subordinate to the Roman government. 
To this state of things they had been long 
accustomed, and wholly deprived and un- 
accustomed to. a military organization. 
Surrounded as they were with so many 
enemies, their independence appeared to 
them as appalling as it was unexpected. 
They therefore retained their several 
municipal organization, and for some years 
delayed the organization of a general or 
national government with the hopes the 
Roman government would return and 
come to their aid against their numerous 
enemies— the pirates from the seas, tlie 
Picts from the north, and the Scots from 
the west. Being surrounded by ene- 
mies, they knew not which would strike 
first, or where; and the Romans had left 
them unprepared for either. It is not sur- 
prising, under the circumstances, that they 
thus acted. 

From the limited history of the times, it 
pretty evidently appears that the Britons 
for a number of years remained under 
their municipal government, without any 
general or national organization. Between 
A. D. 429 and 447 Bede gives considerable 
history of the times in narrating an account 
of two visits in that time paid, by bishop 
Germanus and some other clergy of the 
Galilean church, to the British clergy at 
their request to aid them in refuting the 
Pelagian heresy. The two visits were 
some years apart; but much was said and 
done in both. Large meetings were held 
for the purpose of discussion and contro- 
verting the doctrine; concerning which 
great excitement prevailed, and interest 
taken. Kings of special districts and no- 
bility are spoken of, one person of the 
quality of a tribune, and "one Elafius, a 
chief of that region, hastened to meet the 
holy man," as mentioned; and we are also 
told, that when in the west part of the 
island, near Mold in Flintshire, the Saxons 
and Picts with their united forces were 
about to attack the Britons, the bishop "de- 
clared he would be their leader." And 
though the battle was fought and victory 
was gained by a miraculous interference of 



DIOCLETIAN TO THE END OF HIS RULE. 



Chap. II.] 

heaven, yet it seems that the bishop took 
i^ood care, as a skillful general, to choose 
his ground ; "he picked out the most ac- 
tive, viewed the country round about, and 
observed, in the way by which the enemy 
were expected, a valley encompassed with 
hills, in which he drew up his inexpe- 
rienced troops." When the multitude of 
fierce enemy appeared, the bishop, "bear- 
ing in his hands the standard," took the 
enemy by surprise, by all crying out three 
times Hallelujah ; the enemy were so struck 
with fear and terror, that "they fled in dis- 
order, casting away their arms;" glad to 
escape the danger, though many were 
drowned in crossing a river in their precpi- 
tate flight. Yet in all this account of those 
years, as given by Bede, and Gildas, and 
Nennius, not a word is mentioned about a 
sovereign, or a supreme chief, or pendragon 
or wledig, until we are told of Vortigern 
about the time that Saxons came under 
Hengist and Horsa. 

After the Roman army had fina.lv with- 
drawn, it is easy enough to understand the 
condition the Britons were left in, for a 
number of vears, without a general or 
federal head. The several cities and states 
had their several domestic, stipendary and 
municipal governments in full operation 
for many years, to which they were accus- 
tomed and attached. They were in the 
same condition as the cities and states 
would be in the United States in case the 
federal government should be withdrawn 
from them. The governmental organiza- 
tion of the several cities and states would 
remain in full operation. 

At the termination ol the Roman power 
in Britain there were in it ninety-two cities, 
of which thirty-three were more celebrated 
and distinguished ;' and were probably cap- 
itals of certain districts or territories. 
Formerly these thirty-three cities were 
ranked thus: two municipal, nine colonial, 
ten cities under the Latian law, and twelve 
stipendiary. "But," says Richard of Cir- 
encester, "let no one lightly imagine that 
there were not manv others besides these." 



153 



Hi See Rich.ard of Cirencester, B. i, ch.7; Nennius' 
St. Bril., §7, in Bohn's Library; Six Old Clironi- 

c'es, pp. 3S6 and 456. 



But in A. D. 312, the emperor Caracalla, 
(the son of Severus), by a perpetual edict 
conferred the right of citizenship on the 
Roman world, (and it is said that this ap- 
plied only to communities and not to in- 
dividuals,) at once abolished the above dis- 
tinction between those cities, and all be- 
came alike Roman cities. These cities 
were permitted to rule and govern them- 
selves, and adopt their native laws, not con- 
trary to the Roman_sovereignty or inimica- 
ble to their political laws. The cities were 
governed by a senate, usually one hundred 
more or less. The senate was not exclu- 
sively a Roman institution, for it was well 
known in Gaul and Britain before Ccesar 
came. 

Generally the Romans permitted the 
states and cities in the provinces to govern 
themselves, where they paid their taxes, 
were peaceable and did nothing contrary 
to Roman interests. The cites were or- 
ganized with its senate on republican prin- 
ciples. The Romans in former times call- 
ed the senate of every city by that name, 
and the members senators; but in latter 
time.s they applied that appellation only to 
the senate and senators of Rome, and those 
of the provincial cities were called curia, 
and the members decurions or dccuriones. 
The curia or senate were elected from the 
principal citizens' and the curia elected all 
the magistrates, and in their own affairs 
their laws were administered bv them- 
selves. In many respects the laws thus 
administered, deduced from the British 
triads, peculiar to British institutions, were 
superior to the Roman law. In relation to 
this subject, Savigny says: "The com- 
munities of these citizens [in the provinces] 
were subjects of the Roman people, yet 
the internal administration of the com- 
munities belonged to themselves. This 
free municipal constitution was their fun- 
damental characteristic ; and the same re- 
mark will apply to both principal classes 
of such constitutions, municipal and 
colonia,"* [or state]. And Cicero says: 
"As in Rome, so in the colonies, the pop- 
ular assemblies had originally the sover- 

4 See Smith and Antiion's Dictionary of Classical 
Antiquities, title Colonia and Provincia. 



154 



THE ROMAN PERIOD. 



[Book II. 



eign power; they chose the magistrates 
and could even make laws. '^ 

The large and distinguished cities, the 
capitals of districts, had considerable ter- 
ritory attached to them, more or less, which 
constituted a part of their government. In 
a number of instances there were states 
organized in the same manner, with their 
king, brenhin or chief; and assembly to 
carry on their municipal government. By 
the Roman law the military government 
was entirely separated from the civil ; and 
as to the former the Britons were not per- 
mitted to interfere, nor with national af- 
fairs. 

Such was the condition in which the let- 
ter of Honorius left the Britons to take 
care of themselves. They had their munic- 
ipal government throughout Southern 
Britain fully regulated, and had been so 
time out of mind. They were satisfied and 
pleased with it; and there w-as no change 
except the Roman army had been with- 
drawn, and they were not compelled to pay 
the Roman taxes. These, under the cir- 
cumstances that then surrounded them, 
they would be glad to submit to, for the 
sake of the protection it rendered them 
against their enemies. For many years 
thev remained in statu quo, with the hopes 
that the Roman army would return. When 
that army last departed they had just re- 
pelled the northern invaders, and these in- 
variablv remained quiet for some years af- 
ter each severe repulse. They remained 
quiet for some time, but at length there 
came Scots and Picts as usual. What year 
that was it is hard to tell from the confused 
statement of facts as stated by Bede, who 
says that, "Some few years before the ar- 
rival" of the Saxons, which is stated under 
the date of A. D. 429, bishop Germanus of 
Auxerre in Gaul came over to aid the 
British clergy, as already stated, against 
Pelagians. Much is said about that visit 
and the great assembly of the people to 
listen to discussion on the Pelagian heresy ; 
but everything is indicative that the people 
were then at peace and prosperous. Prob- 
ably the attacks of Scots and Picts were 



5 De Leges iii, 16. 



after the visit of this bishop, and before his 
second visit. But it is represented that the 
people after that became ungodly and 
wicked, and their foes returned upon them. 
worse than ever; — the northern enemy by 
land, and the Saxons by the sea, each plun- 
dering and devastating the country. Both 
Gildas and Bede represent that the people, 
"putting their trust in God and not in 
man,"' rallied, and overthrew their ene- 
mies" ;6 and the Britons recovering their 
courage, "at length began to inflict severe 
losses upon their enemies, who had been 
for so many years plundering the country." 
The "robbers thereupon returned home^ 
and afterwards remained quiet in the far- 
thest part of the island"'' for some time.. 
"When," however, continued Bede, "the 
ravages of the enemy at length ceased, the 
island began to abound with such plenty 
of grain as had never been known in any 
age before; with plenty luxury increased, 
and this was attended with all sorts of 
crimes." 

And Turner, in reference to these same 
events, says :§ "In this extremity the 
Britons displayed a magnanimous chai'ac- 
ter; they remembered the ancient inde- 
pendence of the island, and their brave an- 
cesters, who still lived ennobled in the 
verses of their bards ; they armed them- 
selves, threw off the foreign yoke,^ deposed 
the imperial magistrates,^ proclaimed their 
insular independence, and with the success- 
ful valor of youthful liberty and endanger- 
ed existence, they drove the fierce invaders 
from their cities." 

The Britons being thus left by the Ro- 
mans, and their independence acknowledged 
contrary to their wishes, they remained for 
many years under their old organization of 
municipal government of city and state^ 



b Gildas, §20. 

7 Bede, B. i, ch. 14. From chapter 12 it appears 
that the people repaired the northern, Antoninus', 
wall, at public and private expense." 

S History of the Saxons, B. ii, ch. vii, p. 126. 

9 There was no throwing; off of a yoke, for that 
had been taken oft by Honorius, without their con- 
sent. They were left at liberty to do what they 
pleased or could. 

10 All imperial mag-istrates had been withdrawn 
with the Roman army; and the Britons were lett 
with their own domestic and municipal magistrates, 
under their old organization. 



DIOCLETIAN TO THE END OF HIS RULE. 



Chap. 11.] 

without any federal organization or nation- 
al head. In the rebellion under Maximus 
and Constantine the people had nothing to 
do with it, except to rejoice over it. It was 
a movement of the Roman soldiery, in the 
Roman name and organization. But now, 
if the people are to assume a national or- 
ganization instead of the Roman, they de- 
termined, when it became apparent that it 
was necessary, that it should be a return to 
their old Cymric Confederation ; — a federal 
government which would retain their state 
and city governments just as they were, 
with a national union and federal head — a 
pendragon, as in the time of Caswallon 
and Caractacus. None were willing to 
surrender their state or city organization 
and government for a consolidated and cen- 
tral government. Each loved his respec- 
tive local government, and insisted upon it 
as a means of preserving their individual 
liberty against an arbitrary and powerful 
consolidated government. They feared 
that in a consolidated government the lib- 
erties, rights and interest of the minor and 
feeble -would be sacrificed to subserve the 
interest of the great and powerful. They 
therefore insisted that their city and state 
governments should be preserved, under 
an union, with a pendragon at its head, to 
transact national and general affairs. Up- 
on this question there were probably two 
parties; though all were for preserving the 
old municipal governments, yet they were 
divided as to the form of its organization. 
One party was for adopting the Roman 
form of government over the provinces; 
the other for the old Celtic form, a union, 
with a pendragon and a general assembly. 
The question was not settled for a number 
of years, partly on account of a hope that 
the Roman army would return and that 
they would be again taken in as citizens 
into the Roman empire,' i and partly on ac- 



II Turner says (B. ii, ch. viii, p. 12S): ''When Zos- 
imus mentioned Britain, for the last tune, in fiis his- 
tory, he leaves the natives in a state of independence 
of Rome, so generally armed as to have achieved the 
exploits of Roman soldiers, and to have driven the 
invaders from their cities. This appears to be authen- 
tic history. We may assume the gfovernino- powers 
of the island, at that period, to have been the civi- 
tates or the territorial districts, because the emperor 
would of course have written to the predominant 
authority." See, also, his note a, which is also in 



155 



count of a division of opinion on the sub- 
ject of the form of organization. The sub- 
ject was kept open by disputations on it, 
as well as by the religious matters then 
pending; and the great meetings of the 
people held by bishop Germanus on the 
question of the Pelagian heresy, The peo- 
ple were intelligent, and took great interest 
in these polemic discussions. 

At length the question as to the political 
organization was settled ; this was urged 
by the repeated attacks of their northern 
enemies, and of the pirates of the sea. This 
w-as settled by the election of Gwrtheyrn,i2 
known in English history as Vortigern;i3 
as their federal chief or pendragon. He 
was a prince of a tributary or stipendiary 
kingdom in the south of Cambria or Brit- 
annia Secunda, in the midst of the ancient 
Silures, and included what is now the 
counties of Monmouth and Glamorgan. 
He was then a man in the prime of life, 
having a son grown to a man-estate, — 
Guortemir (Vortimer), who became dis- 
tinguished in the approaching war. Vor- 
tigern was a man of prepossessing and 
popular address, artful and wiley, and ex- 
perienced in political affairs; but destitute 
of sound principles and judgment. His 
personal appearance and arts rendered him 
successful against his competitor.s in the 
election to the office he now held ; of whom 
Ambrosius'* was one; who was a son of 
the king of the Damnonii, whose country 
was around Exeter. He was from among 
those people in the south part of Britain,'* 



support of nur view. 

Mr. Turner in this note, as well as in a number of 
other places, contends that the emperor's vicarius, as 
governor of a province, would not command the 
military force, because Constantine the Great had 
ordered the civil and military departments to be kept 
separate. This is true, and it was so generally done 
in time of peace. But a vicarius, as governor of a 
province, acted as the superior, and had in his Iiands 
the whole power of the government, and controlled 
both the civil and military matters. But with the 
officers under him it was otherwise; for there the 
two departments would be kept distinct. 

12 Miss Jane Williams, in her History of Wales, 
(p. 96,) says: "Vortigern, a Cymric king, whose her- 
editary do'minions lay along "the vale of the river 
Wye, was elected Gwledig'or Pendragon about the 
year 44S." And cites her numerous authoritcs. She 
is very accurate and investigating; and her history 
is an interesting portion of British history. 

13 Nennius, §31, and note * by Giles. 

14 Bede, B. i, ch. 16, and note * by Giles. 

15 Richard of Cirencester, B. 1, ch. 6, §iS. 



156 THE ROMAN PERIOD 

Avho were most fa\or<ible to the Roman 
rule, and was himself half Roman bv 
descent. They were the people so anxious 
for the return of the Romans, that thev 
sent the petition to ^tius, begging his 
protection, and saying: "The barbarians 
drive us to the sea; the sea drive us back 
to the barbarians : between them we are 
exposed to two sorts of death,— we are 
either slain or drowned." Vortigern op- 
posed the views of the Roman party, and 
headed the native party, and for a while 
was successful. For a while this division 
•of parties produced the most virulent and 
acrimonious feeling, wliich in a great 
measure is the foundation of Gildas' quer- 
ulous history of the animosities of the 
Briton s.lo 

We have no positi\e history to fix the 
time when Vortigern was elected to the 
pendragonate, but it is probable that it was 
in 447 or S, after bishop Germanus had 
left the second time. It was then apparent 
that they were to recei\e no aid from the 
Romans; and the continued and increas- 
ing difficulties around them dro\'e the 
Britons at length to the measure of form- 
ing a confederacy and electing a general 
head. The spirit of their ancient laws and 



the principles of their triads continued 
^yith them, and had never left the British 
soil. They therefore chose their ancient 
constitution in preference to the abitrary 
one of the Romans. The form of govern- 
ment that has always prevailed amono- 
the Cymry, both in Gaul and Britain, has 
been a chief executive head officer, con- 
trolled b;' a general assembly, Avho pos- 
sessed the only legislative power. Ca'sar 
when in Gaul, in time of extreme difficul- 
ty, several times called a general assembly 
of the states in certain districts. We know 
of no other country, except in Gaul and 
Britain, where it was common to hold such 
general assemblies. In more recent times 
they have generally receixed the French 
name of parliament. This matter being 
thus settled, and Vortigern having been 
elected their chief federal officer, he was 
called in the discharge of his duties from 



i6 B. i, §23. 



[Book II. 
Cambria to London. Me there found the 
whole countrj' beset with difficulties. 
Their old enemies were again threatening 
them on either hand, and the country 
greatly reduced in its resources and wealth. 
P^or years the Romans had been taking 
from it its active young men for their ar- 
mies abroad, and its Avealth for tribute and 
taxes. The country had recently suffered 
by famine and pestilence. And then it had 
suffered from the frequent attacks and ex- 
cursions of their enemies in various parts 
of the island, where their property Avas 
taken or destroyed by tlieir plundering 
foes. They were now threatened with a 
more se\ere invasion than ever, when it 
appeared that Scots, Picts and the Saxons 
were acting in concert. During all the 
time the Romans had possession they kept 
the people entirely unacquainted with mil- 
itary affairs; and it is doubtful whether, 
when the Roman arm}- left, there were any 
arms and accoutrements left to arm the 
people against their foes. Although these 
difficulties were great and apparently over- 
whelming, still we- are not aware that any 
part of the country or states were treach- 
erous or disloji'al. There may have been 
divisions as to who should be elected, and 
as to tlie form of government to be adopt- 
ed ; but now when those questions had 
been settled, all Avere more or less enthusi- 
astic in a loyal defense of the country. We 
have no reason to suspect otherwise, ex- 
cept that the Coritanians, of foreign origin, 
were sometimes charged of not being as 
loyal as they should be ; and the Loegrians, 
w ho occupied the whole east part of the 
island, were not looked upon to be reliable 
and determined in their loyalty and defense 
as those of the west — the old Cymry. 

It is sometimes charged that the Britons 
were very contentious with each other, and 
given to civil war, and therefore their mis- 
fortunes were not deserving of public sym- 
pathy, and as a reason for their misfortune 
being a just I'etribution. But it is believed 
that the charge is not just or true. It is 
believed the Cymry were as peaceable as 
any brave and decided people, and as the 
usual character of human nature would 



DIOCLETIAN TO THE END OF HIS RULE. 



Chap. II.] 

permit them to be:'" certainly as much so 
as their neighboring people in the Saxon 
Heptarchy, ulio, nearly for four hundred 
years after their posseshion of the country, 
\yere in perpetual wnv with each other; 
and \vhose wars, as Hume says, "were as 
interesting as the battle of the kites and 
hawks." Perhaps the Britons were not 
more so than the Grecian States. 

The character and conduct of the Britons, 
at the close of this period, is grossly mis- 
represented. This is principal 1\- attributa- 
ble to the querulous and fault-finding dis- 
position of Gildas, almost the only historian 
remaining near the time. He was a bigoted 
and superstitious religionist of those ill- 
informed times. When things went right 
the}- were attributed to miracles and di- 
vine interference; when wrong, they were 
the scourge of heaven for the sins of the 
people. Every person and event that had 
passed, so that they were subject to be 
criticised as passed events, were scurrilous- 
ly abused, and depicted in its most odious 
colors; when perhaps those events were, 
at the time, strange and unforeseen by hu- 
man wisdom; and would have recei\'ed his 
own approbation, but when passed he could 
•criticise and censure with impunity. He 
Avas probably a monastic preacher, and as 
an eloquent preacher or poet, he dealt in 
generalities and extravagant denunciations, 
to produce a general and xivid impression 
without any definite fact, date or circum- 
stances. That his history has produced a 
false impression of the period, there can be 
no doubt, though a kernel of fact or truth 
may be deduced from it. Whatever did 
not meet his approbation he censured in 
extravagant colors and in general epithets, 
with the hopes of producing a reform and 
a crusade against their enemies. For such 
a sermon it may be eloquent and eftective, 
but, as a history, of little \alue; and in the 
general not to be depended upon. His 
miracles and denunciation of men and 
their times are equally imreliable. 

Vortigern was, witb.out doubt, an active. 



157 



17 So Tacitus represents them to be, where they 
had no reason to complain of tyranny or injustice. 
Agricola, §xii, XV, x\i; the Annals, B. xiy, ch. 38 
ami 39. 



plausible and winning politician, but un- 
principled and unbalanced, with a feeble 
iudgment; but no Avorse so than man}' of 
the officials of his day. But his lot was 
unfortunately cast, in the midst of great 
pending and doubtful difficulties, which 
were about to produce an unexpected crisis 
in the affairs of his country. When the 
matter wa- first canvassed there was much 
division of honest opinion about it; when 
passed and all its consequences well known, 
then the poorest judgment, when the 
event is seen to be unfortunate, can easily 
be denounced as unwise, and that they 
could have done better. Such was Gildas' 
position: he, in a few years after the crisis 
had passed, and could then see all its con- 
sequences, pronounced the measure as un- 
wise and wicked, and denounced the men 
engaged in it as silly and imbecile,— all the 
opprobrious and scurrilous abuse heaped 
upon them, and all calumny and scandal 
believed of them and repeated,— true or 
false. How much of the abuse repeated 
against Vortigern were founded in truth 
and fact is hard to tell, but much of it is 
connected with monkish legends and mira- 
cles, which may well throw doubts over 
much of it and justify a disbelief 

But be that as it may, Vortigern had 
come from his hereditary dominions to 
London to see after the national affairs. 
He saw the difficulties of his situation. He 
found all the enemies of his country were 
upon him at once,— the Scots harrassing 
the people and plundering upon the west- 
ern coast of the island, and the Picts doing 
the same upon the east; while the Saxon 
pirates were robbing along the sea coast. 
In connection \yith Rome, the country had 
been drained of men and money ; and their 
enemies were then laying many parts of the 
island in waste and desolation, which had 
brought upon them famine and pestilence. 
The question, \yhat was to be done or could 
be done in that crisis, was enough to dis- 
tract human intellect and human capacity. 
Vortigern called a general assembly of the 
cities and states, as Avas the custom among 
the Cymry. He stated to them the diffi- 
culties of the country, and the untoward 
events then threatening them. That Par- 



ISS 



THE ROMAN PERIOD 



liament debated the question, as Britons 
would have done in modern times. But 
the result of the debate and their action 
vipon it, will carr}' us over a crisis in the 
history of the country and people ; and 
bring us into another period, to which we 
must postpone the subject. 

CHAPTER III. 

THE CONDITION AND CHARACTER OF THE 
PEOPLE DURING THE ROMAN PERIOD TO 
THE ACCESSION OF DIOCLETIAN. 

There is every reason to believe that at 
the commencement of this period the 
Britons were in a very prosperous and hap- 
py condition. About one hundred years 
previous Ctesar had attacked them with a 
view of a conquest, as he had done in 
Gaul, and continued his efforts during two 
campaigns, with great resources but with 
such utter failure of success that it was but 
scarcely believed that it would be ever at- 
tempted again. We have seen what evi- 
dence there was of the progress the people 
had made, and were making, in everything 
that constitute the prosperity and civiliza- 
tion of- a country. If it had not been for 
the conquest of Gaul by Caesar, we have 
the strongest evidence that the country 
was in a rapid course of development of a 
new and better civilization than that which 
originated in Greece, whose foundation 
was borrowed from Egypt and Phoenicia, 
and adopted by Rome. We have every 
evidence of this in the progress that the 
Venetians were making, in the organiza- 
tion of their government, in the commerce 
they conducted, in the vast amount of 
shipping they brought together in opposi- 
tion to Caisar, and the necessary arts which 
produced all this; which gives to every 
candid mind an assurance of the truth of 
what is here asserted; but which was 
cruelly and heartlessly crushed and stamp- 
ed out by Caesar. At that time there was 
an intimate connection between the Britons 
and the Venetians; and everything which 
constituted progress and improvement were 
in common between them. They were of 
the same family of people; and for that 
great naval battle Britain had furnished 



[Book II. 

shipping and aid, as alleged by Caesar as a 
matter of complaint against them. But 
Caesar's operations against the Britons was 
a failure, and they were permitted to pro- 
ceed in their course of improvement; and 
this they did by taking to themselves the 
former commercial traffic carried on by 
the Venetians between Britain and the 
continent, in tin, iron, grain and other 
products of the island. This is proved by 
the assertions of the Roman historians in 
their allegations as to the amount of duties 
the Roman government were able to col- 
lect on the coast of Gaul on this British 
traffic. That traffic, while principally con- 
trolled by the Venetians, was between that 
part of the island where Portsmouth now 
is and the mouth of the Loire; but after 
the fall of Venetia, that commerce was 
divided between the valley of the Loire 
and the Seine. The British historians in 
confirmation of this say that commerce in- 
creased rapidly, and the amount of British 
shipping so great as that when the emper- 
or Caligula attempted to invade Britain he 
Vvas principally deterred from doing so by 
the show of naval force against him under 
Guiderius, the then sovereign of Britain; 
as we are also informed by Dion Cassius, 
by the speech he puts into the mouth of 
Boadicea, that in the latter days of Augus- 
tus the British fleet guarded the coast and 
swept the channel, then under Lear, (Llyr,) 
as admiral and the brother of Cymbeline, 
the Sovereign. There is no more doubt 
that the exhibition made by the British 
fleet in those days preserved Britain from 
an invasion, than there is that the same 
was accomplished about eighteen hundred 
years afterwards in the time of Bonaparte. 
As to the character of the Britons, and 
the progress they had made in civilization, 
reference must be, had to what has been 
said in a former chapter. But it is proper 
here to consider the question more fully 
whether the Britons, at the commencement 
of the conquest, were all one and the same 
people and race or diverse. The assertion 
of CiEsar, made under a mistake, that the 
people in the south and east near the sea 
were emigrants from Belgium, and there- 
fore a different race of people from those 



Chap, in.] 

more in Ihe interior, should be considered 
whether literally true or made under a 
misapprehension. This assertion of Cresar 
has been accepted as true, without a ques- 
tion b\' ihe English writers: and without 
even considering whether there might not 
be a mistake about it. The British writers 
ha\e e\ er contended that they were all of 
the same race and people, only that those 
who were called Loegrians, inhabiting the 
southeast part of Britain, came over from 
Cymric Gaul after the C\mr\ had settled 
in Britain. But they were all Cymry; 
from the original stock who emigrated 
from Asia Minor to Gaul, and who consid- 
ered themselves of the same family and 
using the same language. They were 
merely a later immigration of the same 
people, and received as friends. It was 
like the people of New England, who set- 
tled there in the seventeenth century, re- 
cei\ing new immigration from the British 
islands in the nineteenth century as their 
own people and triends. The difterence 
then made bet\veen the Loegrians of the 
east and the Cymry of the west was a mere 
conventional distinction, which meant no 
more than when we now speak of the peo- 
ple of the United States we should say the 
New Englanders of the east and the Vir- 
ginians of the southwest. Thej' were es- 
sentially the same people in origin and 
language. Neither C;esar, nor Tacitus, or 
ciu\ Roman author points out an\- distinc- 
tion which conHicts with this. Caractacus 
fought the Romans in the neighborhood of 
London, as well as among the Silures west 
of the Se\ern ;• just as Washington fough.t 
for one and the same people in New Eng- 
land and in Virginia. In the latter instance 
the light was successful, but in the former 
it was not. But it would have been equally 
unsuccessful in botli instances, had it not 
been tiiat, in the course of the progress of 
humanit\' and justice, the French were in- 
duced to save the oppressed; but as to 
Caractacus, ihei'e were no ally or friend of 
humanity or justice capable to save him 
and his people from the overwhelming 

I Caractacus appealed to the Silures, in his speech 
before the battle of Caradoc, as descendants of the 
fathers and peoples who fought Cxsar on the 
-^-hames. 



THE CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE. 



1 59 



power of the Roman empire. The only 
meaning that can be put upon Csesar's as- 
sertion2 that the people of Southern Brit- 
ain were from Belgium, is that they were 
later emigrants from the opposite coast of 
Gaul, than those who first settled Britain. 
This did not conflict with their being all 
the same in langtiage and race. "All cir- 
cumstances considered," says Tacitus,^ "it 
is rather probable that a colony from Gaul 
took possession of a country so inviting bv 
its proximity. You will find in both na- 
tions the same religious riles, and the same 
superstition. The two languages difter 
but little." 

Previous to the time of Caesar the best 
improved part of Britain was that in the 
neighborhood of what is now Portsmouth 
and the valley of the Avon, which Cresar 
did not see and apparently did not know- 
any thing about. Avebury and Stonehenge, 
the mounds and barrows, and the great 
body of the British antiquities, are there; 
and it was there that Vespasian and Titus 
had their thirty-two great battles in order 
to reduce the people to subjection. It was 
there, also, where the ancient commerce 
and the tin traffic were the most active; 
all indicating that was the most important 
part of the country, and the most advanced 
in improvement and civilization. 

We have already indicated the progress 
that the Ancient Britons had made in im- 
provements and civilization at the com- 
mencement of the Claudian invasion. The 
object of the Romans was not to conquer 
a people who were mere savages, but a 
people who were able to pay tribute, who 
were rich in tin and metals, in grain and 
cattle, who were able to support the army 
they should send there, and pay the taxes 
they should impose upon them. If it had 
been a savage country, it would have been 
secure from this invasion ; but as it was, as 
Csesar represented a hundred years before, 
a country full of people and houses, with 
fields of grain and herds of cattle, it was 
to be conquered for the tribute it was able 

2 C.-Esar's War in Gaul, B. v, §10. 

3 Life of Aericola, §xi. It is observed in modern 
times that the languao-es of Brittanv, Cornwall and 
Wales differ but little, and must' originally have 
been the same. 



i6o 



THE ROMAN PERIOD. 



[Book II. 



to pay. But their civilization does not de- 
pend upon what may be thus fairly deduced 
from what has been said by Caesar. But 
we have the positive declaration of Tacitus 
and other Roman historians; thus Tacitus 
represents Prasutagus, the king of Icenians, 
had amassed considerable wealth, and that 
it was an object of cupidity and plunder on 
the part of the Romans. His wife and 
daughters were also represented, in queen- 
ly attire, riding in a chariot, addressing her 
people in appropriate terms as to the 
wrongs and injuries she had received, and 
in a manner that has received the SAmipa- 
thy and the admiration of the civilized 
world.* Equally indicating a high degree 
of civilization is his description of Cartis- 
mandua, queen of the Brigantes: "a wo- 
man of high descent, and flourishing in all 
the splendor of wealth and power." The 
Brigantes were the most northern part of 
Southern Britain, just south of the wall of 
Severus. From all that is known of 
Britain of that date, and all that can be de- 
duced from history, we can find but little 
or no difterence in the people from the wall 
of Severus to the isle of Wight, and from 
the British channel to the Irish .Sea. They 
were all essentially the same people in race 
and language, in laws and customs, in 
manners and dress. In all free people there 
is no great deal of difference in the cloth- 
ing of one class and another. The two 
queens described would not be likely to be 
so dressed in the midst of a naked and 
painted people.^ The contest in which the 



4 We may suppose Uie chess of the Britons to be 
like those of the Guuls. "Boadicea's royal costume, 
when .she addressed the Britons, was ionjj;' yellow 
hair, with a iarg-e golden torijiies; and a Kiton or 
tunic swellinsr round her bosom in various colors, 
with a thick cloak thrown over it. Britons had j^old 
ring's on their middle fingei.'' 

5 "The first strikinsJ^ result of an examination is a 
suspicion, and indeed a proof, that the Britons wen; 
much farther advanced in civilization than the savage 
tribes to which it has been the fashion to compare 
them." I Pictorial History of England, B. i, ch. \, 
p. 31. Mr. Vaughan, Revo. History, p. 25, B. i, ch. 
2. says: "The Britain which did ultimately submit to 
the authority of Rome was certainly a couijtry of 
considerable industry and wealth. If the Britons 
of Cjesar's time were wont to delight in human 
sacrifices, to paint or stain their bodies in liar- 
barous fashion, and to have theirin a family in 
common, nothing of this would seem to apply to 
Ihe Britons described by Tacitus and Dion Cas- 
sius. This is a fact of importance in relation to 
our early history, and should he marked by the 
student." 



Britons were able to hold out against the 
power and arts of the Romans, and the 
manner in which it has been held up by 
ancient historians to the admiration of the 
world, is not only evidence of a high de- 
gree of culture, but disproves the contrary, 
and would throw a disgrace over the Ro- 
man name, in being compelled to maintain 
so long a contest with a sa\-age or barbar- 
ous people. "Their wav chariots, [four 
thousand in one select bod}-,] which sever- 
al times produced tremendous effect on the 
Romans, and the use of which seems at 
that tirne to have been peculiar to the 
Britons, would of themselves prove a high 
degree of mechanical skill, and the ac- 
qvtaintance with several arts." Some of 
those chariots as represented to us were 
very ctiriously and ingeniously wrought; 
and it would be contrary to nature, and all 
example and experience, that such skill 
and ingenuity should be exhausted upon 
their instruments of war, and not upon 
their houses and domestic utensils." All 
people as they progress apply their pro- 
ficiency in the arts, towards all objects to 
which they are applicable either civil oi- 
military; never to one to tlie exclusion of 
the other; but always as much to the com- 
fort and happiness of man as to any other 
object. 

We have evidence of the degree of civ- 
ilization attained by the Britons at this 
time, before the Roman influence and con- 
quest had attected them, in the minor mat- 
ters of domestic attairs, and in their per- 
sonal appearance, manners and customs. 
The description already given by classic 
authors of the queens and families of the 
Icenians and Brigantes should be recei\ed 
as part of it. So also should be the digni- 
fied appearance of Caractacus before the 
emperor and Roman people. But espec- 
ially the speeches put into the mouths of 
Caractacus, Boadicea, and Galgacus, by 
the classic authors, cannot be otherv.ise re- 
ceived than as evidence of their opinion 
of their culti\alion and refinement. The 
British authors claim that dm-ing the in- 
terval of time between Caesar and Claudius 
many of the distinguished persons, both 
male and female, visited Rome, and many 



Chap, III.] 

were educated there. The classics contain 
evidence of this ;'5 and both Juvenal and 
Martial contain poetical allusions to this 
effect, and ^pecially name Pomponia 
Gr;ecina, the wife of the proconsul and 
first governor of Britain, and ClaudiaJ the 
wife of Pudens the senator. It -w'ould have 
been impossible that these ladies would 
have been thus received into Roman so- 
ciety, had they been the woman of an un- 
cultivated and uncivilized people. "The 
British lawyers," says Turner,^ "as well as 
the British ladies, have obtained the pane- 
gyrics of the Roman classics." But ar- 
ticles tbund among the anticjuities of 
Britain lurnishes more evidence of the ad- 
vancement of the Britons in civilization 
and domestic refinement, than any express 
declaration of the classic. Among these 
are tbund cups of precious materials and 
highly wrought; showing great advance- 
ments in the arts, and that they were ac- 
quainted with the turning lathe.'-* These 
are proof of the existence of the usual do- 
mestic utensils as a necessaiy concomitant 
or a prior necessity. On some of the coins 
of Cunobeline are represented the interior 
of a habitation furnished, i" with seats re- 
sembling a modern chair, stools and other 
like domestic articles; with the arms of 
the tamily arranged along the walls, like 
the arrangement of similar articles in the 
country house of a modern English gentle- 
man. n And if in C;esar's time the people 



THE CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE. 



i6i 



6 I Pictorial Ensj. Hist., 67; Tacitus' Annals, xvi, 
%Z2; Martial E«s.,'.\i, 53. 

7 These two ladies were known to British authors, 
the first as— and the second as Gwladys. 

S I Turner's Anglo-Saxon, 73: sec, also, Vaugh- 
an's Hist. Revoluion, 65, &c; see, also, i Giles' Anc. 
Britons, 58, ifcc, as to the intimate acquaintance the 
Roman classics had with Britain before the con- 
quest. 

9 See John Evans F. R. S. learned work on Brit- 
ish antiquities in his Ancient Stone Implements of 
Great Britain, p. 400, &c., in which he shows by an- 
tiquities taken from the mounds that the Ancient 
Britons were acquainted with the lathe, and applied 
its use to many objects. 

ID I Pict. Hist, of England, iiS, who cites Pegge 
on the coins of Cunobeline. 

II See Giles' Ancient Britons, Vol. i, p. 70, where 
he says: "If we may trust to the evidence furnished 
by numismatic science, the name of Cunobeline 
seems not unworthy to be inserted among those of 
the greatest men that our coimtry has ]iroduced. No 
less than forty different varieties of coins has been 
discovered, hearing the name of Cunobeline, or 
Camalodunum, his capital and residence. It is evi- 
dent from the inspection of these authentic monu- 



were numerous, and the country full of 
houses, and the people possessed large 
herds of cattle, numerous horses and char- 
iots, in the iiatural course of things, they 
would have made great progress in the 
century that transpired from time to that 
of Claudius. 

But it is not alone upon such articles 
that this question depends. The condition 
of the country and people is further proved 
by the towns, roads, density of population, 
their houses, their chariots, their fields of 
grain and extensive herds. All these are 
not only evidence of a civilization, but they 
necessarily produce it. They are all con- 
coniitants and are the necessary production 
of one another. Where there are towns 
there inust be roads from one to another. 
Where there are roads there must be towns. 
Where there is a dense populatiori there 
must be a cultivation of the earth, or the 
people will starve. Where the people are 
savages, or nomadic, the population are 
necessarily sparse, in order to furnish food 
for their game, or cattle. We know froin 
the Roman writers of the time of Claudi- 
us, the towns in Britain were numerous. 
We are told that Vespasian in liis inarch 
from the isle of Wight to the Severn had 
thirty-two battles and took twenty towns. 
Claudius was present with Plautius when 
the town of Camalodunum, the capital o|f 
the Trinobantes, was taken. London was 
then a large town. Ctesar's description of 
the capital of Cassivellaunus may not an- 
swer as a very fair description of other 
towns, foi' they depend upon population, 
situation and business. It inay have been 
merely his oppidum or fortified capital, but 
if it resembled other towns, then the Brit- 
ish towns between that time and that of 
Claudius greatly improved. 



ments that they were framed upon tlie Roman 
model; and this fact confirms the sui)position that 
Britain made great progress in the arts of social 
life during the late period before the conquest. As 
yet, also, a good understanding generallv prevailed 
between the chiefs of the island and the Roman au- 
thorities; for there are facts as evidence of very 
friendly and kind acts passing between them in the 
reign of Tiberius. On those coins are inscribed the 
words or letters, in the abbreviated form, of CuNO, 
BOADI, and Camoj., which occurs on some of them, 
most probably designaets the words Cunobeline, 
Boadicea, and Camalodunum, but the words Tascia 
and Tascio still puzzle all the ingenuity of archeol- 
ogists." See Cough's Camden, Vol. i, p. cxiii. 



1 62 



Although we do not find the roads of 
the Ancient Britons described, yet we 
know they must have liad them, for (hey 
were necessary to communicate from town 
to town, also for the passing and operation 
of their immense number of cliariots. 
Tacitus says that the Britons complained 
of the Roman tax collectors, that they 
"compelled them to make tedious journeys 
through difficult cross country roads, in- 
stead of payment at the mobt convenient 
magazine.' If there were cross country 
roads, there must have been general thor- 
oughfares. And so the circumstances and 
the examination of tlie antiquities of Brit- 
ain fully prove. Tiiis examination proves 
that such roads existed from town to toAvn 
and throughout the island, before the Ro- 
man roads were made. The Roman roads 
were generally made on them, except 
where straightened ; and formed with more 
experience and art. These ancient British 
roads were used by the Romans in the 
conquest of the country ; and if they had 
not existed, it might have been very diffi- 
cult for them to traverse the country. 

As to the mental character and capacitv 
of the people, we have abundant testimony 
of Tacitus, from the best possible source 
of information. He represents them as a 
people who had capacity and taste for learn- 
ing and for the arts and sciences; and 
manifested great facilitv in their acquisi- 
tion. He further testifies to their peaceable 
character: ''They perform all the services 
of the government with alacrity-, provided 
they ha\e no reason to complain of op- 
pression. When injured, their resentment 
is quick, sudden, and impatient; thev are 
conquered, not broken hearted ; reduced to 
obedience, not reduced to slavery." The 
classic historians delineate to us in the 
most exalted terms the capacities and abili- 
ties of their leading men, and the courage, 
perseverance and patriotism of the people. 
The}- appear to delight in the conduct and 
character of such men as Cassivellaunus, 
Caractacus, Arviragus, Venusius and Gal- 
gacus; and the skill and ability with which 
they conducted their forces, and defended 
the country ; and their dignified conduct in 
adversity fully justified their kind partiali- 



THE ROMAN PERIOD, 
tv. 



[B ook n. 



Some historians, in modern times, seem 
delighted in representing the Ancient 
Britons to have been so divided up by 
tribes and states, and so hostile and at war 
with one another that they were a people 
incapable of any large movement or a con- 
federated or united operation. This needs 
investigation, for it appears to us unjust. 
It is very true that it is said that in all 
Britain there are enumerated forty-five dif- 
ferent tribes or states ; and south of the 
wall of Severus there were eighteen. But 
for the purpose of this examination, the 
inquiry may be confined to the territory 
south of that wall, and that includes all 
that was permanently within the Roman 
government. Although eighteen states 
and tribes are enumerated, yet there were 
not so many states; some states included 
two ot more of them. During the con- 
quest we hardly hear of any other than 
these ten : i. Brigantes, who occupied the 
north between the Humber and Severus' 
wall; 2. Coritani, south of the last and 
north of the Wash; 3. The Iceni, south of 
the Wash; 4. The Trinobantes, between 
the Iceni and the Thames. London and 
Camalodunvnn Avere within it; and it prob- 
ably included two or three other states or 
tribes, as the Cassii and Atrebatii, and Cat- 
igenchlani, and this last name may be in- 
tended to include the whole. It is proba- 
ble that Cassivellaunus, in Ciesar's time, 
claimed the whole of them as his individ- 
ual dominion, independent of his being 
elected the pendragon ; 5. The Cantii or 
Cantium, which included the southeast 
corner of the island south of the Thames ; 
which included the towns of Daruenum, 
(supposed to be Canterbury,) and Rutupiie, 
a seaport near Sandwich ; 6. The Belgie, 
west of Cantium, on the sea shore, and had 
Venta Belgarum (supposed to be Winches- 
ter) and Ischalis (supposed to be Ilchester) 
as their towns; 7. Dumnonii (probably 
Duvn or Devon) included all west from 
the sea to the Bristol channel, including 
Cornwall; S. The Silures, which included 
South Wales or Ca:".^'Ma from the sea to 
the Severn, and its prii.v.ip.-^" *^own was 
Carleon on the Usk; 9. The Ordovices, in- 



Chap, HI.] 

eluding all North Wales, or Cambria; and 
lo. Cornavii, who were east of the last, and 
are said to include Cheshire, Shropshire, 
Stafford, Worcester, and Warwick coun- 
ties. Their towns were Denna, now Ches- 
ter, and Uirowiiiinn, supposed to be 
Wroxeter, near Shrewsbury. These ten 
will include all the prominent states and 
those particularh- noticed in the war of the 
conquest; though there may be as many 
more swallowed up within them as small 
states, and perhaps jiermanently united. 
But taking- them singly as the eighteen or 
twenty, the smallest of them were greatly 
larger than the ordinary sized states in 
Greece. The state of the Brigantes was 
nearly as large as all Greece — larger than 
the Morea, which contained se\en Grecian 
states; larger than some of the United 
States, larger than two of them at least; 
larger than all Switzerland with her many 
cantons; and larger than man}' of the 
states in Germany, before the late union 
into the empire. Instead of these divisions 
of Britain into small states being evidence 
of the people's want of political sagacity 
and patriotism, it is right the contrary, — 
evidence of their several sagacity and wis- 
dom. Why is it not in them as it was in 
Greece, in the United States, in Switzer- 
land, or in the small states in Germany. 
These last utterly refused to unite until 
they were compelled to unite, either by- 
conquest or by the moral force of the war 
with France. The union in Germany was 
greatly opposed, as it is always everywhere 
else, upon the ground of the probability 
and fears, tliat — in such union, with all its 
advantages — the leading state will take ad- 
vantage of its position and tyrannize over 
and oppress the other staters. For these 
reasons some of the ablest statesmen of 
the United States for a long time opposed 
the Union, contending with great ability 
and patriotism that there should be further 
restrictions upon the general governnient, 
in order to secure the rights and privileges 
of the smaller states. Although the Fed- 
eral constitution of the Union declares in 
the most explicit terms what powers only 
the United States government might ex- 
ercise, yet it was insisted upon, by the pru- 



TIIE CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE. 



163 



dent and cautious men, that there should 
be an explicit declaration in the constitu- 
tion, that, "The powers not delegated to 
the United States by the constitution, nor 
prohibited by it to the states, are reserved 
to the states respectively, or to the people." 
This well shows with what jealous patriot- 
ism wise and informed men have guarded 
the rights of their local divisions. They 
fear that the great advantage obtained by 
the union to the whole is more than lost to 
the individual state, unless well guarded 
against the encroachments of a powerful 
concentrated government. But by a prop- 
er arrangement the advantage of forms of 
government might be had for the san-ie 
country, by a cont'ederated government to 
transact its foreign relations and to regu- 
late and control its intercourse between 
and among its several members ; as we see 
actually realized by the United States and 
Switzerland. To this point were the Brit- 
ons fast coming, when they were interfered 
with by the Roman conquest. They had 
been accustomed to hold conventions of 
the several states for the purpose of elect- 
ing a general chief, whom they called the 
Pendragon or Wledeg. The first that 
classic history gi\'es us any definite account 
of was Casw-allon,i2 (Cassivellaunus,) who 
reigned seven years after the departure of 
Cccsar. His infl'uence and command was 
great, as represented by Ciesar; his com- 
mand to the three kings (brenhins or 
chiefs) of Cantium, to attack with their 
forces the Ronian camp on the sea shore, 
in the rear and absence of Caesar, was read- 
ily obeyed. At the coming of Claudius' 
invasion under Plautius, we are informed 
that Gwyddyr (Guiderus) was pendragon, 
and was slain in battle at that time. Then 
Caradog (Caractacus) was elected to the 
pendragon ate. His command, as we have 
seen, extended over the whole of Sotith 
Britain. After his fall Arviragus was ac- 
knowledged the pendragon to the end of 
the war. Thus we see that the Britons 
were capable of undertaking and forcing 
the most extensive combinations. The 
triads show that the Britons well under- 



li But the ancient British history precedes this 
many centuries. 



THE ROMAN PERIOD. 



164 

stood the proper division of the govern- 
ment into its three departments, — the leg- 
islative, executive, and judicial. The 
general assembly was the legislative power, 
and none else had a right to make a law. 
The king was the head of the government 
and chief executive officer. The Druids 
were the judges, to decide cases in accord- 
ance with existing law, — they pronounced 
what the law was, and had no right to 
make it. With these acknowledged prac- 
tices and principles, the Britons were well 
qualified to form the best federated govern- 
ment, for the conduct of their general af- 
fairs; and preserving their several local 
governments for the administration of their 
domestic aftairs and local interest; thus 
preserving individual rights and privileges 
from being overridden and crushed by the 
power of a central government, as in the 
United States and Svi'itzerland. This we 
have every reason to believe would have 
succeeded and taken place, had it not been 
crushed by the Roman conquest. That 
Britain at that time was divided up into a 
number of small states, is no more to be 
alleged against its people than against the 
Heptarchy, Greece or German}'. 

Such was the country, its people, and its 
hopes, that the Romans were able, after a 
war of forty-two years, to put down and 
conquer, and utterly destroy its rising civ- 
ilization and progress; — converting it into 
a new field out of which to gather more 
tribute, and in which to rob and oppress 
other people. It would seem that until 
very recent times it was generally thought 
by mankind that one people were express- 
ly made for the purpose of being robbed 
and oppressed by another. It was thought 
to be all right and fair, and the accomplish- 
ment of it to be the object of a laudable 
ambition. This was often most manfullj' 
and patriotically resisted ; but when all the 
knowledge and arts of civilization were 
perverted to the accomplishment of this 
object, — when education, discipline and 
drill were directed to this sole purpose, it 
would likely succeed. There were two 
systems upon which this was done: that of 
the conqueror, and that of the pirate ; but 
both were founded upon the same princi- 



[Book II, 

pie- -of taking wherever they could, with- 
out regard to the rights of others. The 
Romans when they did this, did it sys- 
tematically, with a view of taking what 
they could safely take then, and preserve 
the residue for the purpose of taking as 
much more the next year. But the Saxon 
pirate took what he could carry oft", and 
the rest he utterly destroyed. There was- 
therefore some choice between the persons 
by whom a people were robbed, though 
both were oppressive and equally imjust. 
The Romans accomplished their conquest 
and robbery with a great deal of skill and 
policy. They were prepared, with all the 
advantage that art and science could aftbrd, 
to carry their object by military power 
when necessary, and fight their way 
through, if needs be; but when policy and 
cajoling would answer their purpose, they 
adopted it, and liked it better. It was their 
constant practice to take advantage of an\' 
dissension in the country, to aid the rebel- 
ious and fugitive against the established 
government, and flatter and cajole those 
who yielded to their power. "Always ex- 
hibiting," says Tacitus, "a striking proof of 
that refined policy, with which it has ever 
been the practice of Rome to make even 
kings accomplices in the servitude of mati- 
kind." 

Until after the Roman conquest had been 
completed by Agricola, the condition of 
the people in Southern Britain, during that 
time, must have been terrible, both as to 
the safety of the person or property, and 
the administration of justice. Within the 
Roman lines the country was governed by 
such rules and regulations as the Romans 
were pleased to give them. At that time 
the Romans dad not entertain the idea of a 
separate judiciary from the executive gov- 
ernment, and in Britain the commanding 
general was viceroy and governor-in-chief, 
though long afterwards a better form of 
government was established. The Roman 
lines were confined south of the Humber 
and east of the Severn and the Avon, un- 
til Agricola's time, and outside of these 
the native government existed and was ad- 
ministered as formerly. In that the Druids 
were an important part in the administra- 



Chap. III.] 

tion of I'listice; and in matters of religion 
and morals. But within tlie Roman lines 
the powers and existence of the Druids 
had been exterminated ; for the reason that 
the Romans found them so determined pa- 
triots, and so opposed to the Roman con- 
quest, that the\' w-ere persecuted, slaugh- 
tered and exterminated within the Roman 
bounds. The people were heavily taxed, 
and oppressed with burthensonie assess- 
ments; often plundered and compelled to 
accept such dispensation of justice as they 
were pleased to give them. But the Brit- 
ish historians say that within the Roman 
lines in a few instances the Romans, in 
conformity with their usual practice and 
policy, treated with some of the princes of 
the minor states, leaving them to rule un- 
der their own laws and customs, upon con- 
dition that they paid their taxes and tribute. 
This is very probable, for the Roman au- 
thors frequently mentioned at least one of 
these, by the name of Cogidumnus, who is 
represented as being very faithful to his 
engagements with the Romans. '3 But with 
whatever there ^vas to alleviate the unfor- 
tunate Britons, the rule put upon them by 
the Romans was very grievous to be borne. 
They were subjected to all kind of exac- 
tions : — to recruit their ai'mv, to deliver 



THE CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE. 



165 



13 Turitu.s' Ag^ricohi, ch. xiv. See, iilso, i Giles' 
Ancient Britons, p- 90, ch. vii, and n. k, where there 
i> a long- extract troni Whittakcr's History of Man- 
chester, B. I, ch. 8, where the pohcy of the Romans 
in preservini>- the native sfoverninenr, for domestic 
purposes, is fully shown. The reader should ob- 
serve that in all Roman history of Britain we read of 
no war or rebellion, after Ag-ricola's time, west of 
Ijcmdon and soutli of the Thames and the Severn, 
and the native historians claim that the reason of it 
was that all that south part of Britain was in the 
hands of the native government, as stipondaries, 
subject to the Roman as the paramount ifovernment. 
They paid their taxes and tribute to the Romans; 
acknowledsjed their su])remacy and remained quiet. 

The evidence in Roman history that British princes 
and rulers were permitted to retain their position in 
civil and domestic affairs as tributaries or stipenda- 
rie.i, occurs so frequently that there can be no dnidit 
upon the suliject, as well as it beins|' claimed bv the 
Camlirian writers in relation to Lucius and others. 
There is another instance ifiven by Giles' llistorv of 
Ancient Britons (Vol. i, p. J02, A. D. i6i). When 
in the reia^n of Antoninus Pius, his lieutenant, J^ol- 
lius L'rbicus, recovered lirmly the northern province 
up to the north wall of Ajiricola, we also learn that 
the emperor cut ofl half ot the territory of the Bri- 
ii;antes, b^;cause they bad invaded another tribe, trib- 
utary to the Romans. "Now," says Giles, "as the 
Bri^-antes are universally supposed to occupy the 
territoi-y south of the wall jjreviouslv erected by 
1 ladrian. we are led lo suppose that, thouifh thus in- 
cluded in the Roman ])ruvince, they were still to 
ha\e their own rulers, and the vitfhtto s^-overn tliein- 
,selves, in subordination to the Roman supremacy." 



over to the tax gatherer their crops as a 
security for the payment of taxes and as- 
sessments, and bear the burthen of sup- 
porting the government. But with all this 
both Agricola and Tacitus represent the 
people as peaceable and (piiet, \\ lien they 
had no catise to complain of oppression 
and injustice; but impatient and intolerable 
whenever such causes existed. 

Agricola was go\ernor of Britain for 
eight years, and notwithstanding he 
brought the conquest to a close, he un- 
doubtedl)' effected much good in the Ro- 
man government, which for a time tended 
to put tlie people in a prosperous condi- 
tion, and to alleviate their oppressi\'e bur- 
thens. He left A. D. 85, and from that 
time until the arrival of Adrian in A. D. 
120, being thirty-five years, though there is 
a want of exact history, it seems the coun- 
try was generally quiet and prosperous, ex- 
cept repeated attacks on the north made by 
the Caledonians, which was the principal 
cause of Adrians visit. About twenty 
years later the same state of affairs brought 
Antoninus Pius to the island, and in A. D. 
208 Severus was called there sixty-eight 
years later. All these visits of the emper- 
ors were principally caused by the contin- 
ued invasions by the Caledonians; stil the 
country made great progress in improve- 
ments. 

From the time of Severus to that of 
Carausius, A. D. J90, about eighty years, 
matters in Britain remained very much in 
tlie same condition; and during the whole 
time from Agricola to Carausius, (about 
:!Ot years,) Southern Britain was in gener- 
al in a \ erv peaceable condition, entirely 
under Roman rule as its paramoimt gov- 
ernment. In that time the condition of 
Britain was very much what India is now 
to the British government. The Roman 
people never much emigrated to it. 1 1 was 
the station ibr a large portion of the Ro- 
man arm \', and the cotuitr_\- tVom whence 
to recruit it, and to collect taxes and Irib- 
tite. The Roman people did not colonize 
it as thev did Gaul. It was too far ofl' and 
out of their way; and they had i)assed the 
age when the Romans eolonized as agri- 
culturalists. The colonies which the Ro 



i66 



THE ROMAN PERIOD 



mans formed in Britain were merely army 
colonies and commercial places. They, 
Avho \\ ere such colonists, were mere hang- 
ers-cn to the army; and when that left, 
there were no Roman people left in the 
country. The residence of Romans in the 
country were only temporary residences, 
connected with the army and go\ernment, 
and \vith the commerce of the country. 
There were \ ery tew persons Roman born 
and educated e\ er finally settled in Britain. 
The people were essentially Britons of the 
Cymric race. Gaul was conquered more 
than a hundred years, before it was accom- 
plished in Britain. Long before Cttsar's 
time the Romans had .acquired a portion of 
Southern Gaul, a margin on the Mediter- 
ranean sea, which they in some measure 
colonized, and then pushed fiu'ther into 
Gaul, which had thus become considerably 
Romanized in people and language. But 
it was never so in Britain. The Roman 
people had passed the time w hen riu-al col- 
onization was desirable to them. In Brit- 
ain their colonial towns were few, and Lon- 
don was not one of them; it was onl}' a 
large commercial place, where Roman 
merchants and officials settled in common 
with Britons, and did business in the midst 
of the nati\-e jiopulation. 

In all Bi-itain there were only ten towns 
which at all assumed to he Roman towns, 
(two municipal and eight colonial,) and 
these were old British towns, unless it be 
Rhutupis, Rklihoroiioh^ where the Romans 
first landed under Plautius; and these were 
scattered far apart over thecountrv; audit 
does not appear that any of these were one 
of the twenty towns tiken by Wspasian in 
the south part of the inland in the neigh- 
borhood of Portsmouth. The great moss 
of the inhabitants of the towns were Brit- 
ons; in thecountrv the\ were e\rlusi\eK- 
so. The army were quartered in their 
camps and fortresses; and ofiicials orlv in 
the towns. 

This accounts w h_\ ijic Roman eontiuest 
did not Latinize Britain, as it did in CJaul, 
among the same family of people. In all 
cases where a conquest has taken place be- 
tween two ditVerent races of people, they 
become assimilated with the largest body 



[Book n. 

of people. In Gaul the Romans were suf- 
ficiently numerous to create an influence 
and make an impression; in Britain it was 
otherwise. And therefore, when the Ro- 
man army left, there was hardly a sensible 
impression left upon the language of the 
people. The improvements made in the 
country during the Roman period Avas 
principally the labor of the Britons^ and 
whatever was done was paid for by their 
industry. The roads and the wall of Se- 
x-ems were the joint work of the army and 
the people; but the towns and improve- 
ments of the country were the product of 
the labors of the people; and all at their 
expense. The Romans, undoubtedly, 
taxed and assessed upon the Britons not 
only all the expenses in Britain, but con- 
siderable to be returned to Rome. 

The Britons were an industrious people 
and good mechanics; accustomed to labor 
and industry, which was applied to the pro- 
duction ot articles not only for domestic 
use but for exportation. This is pro\edby 
the great traffic, shipping and commerce 
that had always existed between Britain 
and the continent ; and the former great 
shipping interest of the \'enetians, destroy- 
ed by C;esar, was the result of it. The 
people were apt and ready scholars, as tes- 
tified by Agricola and Tacitus, reach to 
engage in all or any of the learning and 
improvements suggested by the Romans. 
All this goes to prove that the greater part 
of what is now found in Britain and called 
Roman antiquities, as the remains of towns 
and houses, were p)'oduced by and for the 
use of the Britons. The Romans were 
their teacher-- a^ to what wa^ new, hut the 
industry and skill that jiroduced them, as 
well as the taste that desired or required 
them, were that of tlie Britons. The camjis 
of the ai-m_\-, and the residence of the offi- 
cials, were comparati\ el\- few; but the 
towns and residences ot the people were 
man\, and the residents of the Roman 
towns themselves must ha\ e been princi- 
pally natives. II 'J'he pojnilation of Britain 



14 Richard otCivencesttr say.s (B. i, ch. 7): "Aiiiong^ 
the Britons were tbrnicrly ninety-two cities, of which 
thirty-three were more celehrateci and conspicuous: 
two municipal and nine colonial. But let no one 
liffhtlv imatfine that thcv had not manv others be- 



Chap, in.] 



THE CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE. 



i6i 



could not liave been less than three million, 
but the Roman arm\- do not usually exceed 
fift^' tiiousand, or one in sixty ol" the pop- 
ulation ; and very tew ot" them would re- 
quire a residence out of camp. After 
Cesar's time the Britons became well ac- 
quainted with the continent and Rome, 
and were accustomed to visit them. Dur- 
ing that time until the conquest they made 
great improvements in whatever they saw 
abroad. The Britons became a favored 
people with the Romans. The first gov- 
ernor of Britain, Plautius, took a British 
lady, Pomponia G?ecina, as a wife; and an- 
other Roman senator, who had been an of- 
ficer in Britain, married another British 
lady about the same time, — Claudia Pudens. 
This also recalls to our mind the high 
eulogy passed by Tacitus and others upon 
the character of the Britons, which was 
carried so far in opposition to .Suetonius 
Paulinus as to be the means ot removing 
him from office. '^ The fact that Seneca 
lent to the Britons an extremely large 
amount of money, at the very commence- 
ment of the conquest, is the strongest evi- 
dence that he considered them a highly 
civilized people or he would never have 
risked his great capital in such a loan."5 

The course of improvement pursued by 
the Britons after C;esar's time, and before 
the conquest, was continued after the latter 
event; and, as Tacitus says, they readily 
adopted such improvements and inventions 
as the Romans could suggest or encourage. 
In this respect they appear to have been 



skies those mentioned. I have only commemorated 
the more celebrated. The Romans for the most part 
took up their abode in tortresses wliich they con- 
structed for themselves." 

See, also, Henry of Huntington, H. i, p. 3, who 
says: "Britain was formerly famous for twenly-eig-ht 
eities, wliich, as well as innumerable castles', were 
well fortified with walls and towers, and with g-ates 
secured with strong- locks. The names of these 
cities in the British language were Caer-Ebram, 
York; Caer-Cheat, Canterbury;" ifee., [see list in 
Appendix.] "These wer'j the names of the cities in 
the times ot the Romans and Britons." 

See, also, Xennius, §7-9, who has a list of thirty- 
three cities, and say.^: ''The Britons were once very 
populous, and exercised extensive dominion from sea 
to sea." 

15 Tacitus' Ann., B. xiv, §39; Ibid. Agricola, xiii. 

16 All the antiquities now found in Britain, and 
called Roman remains; — Ihe foundation of villas, 
palaces, jiublic and private buildings, with tassolaled 
pavement and elegance of arhitecture, were 1iy no 
means all Roman property, but a vast amount of it 
must have been that of nauve Britons. 



apt scholars and skillful mechanics. Out- 
side of the Roman colonial and municipal 
cities, the British and native cities were 
large and numerous. Througiiout the Ro- 
man period Britain continued to be British 
and Cymric, as much as British India con- 
tinues to be Hindoo; with the exception 
that the Britons more readily adopted Ro- 
man improvements. The Romans, except 
in the army and official stations, were too 
few to change the language or the national 
character of the people. But they were a 
more intelligent people than the Hindoos, 
and as Tacitus shows, readily adopted what 
was new and desirable in Roman science 
and arts. The few Romans who perma- 
nently settled in the country were so com- 
pletely absorbed and assimilated v.ith the 
natives that when the Roman army finally 
left there were no Roman population, only 
there was a party with little more Roman 
blood than the great body of the people; 
and looked to Rome with greater hopes for 
protection from the northern barbarians, 
even while Rome was unable to protect 
herself 

But still great changes were wrought in 
Britain by the Roinan conquest. The new 
and rising civilization, that the Britons 
were cultivating for themselves, was sub- 
ordinated and made to assimilate to that 
of Rome Tlieir ancient government, 
which clearly divided itself into its three 
departments, (a triad):— its king, brenhin 
or chief, to be the head of the government, 
its executive, the presiding officer of its 
general assemblies, and commander-in- 
chief of its army ; the legislative — law 
making power — was confined to the gen- 
eral assembly, in which neither the king 
had any other power than as a member 
and presiding otficer, nor Driiiii had any 
other power than as a man or member, as 
a learned individual; and the judiciarv, 
which was confided to the Druids, as learn- 
ed men to determine what the law was — 
not to make it. All of which was o\er- 
turned, and a centerized, arbitrary govern- 
merrt substituted, and confided to the gov- 
ernor appointed for the provinces, called 
the prpetor or pra^fect. He exercised arbi- 
trary, imperial powers in all military and 



1 68 



THE ROMAN PERIOD 



civil matters; and was at the head of the 
judiciary .17 He appointed all officers and 
magistrates. The exceptions to this was 
that there were some favored districts, who 
had readily submitted to the conquerors, 
that were permitted to keep up a subordin- 
arv and tributary government of it> own, 
subject to a revision of tlie Roman power; 
and in submission to its will. There were 
also numerous cities, towns and communi- 
ties that were stipendaries, /. e. under con- 
A-entional arrangement by which they were 
to pay certain stipend or tribute, and then 
were permitted to arrange and manage 
their own domestic affairs. But then what- 
ever concerned the Roman government 
■was controlled by them, and absolutely un- 
der their power. Whatever wasobjection- 
iible or dangerous to Roman power, was 
put down and prohibited ; and therefore the 
Druids and their institution were at first 
prohibited and crushed; and in tlie com- 
mencement of the conquest the Druids 
were slaughtered wherever found, not on 
account of their religion, for that was 
inuch better than the Roman's, but on ac- 
•count of its patriotism, power and elo- 
quence in reminding the people of their 
duty to their country and freedom. In 
most instances they also disarmed the 
people; for they thought it dangerous to 
trust sucJi resolute and determined patriots 
and lovers of personal national liberty to 
bear arms, and in this they probablv did 
not misjudge. 

It is not an easy matter to determine the 
condition that the Britons were left in, as 
to religion, during these times. Though 
the Druids were proscribed, and in a meas- 
au-e expelled, yet they were not entirely ex- 
terminated ; for it is certain that they exist- 
ed there in a modified form as to political 
.aft'airs, until the Britons had superseded it 
by the adoption of Christianity, which they 
commenced doing in the early part of the 
conquest; though that was not done with 
the approbation of the Roman government 
imtil the time of Constantine the Great. 



'7 Cnnstantint tht: Great long' afterwards sej^ara- 
tfd tlic civil department of the g-overnment from the 
military; and Hadrian before that separated the 
fiscal from the civil and military part of the govern- 
ment. 'J'Iie.se were great improvements but late. 



[Book II. 

In the meantime the Druids and Druidisni 
in some measure exi.sted, but subordinate 
to the control of the Roman government 
and in the shade. Though a Pagan relig- 
ion, it was much better than that taught by 
the cfassics. It taught that there was one 
eternal and infinite God; — that tlie soul of 
man survived this life, and that its condi- 
tion in the next was dependent upon his 
conduct it) this; and "that truth should be 
sought after against the world." With 
these great principles fixed, it was an easy 
transition for the Britons to pass over from 
Druidism to Christianity, which probably 
they did do as readily as any other people. 

When the Romans at the commence- 
ment of the conquest so cruelly slaughter- 
ed the Druids, and excluded Druidism, 
what remained among the Britons was in 
a very quiet manner and in a great ineas- 
ure secret and unobtrusive to the Roman 
government; but many of the Druids fled 
to the Isles of Man, Lewis, Orkiiey, and 
to Scotland; and there built up those great 
Druidical monuments now left there, as 
the great antiquities of those countries; 
and then Avebury and Stonehenge became 
deserted, when Vespasian and Titus over- 
ran that country — the Isle of Wight and 
the Avon — with fire and the sword ; and 
laid in ashes many of the twenty towns 
they there took.i* 

Alter the conquest became complete, 
and the country settled down again in 
peace, the Druids returned among the 
Britons, as formerly,— as priests, teachers 
and judges among the people. This was 
done in a peaceable and quiet manner, so 
as not to excite the suspicion of the Ro- 
mans that they would again interfere with 
the peace and politics of the country. The 
Druids and Bards continued to be an in- 



iS The student of ancient British history, in order 
to become acquainted with the true condition of the 
Britons previous to the Roman concpiest, let him read 
Tacitus' Life of Agricola, the Hrst book of Vaughan's 
History of Revolutions m Hngland, and the first 
book in the Pictorial History of England. This 
book in several chapters, with great caution and 
fairness, does justice to the question. See, also, first 
book of Thierry's History of the N'orman Conquest. 
This is a very interesting book. As to the special 
history of the Cymry of Wales, Miss Jane William's 
History of Wales is recommended as verj- interest- 
ing for the general reader; and her citation to her 
authorities is valuable, and shows on her part great 
induslrv and research. 



THE CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE. 



Chap. III.] 

stitution in Britain, until tlie adoption of 
Christianity, when the Druid became a 
Christian priest, and Druidism superseded 
b_v Christianity. The Bard is a cherished 
name throughout Britain to tliis day, and 
Druid, with his notion of the eternal spirit, 
— the creator and preserver of all things 
as his great God, — that unknown God, 
whom Paul came to teach to the Greeks; 
with their notions, also, of a future as a re- 
ward for well doing in this, had but a short 
step to take in going over to Christianity. 
The Britons were among the first and ear- 
liest Christians of Western Euro{ie. 

Tlie government which the Romans im- 
posed upon Britain during this period 
changed somewhat from time to time, but 
always upon the same principles; — with a 
view of extracting from it all they could, 
and as far as possible make it pay its own 
expenses. Its army and government was 
not at the expense of the Roman, but at 
that of the British people. It was retained 
as the country in which the Roman army, 
in time of peace, could be cheaply quarter- 
ed, and at the same time extract tribute and 
taxes from it. Until about the time of Ag- 
ricola the Roman government was con- 
fined within the military lines, which were 
east of the southern Avon and the Severn 
and south of the Humber. Then the gov- 
ernment was entire!}- in the hands of the 
prjelect — the governor — as absolute ruler. 
Some of these, in consequence of the re- 
sistance of the Britons to the Roman con- 
quest, became arbitrary, harsh and cruel. 
This was especially the case with Suetoni- 
\is. Some of the better class of Roman 
officers protested against it, and contended 
that the natives were worthy of a better 
government, and that kindness would pro- 
duce with them better results. Agricola 
testifies to this, and did all in his power to 
produce a good government, and it seems 
to have produced its expected results, for 
the country became free from the scourge 
of war lor some time. Soon after that the 
Romans organized Southern Britain into 
two provinces, — Britannia Prima, and Se- 
ctmda. Some time afterwards it was re- 
organized into si.x provinces : 1. Britannia 
Prima, south of the Thames and the Brit- 



169 



ish channel ; 3. Britannia Secvmda, west of 
the Severn and the Dee ; 3. Flavia included 
all north of Britannia Prima, east of Brit- 
annia Secunda, and south of the Humber 
and the Mersey ; 4. Maxima included all 
north of Flavia and south of Severius' 
wall; 5. Valentia occupied all between this 
wall and that of Antoniniis, — of this prov- 
ince they but seldom had the possession; 
and 6. Vespasiana, north of the last named 
wall, of which the Romans hardly ever 
had the possession. 

In studying the condition of the Britons 
while under the Roman empire, it is prop- 
er to consider that Britain was the last of 
the important provinces brought within 
its subjugation ; and that was accomplished 
a hundred years after that of Gaul. It 
commenced in the reign of Claudius, and 
terminated in that of Honorius; a period 
of three hundred and seventy-seven years. '« 
It commenced after the laws and practices 
of the Romans had fully settled down in 
the empire, and terminated before the great 
changes produced by the later emperors, 
as Theodosius and Justinian, and the reform 
produced in the law by their several codes; 
which, therefore, never reached Britain as 
part of their Roman law. During that 
time the laws in principles and practice re- 
mained verj' much the same, though some- 
times modified in its organization of the 
government, and frequently a great deal bet- 
ter or worse than at others, dependent upon 
the character of the men who exercised 
the government. When the aftairs of 
Britain were performed by such men as 
Agricola, or even such men as Carausius, 
the people were prosperous and happy ; but 
when governed by men vindictive and 
cruel like Suetonius Paulinus, or neglected 
and plundered by a Catus Decianus,20 the 
country ceased to be prosperous and seem- 
ed to be stricken with a blight or paralysis. 
It was the same at Rome itself; whenever 
the government was in the care of a Nero 
or Commodus the evil consequences of 
their bad administration reached and af- 
fected Britain. Until the conquest was 
fairly over, and the provinces fairly estab- 

19 From A. D. 43 to 420. 

20 Tiicitus' AgricoUi, §32. 



lyo THE ROMAN PERIOD 

lished, the commander-in-chief of the ar- 
my, as legate of the emperor, was gover- 
nor, and absolutely controlled everything, 
both military and civil, as arbitrarily as 
the emperor himself. But after the prov- 
inces were established, the government was 
usually organized by the appointment of a 
govei-nor as the legate or vicarius of the 
emperor, who was generally known as the 
proprietor or prsefect. Such governor ex- 
ercised the same arbitrary power in his ad- 
ministration as the emperor would do. He 
appointed all the inferior officers and mag- 
istrates, which belonged to the Roman 
branch of the government. In time of 
war and political difficulty, the governor 
was tlie commander-in-chief of the army ; 
but in times of profound peace the civil 
administration was separated from the mil- 
itary, and Constantine the Great rendered 
it perpetually so. Such legates were se- 
lected from among such Romans as had 
been consuls, or praetors, or from the sena- 
tors. These held their office and powers 
at the pleasure of the emperor, and they 
had legati or deputies under them, with 
such inferior officers, the civil and military 
officers and duties were kept separate, but 
not so with the vicarius who represented 
the emperor. The most striking restraint 
put upon the governor of a province, was 
that which the Roman constitution and 
policy placed upon all delegated power, 
both military and civil ; that is, that the 
fscal was kept separated and distinct from 
the other branches of the government. 
Therefore there was appointed in each 
province in Britain a procurator, who, with 
his corps of officers, superintended the col- 
lection of all the revenues and settling and 
paying all accounts and claims; and then, 
at stated times, he was bound to account 
and duly settle with the treasury-— /?>?<.< — 
of the Roman or general administration. 
This was, unfortunately, the only instance 
in which the Roman constitution observed 
any distinction and separation between one 
branch of the government and another; 
until the time of Constantine the Great, 
when in time of peace, the civil adminis- 
tration was separated from the military. In 
these respects the government and constitu- 



[Book II. 

tion of the Ancient Britons were superior 
to the Romans, for they observed the three 
great divisions in the administration of the 
government. 

When Britain was divided into provinces 
is somewhat uncertain ; but it is said that 
it remained as one united territory or prov- 
ince for about one hundred and fifty years 
after the conquest, when it was "divided 
into two provinces, to which three more 
were after\Vrds added."2l This would put 
the first division about the reign of Sep- 
temus Severus, and the division of all the 
provinces above stated did not take place 
until the reign of Constantine the Great. 
Whatever changes took place the govern- 
ment always remained the same in princi- 
ple and practice. It always represented 
that of an absolute monarchy. Among 
the official functionaries there was no per- 
sonal independence; they were all subor- 
dinate, one to another, up to the emperor 
who had the absolute control of their des- 
tiny. The avowed principles of the Ro- 
man government to their conquered coun- 
tries were far better than their officials put 
in practice. The law assumed to prohibit 
and punish corruption, peculation and plun- 
der, still those things, and arbitrary oppres- 
sion and injustice, were frequently com- 
plained of; and in such a government 
it was difficult to obtain a redress. It was 
frequently the practice of the Roman to 
leave the conquered nationalities under 
their respective laws and customs, so that 
they submitted to the Roman sovereignty, 
and paid their assessments and taxes. The 
principal object of the Romans was to con- 
trol the sovereignty, and collect tribute 
and taxes ; so that when these were cheer- 
fully rendered, the Roman government in 
the provinces, — for one which in form and 
practice was bad and unjust, — was still, un- 
der good officers, tolerable and often pros- 
perous. We believe that, upon historical 
authority, we are justified in saying that 
there were several principalities or states, 
and numerous towns, left to administer 
their own laws and customs, subject to the 
Roman sovereignty, and the payment of 
tribute and taxes as stipendaries. Where- 



21 1 Pictorial Hist. Englimd, p. S2. 



Chap. III.] 

ever this arrangement could be made, it 
was very desirable on the part of the con- 
quered people; for when the tributes and 
taxes were collected by the Roman officers, 
it was subject to corrupt dealings and op- 
pression, which in a great measure was 
avoided by any conventional arrangements 
to pay stipendary sums in satisfaction of 
the ordinary tribute and taxes required. 

The great object of Roman ambition 
was the empty one of extending the glor- 
ioiis sovereignty and majesty of Rome; 
and next the substantial one of collecting 
tribute and taxes, to pay the expenses in 
the provinces, as well as to support the 
general administration at home. Where 
the first was readily acknowledged, the 
Romans were always liberal in making en- 
lightened arrangements with regard to the 
latter; and thereby leave the people to 
goN'crn and control their domestic affairs 
in accordance with their usual laws and 
customs. There was, therefore, always in 
the provinces the appearance, more or less 
distinctive, of two governments, — the Ro- 
man controlling and directing a sovereign 
power as to all international affairs and po- 
litical arrangement, and leaving the domes- 
tic and local aftair,s to be controlled and 
managed by the people and their officials 
themselves, where it did not interfere with 
Roman sovereigntv.22 This division of 



THE CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE. 



171 



22 The sepanition of the g'overnmenl into two dif- 
ferent departments, as it may concern the g'eneral 
government and Roman interest, and tliat which con- 
cerned private, local and municipal affairs, is everv- 
where noticed m Roman jm-isprudence, as extended 
to the conquered provinces. It has been thus stated: 
"Thence arose in those towns a separation between 
the nninicipal rights and duties and the uolitical 
ritjhts and duties: the former were exercised on the 
s)!ol; the latter was controled bv the Roman oovern- 
ment. The principal matters which remained local 
were, — i. The relig'ious worship. 2. The adminis- 
tration of the municipal propertv and revenues. 3. 
The police to a certain extent; with 4. A few judicial 
functions specially connected with it. All these 
local affairs were regulated either by an individual 
magistrate, named by the inhabitants, or by the 
curia of the town, that is the college of deciirioiifis, 
or inhabitants possessed of territorial revenue of a 
certain amount. In general the magistrates were 
named by the curia, though sometimes by the inhab- 
itants." (1 Pict. Hist, of England, p. So, B. i, ch. 
III.; 

See, also, Palgrave's History of the Anglo-Saxons, 
p. 7, where it is said: — "In the earlier stages of the 
Roman conquest, the native princes, according to 
the u.sual custom of nations, when they dealt with 
those who dared to struggle against their power, 
were treated with merciless severity. But this 
harshness was not always exerted; for some British 
princes were allowed to retain their dominion be- 



government is easily luiderstood by the 
people of the United States, as exempli- 
fied in the general government of the 
Union, and the domestic government of 
the several States; except that here there 
is a divided sovereignty, each fixed and 
known by the constitution, and each a sov- 
ereign in their respective spheres; and 
when any dissensions exist as to the rights 
or privileges of either, it is judicially set- 
tled. So we also see in Scotland the gen- 
eral and national afi:airs controlled and 
managed by the British government, while 
their own domestic laws and customs re- 
mained to be administered and executed by 
themselves. But with the Romans these 
were matters of concession on their part, 
to which the provincials, as a conquered 
l")eople, were bound to submit; and their 
case became more or less stringent, more 
or less subverted, as the Romans found 
them more or less submissive and obsequi- 
ous to the imperial power. 

The Britons manifested a fierce and most 
determined opposition to the conquest. 
From the mouth of the Thames to the Isle 
of Anglesea, and from the Isle of Wight 
to the Severn, and tVom thence to Caer- 
ebrane, York, they united as one people, — 
as Britons, without regard whether they 
were specially designated as Lloegrians or 
Cymry, in one determined opposition to 
any submission to a foreign rule. Uniting 
under one chief head, as their wledig or 
pendragon, (their emperor or commander- 
in-chief,) they niade the cause that of one 
people, who were determined to sink or 
swim together; and whether in the midst 
of the Trinobantes in the east or the .Silures 
in the west, under Caractacus they made 
every available position a battle field for 
freedom. So hostile and obnoxious did 
this determined opposition become to the 

neath the Roman supremacy. Cogidumnus, who ap- 
pears, from an inscription discovered at Chichester, 
to have reigned in or near Sussex, the ancient terri- 
tory of the Regni, may be quoted as one of these 
tributary governors. In such a country, the native 
population, having a ruler of their own race and 
blood placed over them, were probably less oppress- 
ed than in those parts where they were immeciiately 
beneath the rod of the Roman masters." And we 
have many reasons to believe that this was not a 
solitary instance, but often repeated in Britain^ dur- 
ing the' Roman rule, to the mutual advantage of both 
parties. See the note in this chapter ante. (Giles 
and Whitteker.) 



172 THE ROMAN PERIOD 

Roman generals that Ostorious and Sue- 
tonius Paulinus threatened to exterminate 
the Britons ; but I believe that has always 
proved to be a pretty hard matter to ac- 
complish. The Silures, as the special rep- 
resentatives of the ancient Cymry, were 
the most patriotic, brave and determined 
in the cause ; and there was but little ex- 
ception anywhere; — the king of the Icen 
ians and the queen of the Brigantes were 
once cajoled to favor the Roman cause, but 
the people in both instances rebelled against 
the arrangement. We ha\ e no material 
evidence to the contrary of this, until the 
conquest became inevitable; and then we 
are informed of the case of Cogidumnus, 
Lluryg or Lucius, and other kings or 
princes of the Britons were permitted to 
rule as tributaries, and subordinary to the 
Roman power. We know of but two 
cities wliere the Roman law exclusively 
prevailed— Verolamium23 and Eboracum,24 
as municipal cities. There were a vast 
number ol" other British towns, that were 
such before the conquest, in which the 
British municipal laws and customs re- 
mained, either as stipendaries or by suf- 
frage. Except in the army, and depend- 
ents upon it, there were but few Romans 
in Britain, and they were principally at- 
tached to army stations, such as Carleon, 
Chester, York, Lincoln, Colchester, Rich- 
borough, and other such military posts and 
camps; and at the fortresses along the line 
of Severus' wall. But elsewhere the towns 
and country were exclusively British. The 
Roman settlements in Britain were never 
numerous enough to make any impression 
permanent upon the character of the peo- 
ple or their language. After the conquest 
and peace restored, the Britons progressed 
in their improvements as before. Their 
houses and towns, as further improved, be- 
came more Romanized; new improve- 
ments and arts were adopted. The Ro- 
mans there, as architects and civil engi- 
neers, suggested these, and they were 
readily accepted and adopted by the 
Britons. The great body of the towns, 



23 Venilam or St. Alban.-,. 

2) York or C'aer cbroc or tfroi> 



[Book II. 

houses and villas were the property of 
wealthy Britons, created by their taste, in- 
dustry and perseverance. This is sustain- 
ed by the words of Tacitus, when speaking 
of the facility with which the Britons took 
learning and improvements. He says: 
"The Roman's apparel was seen by the 
Britons without prejudice; the toga be- 
came a fashionable i")art of their dress. 
Agricola25 exhorted and assisted them to 
build houses, temples, courts and market 
places. By praising the diligent and re- 
proaching the indolent, he excited so great 
an emulation amongst the Britons that af- 
ter they had erected all those necessary 
edifices in their towns they proceeded to 
build others merely for ornament and 
pleasure, such as porticos, galleries, baths, 
banqueting-houses, ice." 

With all these evidences before us: — the 
fact that they had extensive and numerous 
roads throughout the island ; large and 
nvmierous towns ; extensive commerce 
with the Venetians and the continent gen- 
erally, in metals, grain and other agricul- 
tural productions; that they had coined 
money, extensive manufacture of chariots, 
weapons and armor for war, and untensils 
for domestic uses; a body of learned men 
whose duty it was to teach the people 
religion, morals, the arts and sciences; and 
capable to reduce to writing all public and 
private matter, not objectionable; and a 
people who had reduced its government 
and constitution to their proper divisions, 
of legislative, executive and judicial, — how 
maliciously wicked it is to allege such a 
people to have been savage and barbarous ; 
or to deny that they were civilized before 
the Roman conquest.' It may, indeed, be 
alleged that because they were such civil- 
ized people was the very reason that the 
Romans sought to conquer them ; for sav- 
ages they did not attempt to conquer, for 
the reason that from them no tribute or 
plunder was to be had. 

Notwithstanding the great change pro- 
duced upon Britain by the R^man con- 
quest, and all the benefits conferred upon 
it by the Roman arts and civilization, it 



25 Tacitus' AgricoUi, ch. xxi; as translated in i 
Pictorial Hist. EnsUmd, p. loi. 



Chap. III.] 

ma}- still be questioned whether it com- 
pensated for the rising ci\'ilization and 
impro\'ements of its own wliich was lost 
by the change. There were many things 
-in the government and civil institiitions of 
the Britons wliich under proper cultivation 
were very hopeful. The fact that their 
king or prince was no more than the 
head and the executive arm of the go\- 
ernment ; tnat no law could be enacted ex- 
cept by their general assembly ; that the 
judiciary was confided to the judges, inde- 
pendent of the other branches of the gov- 
ernment, who were taken from the Druids, 
as the body of learned and professional 
men, who had no political power except 
Avhat was due to their learning and wisdom, 
— who were not an estate, or a hereditary 
body, but selected from the most promising 
vouths of e\ery class, as the elect of the 
land, who after a strenuous course of learn- 
ing and rigid examination were to become 
the literarv men and teachers of the peo- 
ple in religion, morals and the arts and 
sciences. Now all this was put down and 
superseded by the Roman institutions; and 
it is a serious question, whether the loss 
sustained hy the Britains in their own insti- 
tutions, and the hopes and freedom arising 
from their independence, was at all com- 
pensated for by any benefits conferred up- 
on them by the Romans, subject to the 
oppressive government put upon them 
and taxes and tribute thev were compelled 
to pay for nearly four hi.mdred years tor 
the benefit of Rome. 

Howe\er this may be, as a mattei" of 
fact the British form of go\ernment and 
constitution was put down and superseded 
as the paramount law by the Roman. The 
Druids, as obnoxious to their political 
power, were proscribed, and in some in- 
stances most cruelly slaughtered ; and the 
people disarmed as persons, with their de- 
termined bravery and love of freedom, not 
to be trusted with arms in their hands. 
Subject to the payment of such taxes and 
tribute as the Romans required of them, 
and these general laws, the Britons were 
encouraged to progress in their labors and 
improvements, and probably as well treated 
as the people of any other province of the 



THE CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE. 



173 



empire. Though the Roman emperors and 
their officers in times of peace treated the 
people kindly, and often as favorites, and 
with the emperors often residing in their 
midst, yet as a general principle the Roman 
government was very cautious in with- 
drawing from them e\ery means which 
would aid them in a rebellion, or in the 
gaining of their independence; therefore 
the standing army stationed in Britain were 
generally brought there from other coun- 
tries, and the recruits raised for the army 
were generally sent to other distant parts 
of the empire, and the Roman officers of 
every class were prohibited from purchas- 
ing lands or becoming residents of the 
country. Still the people made great pro- 
gress imder the empire, in improving the 
country ; in the erection of buildings both 
private and public; in the construction of 
roads and towns; in their agricultural pro- 
ductions; in their mining operations; and 
in their manufactures and commerce. In 
their local, private and municipal affairs 
they w^ere permitted geneially to regulate 
them as they thought proper, and for that 
purpose to appoint their own magistrates, 
and to organize their cities and towns with 
a proper municipal government, which 
generally consisted ot a senate and neces- 
sary magistrates elected by the people. 
They were also permitted in each city to 
organize companies, or guilds, of traders 
and artificers, as a corporation, which have 
continued in succession, to some extent, 
until the present time. 

Still the people had frequent great cause 
to complain,'* at least during the frequent 
changes when the government fell into bad 
hands, of great oppression, abitrary and 
unjust exactions, burdensome taxes, and 
excessive requisitions to labor upon the 
roads and public improvements. The 
greater portion of all that which now goes 
on in Britain under the name of Roman 
works and improvements, was produced by 
British labor, industry and skill, though 
frequently aided and conducted, in the first 
instance, bv Roman architects and engi- 
neers, as such matters are transacted in 

26 Tiicitus' Agricola, ch. xiii, xv, &c.; Tacitus' 
Annals, B. xiv, |jS, 39. 



174 



THE ROMAN PERIOD 



the present day. The roads, the walls and 
fortifications, and other like public works, 
were the joint work and labor of the army 
and people; and the latter were frequently 
compelled to complain of excessive and 
tyrannical requisitions upon them for this 
purpose. But then most of the private 
works and improvements, both in town 
and country, were the works and property 
of the Britons; and with the exception of 
a few Roman cities, were exclusively such; 
and all of it was either produced or paid 
for by British labor and industrj-. Rome 
did not send any money or capital to Brit- 
ain except such as would be returned with 
heavy interest; but she did extract from 
the island, in annual returns, and profits, 
all it could Ijear with safety to Roman jur- 
isdiction. In addition to these Roman 
public burthens, the Britons cheerfully im- 
proved their country with private propertv 
and residences, after the Roman models, as 
Tacitus says, that the building of temples, 
courts of justice, "and commodious dwel- 
ling houses, as well as baths, and porticos, 
and elegant banqueting-rooms, grew in 
vogue with them." And all this is now 
called and attributed to Roman works and 
improvements, instead, as it should be, that 
of the Ancient Britons. 

During the existence of Roman swav 
over Britain there we frequent changes in 
the government from good to bad, and 
sometimes from bad to better. There were 
times when the Roman government was 
so feeble and inefficient that it was not 
able to protect the people either from being- 
plundered by pirates and barbarians, or 
from the unjust exactions of the officers 
and soldiers of the army ; nor fi-om what is 
now called by the English, looting in India. 
The good times may be referred to as those 
of Agricola, when peace was restored; of 
those of Adrian and Antoninus; of Sever- 
us, Carausius, Constantius, and Constan- 
tine the Great. There were times inter- 
mediate of these in which history is silent, 
almost a blank, for thirty, or fifty, or sev- 
enty years, when we know but little of the 
country, except what we can deduce from 
what either preceded or followed it. Es- 
pecially is this the case in a period of sev- 



[Book II. 

enty years that transpired between the 
time of Severus and that of Carausius. 

It was undoubtedly a great benefit to 
Britain that so many of the emperors visi- 
ted it, and that some of them for a consid- 
erable time made it their favored residence. 
During the reign of Carausius,27 who de- 
clared for the independence of Britain, the 
country w-as especially prosperous, and 
fully protected from the invasions of the 
north and the piratical and plimdering ex- 
peditions of the Franks and .Saxons. It is 
claimed that Carausius by birth was a 
Briton, — a native of Manavia, or Manapia, 
now St. Davids; and that the Britons were 
especiallv attached to him. He was wor- 
thy of their attachment and regard, for 
vevy few or none of the rulers of Britain 
were ever able to accomplish so much for 
the prosperity and glory of his country. 
His acknowledged skill in naval affairs was 
fully equalled by his talent and and ability 
as a civil ruler. The numerous coins and 
medals still remaining of his production, 
bear testimony to his taste and capacity, 
and to the prosperity of his country. Al- 
lectus, his principal officer and assassin, 
was only able to hold the government he 
had usurped, for a limited time, by being 
surrounded by a band of Franks and .Sax- 
ons in his service, until his short reign was 
closed by the success of Constantius. Af- 
ter Allectus' overthrow, his mercenary 
foreign troops endeavored to plunder Lon- 
don ; but everything was soon restored to 
order by Constantius. 

CHAPTER IV. 

THE COXDITIOX OF THE PEOPLE FROM THE 
ACCE.S.SION OF DIOCLETIAN TO THE END 
OF THE PERIOD. A. D. ;;S4--120. 

^^I. — T//C C//(/nic/cn'sfics of i his Time. 



The reign of Diocletian is a prominent 
point in the history of the civilized world. 
He himself is distinguished for his great 
abilities, and his capacity and success 
as an executive officer; and equally noted 
for his extraordinary resolution he had 
taken, in the midst of his successful reign 



27 Seven year.s, from A. D. 2S7 to 394. 



FROM THE ACCESSION OF DIOCLETIAN. 175 



Cliap. IV. I 

iiiui power, lo resign and abdicate all for 
the sake of enjoving a private and domes- 
tic life. It is also distinguished as a point 
in the history of the Roman world as that 
at which Roman power and greatness had 
arrived at its summit: and where a pagan 
rule and religion were to terminate, and 
where that of Christianity, under his suc- 
cessor, Constantiiie the Great, was to com- 
inence its benign influence over monarch 
and state. But especially is it a point in 
historv where the savage and barbarian of 
the north, bv means of its accumulated 
population wi'^hout the relief that civiliza- 
tion affords them, began to obstruct and 
overthrow the progress of civilization and 
to annihilate Roman jiower, with its arts, 
science and ci\ilizati(^n, bringing about in 
human affairs that derression and darkness, 
called "the dark ages," with the decline and 
tall of the Roman empire. From prehis- 
toric time, the north had been accumulat- 
ing in population, until it became an im- 
mense hi\e with.nuinerous swarms, ready 
to deluge and o\erthrow the Roman em- 
pire and all that distinguished it from l)ar- 
harian and saxage life. 

In this terrible change, Britain, in com- 
mon with the rest ot Western Em-ope,' 
di-ank to the dreg> of this bitter cup. As 
to Rome herself, this may ha\e been all a 
just letribution; but as to Western Ein'ope, 
it was not the result ol' circumstances, 
which with them \\ a- a matter of choice, 
but was what Roman ambition and con- 
<)uest hail forcibly imposed u]ion them. 
Gaul and Britain were both making rapid 
improvement and progres^ in ci\ ilization 
when Civsar conquered the one and Claud- 
ius the other, changed their destin_\', and 
imposed upon them Roman rule, Roman 
intere>t and tribute, and kejH them sulijects 
to it. 

Rome I'hose a career <.)!' conquest, and 
extracting from other countries taxes and 
tribute; instead of extentling commerce, 
and the arts, and cixilization, by a friendly 
and national intercoiu-se, like the PhcKiii- 
cian cities, Venice, London and New 
York; but chos(*to put herself in hosti'e 

1. Biit;iiri, (j;iul, Spain uad Italy. 



attitude with the rest of the world, and de- 
mand of them to submit to their exaction 
and requisition for tribute and taxes, or be 
annihilated. The Romans did not cross 
the Rhine or the Danube until it was too 
late to do any good; for there were neither 
town nor roads, nor the necessary wealth 
to pav tribute: — they were in those north- 
ern countries just emerging from a nomadic 
condition. Roman power, ambition and 
desire of conquest kept the northern people 
off at arms length in national hostilities, in 
a savage and barbarous state, induced to 
seek no art or science, except that of war, 
and its fruit, — carnage and plunder, instead 
of the arts and science of peace, and the 
general interest of humanity. Thus did 
Roman power keep these northern people 
at ba\', in their rude and unculti\ated state, 
from the earliest period in their history to 
the tburth centurv, a period almost of iive 
hundred years, until they had accumulated 
in numbers so that the natural production 
of their country would not support them ; 
until the\- were compelled to rush, like an 
avalanche, upon the Roman world to its 
destruction. This was to the Romans a 
just retribution for the course they had 
pursued, — of conquest and taxation, instead 
of the extension ot commerce, friendly in- 
tercourse, and ci\ilization. 

The Roman empire, soon after the com- 
mencement of the fourth century, — soon 
after the acces.sion of Constantine the 
Great to the empire, A. D. 306, and his de- 
partm-e for the east, and his heart bent up- 
on Constantinople as the accomplishiiieut 
ot his glory, began to feel the pressure of 
the northern nations, and the trouble they 
were about to gi\e them. By A. D. 406, 
the swarms from this northern hive were 
readv to subvert the western empire, which 
thev soon accomplished. Britain was 
amongst the first of the provinces to en- 
dure this attack, which the Britons in their 
triads called "the Black invasion;" and the 
fatal result of the movement became known 
to historv as "the dark ages." These na- 
tions were known as the Huns, Goths, 
Vandals, Alani, Burgundians, Franks, and 
Saxons; and produced a movement which 
terrified and consulsed all Europe. The 



176 



THE ROMAN PERIOD. 



Huns were from the farthest east, — from 
Eastern Tartary and the border of China; 
and after marching throvigh and convulsing 
Europe, some of them finally settled in 
what is now called Hungary. The Goths, 
or Getfe, proceeded from Southern Russia, 
near the north-western angle of the Euxine 
or Black Sea, and eventually occupied vari- 
ous portions of Central Europe, or became 
lost amidst other nations. The Vandals 
moved from Eastern Europe, moving 
through Central and Western Europe, 
prostrating everything before them as they 
proceeded whatever constituted objects ot 
civilization and refinement as though they 
detested them, and the eby acquiring tor 
their character the appellation of vandalism. 
These finally passed into Spain and Africa, 
and also became lost in the midst of other 
nations. The Alani and Burgundians 
moved south from Central Germany, set- 
tled in Gaul and adjoining districts; — the 
Burgundians settled in, and gave name to, 
what is now Burgundy in France. The 
Franks from Western Germany proceeded 
into Central Gaul, and settled in Paris and 
its vicinity, and imposed upon the country 
the name of France. And the Saxons, at 
least one branch of them, moved from the 
low lands in the nortli western and the 
maritime part of Germany, in the neigh- 
borhood of the Elbe and the Eider, and 
after vexing the southeastern coast of 
Britain and the opposite coast of Gaul as 
pirates for about one hundred and fifty 
vears ; they then commenced their settle- 
ment in Britain, which they were able to 
accomplish after a similar length of time, 2 
to, establish along those southeastern 
shores seven small kingdoms, called Hep- 
tarchv, which since has received the name 
of England, from one branch of the family 
known as the Angles, which has since 
grown up into a mighty empire, now- 
united with the rest of the British Islands 
in the "United Kingdom of Great Britain 
and Ireland." 

These changes in the condition of Eu- 



2 Thu first period extended from :ihoal A. D. 300 
lo45o;iind the second from that time to about 600. 
See Palgnivu's Anii;'h)-Saxons, p. 63. Also Ani^lo- 
Saxon Chronicle, i. S. Turner's An<jlo-Saxon, p. 
216, 220 and 242. 



[Book II. 

rope and tiie Roman Empire sadl_\ aftected 
the condition of Britain and its people. 
We have sketches of the history of Britain 
going back probably about a thousand 
years before the commencement of our 
Christian era. It is now necessary brief!}' 
to review the condition of the Britons as 
they progressed, from time to time, from 
the earli,est notice of them in history to the 
time when they were relieved from the 
Roman yoke — a period of about 1420 
years — the same length of time as frona 
the commencement of the Saxon con- 
quest to the present time. It is proba- 
ble that there was a pre-Celtic race occu- 
pying Britain. This is proved by the dif- 
ference of character in the mounds and 
burial places and their contents, and the 
skeletons foimd in them ; so differing from 
those ^\•hich are known to be Celtic. But 
they were of the Celtic race -when the is- 
land was first visited by the Phccnicians 
and Greeks in the tin trade and other 
traffic; and the people represented as "be- 
ing rich in tin and lead. They were nu- 
merous and high spirited, active, and eager- 
ly devoted to trade.'"- Publius Crassus 
made a voyage to the island at an early 
time, and says, "he Ibimd the inhabitants 
of a peaceable disposition and also fond of 
navigation; he gave them some instruc- 
tions which implied their carrying it on 
upon a larger scale."' They were reported 
to be respectably clad, inquisitive, and 
kind, <Tnd hospitable to strangers. Like 
most Celts, they were not too selfi.-h and 
hostile to receive a stranger with open 
arms. This characteristic is direct! v con- 
trary to that of nianv nationalities. Some 
of this liistoric account transpired l^efore 
the arrival of tlie Cvmry, in tlie time of the 
old Gallic Celts, and some at'ter tlieir ar- 
rival, which we have set B. C. 600.'' Abar- 



repnrt, i Pict. lli>l. liny., p 



■5 From llimilco's 
S/. B. i,vh. iv. 

4 Kfoui .Strabo, in Pict. Hist. Ibidem. 

•; Previous to their arrival was the sloue and 
bronze at;e of the Britons: after that it was the iron 
asje; lor the C3inrv came from Asia Minor with 
their chariots and other objects of arts and science, 
and full knowledife <if iron. Iron was always used 
in the construction of chariots. Their chariots have 
been e.\hunied in modern times with their wiieels 
])r()perly ironed; and instances have happened where 
the iron cvlhe of the axejtree have lieen lound. 



FROM THE ACCESSION OF DIOCLETIAN 

Druid ol 

tra\'els in 



Chap. IV.] 

is we claimed to have been 
the Cymric Celts, and his 
Greece and the east to have been about 
B. C. 500. His case was like that of Frank- 
lin, as a philosopher returning to visit the 
land of his ancestors within a hundred 
vears after their settlement in a new home. 
Himilco's visit was probably in the time of 
the Cymry. The next noted period in 
their history is the invasion of Ca;sar; and 
their condition at that time has been com- 
mented upon in a former chapter. But 
what is the most interesting, is to fully un- 
derstand the condition of the Britons at the 
invasion of Claudius, and how it was 
changed by that conquest. It must be 
true that the Britons had greatly improved 
their condition between the time of Caesar 
and that of Claudius, or the former has 
misrepresented them in a number of par- 
ticulars; for they are differently represented 
by Tacitus, Cicero, and other classic wri- 
ters, both by their expression and their 
science. What Ca;sar says of them puts 
them far above the condition of savages or 
mere barbarians, if not entitling them to 
be classed as civilized. They possessed all 
the elements of civilization. They worked 
in iron, tin, bronze, used money, had nu- 
merous houses, roads and towns. They 
cultivated agriculture, had extensive fields 
of grain, numerous herds of cattle and 
horses; brought into requisition all the arts 
in the construction and the use of their 
chariots ; had a learned body or corpora- 
tion of men, whose dutv it was to teach 
the people religion and morals, the arts and 
sciences; cultivated botany, astronomy, 
and philosophy; were able to cominit to 
writing private and public matters, except 
in their lectures to their students, which, 
for good reasons, were orally delivered and 
studied. All this we learn from C;esar~6 and 
what he savs incidentally adverse to this is 



177 



There is also evidence that the stone of Stoneheng-e 
were dressed with iron tools. 

6 It should be rememberrd that Caesar saw but 
very little of Britain, and that ijortion of it which he 
passed over was the newest and the least cultivated. 
The best cultivated part was in the neiu-hborhood of 
Portsmouth and the southern Avon, where the an- 
cient commerce prevailed, and where Vespasian and 
Titus found a numerous people and twenty towns. 
See ante, § — 



wholly ignored by the later writers. 

Front Ca;sar's time to that of Claudius, 
the Britons greatly improved in the pro- 
gress of civilization. We are informed 
that during that time it was customary for 
the distinguished Britons, both male and 
female, to resort to Rome for education 
and information, where it had been gath- 
ered and accumulated from Greece, Phoe- 
nicia, Assyria, and Egypt, as the spoils of 
human thought, ingenuity, and invention, 
for more than a thousand years. All that 
was not Roman production, but the fruit 
of the labor and thought of humanity for 
the common benefit of mankind. To the 
great progress that the Britons had made 
for themselves they were now adding those 
which had been previously adopted in the 
progress of civilization : as we are tuUv 
advised by the character giyen of such 
persons as Cunobeline, Caractacus, Arvar- 
agus. Pompon ia, Claudia, and others. 
Tacitus represents the Britons as a brave 
and patriotic people, — lovers of freedom 
and liberal priyileges; and detesting and 
intolerant of arrogance, oppression and in- 
justice; — intelligent, fond of improvement, 
and apt in learning: — quick in observation, 
as their noticing readily the character of 
Polycletus, sent by Claudius from Rome 
to inquire into the condition of Britain,, 
who, with his assumed air and authority, 
produced "overawe upon the Roman of- 
ficers and soldiers, while from the Britons 
it only met with contempt and derision."' 
He also represents that a large portion of 
the Roman officers observed the Britons to 
be peaceably inclined, and only intolerant 
and rsentful when injiu^ed and oppressed; 
— "they are conquered, not broken-hearted ; 
reduced to obedience, not subdued to 
slavery.""' "They were fierce and deter- 
mined in the cause of liberty; they were 
rendered still more obstinate by ill usage; 
the war would never be brought to a con- 
clusion except by moderation and humani- 
ty. '"■* Such were the people that the Ro- 



7 Tacitus' Annals, B. xiv., §39. 

S Tacitus' A^ricola, ch. xiii. 

9 Ibid., ch. .\ii. Such was the character ijiven tu 
the Britons by Roman officers of the army for llu- 
purpose of removing Suetonius for his cruelty and 
tyranny. 



1 78 



THE ROMAN PERIOD 



mans, had to deal w itli, and to bring them 
into the condition we find them after the 
conquest. Tliat conquest cost a war, of 
terrific exertion on both sides, of fortv-four 
years; and was terminated as much bv tlie 
good conduct and humanity of Agricola, as 
by tlieir prowess and victory. Tacitus al- 
so shows that when peace came these peo- 
ple readily entered into the spirit of im- 
provement and learning, and adopted 
Roman ideas in the impro\ement of their 
houses and towns, and whatever else was 
in furtherance of their own ci\ilization. 
But there was but little or no immigra- 
tion of Romans to Britain, except as men 
were connected with the army or in com- 
mercial pursuits. I'J Of the ninety-two cities 
and towns, only ten of them were Roman, 
— two :''iunicipal cities and eight colonial, 
and these were occupied as much by na- 
tives as by the Romans. The army was 
confined to their camps and stations; and 
for a long time, perhaps to the time of 
Carausius, it was the Roman policy to 
keep the Romans and their military affairs 
and politics, as far as possible, separated 
and distinct from that of the Britons, for 
fear it would enable them to assert their 
independence. It was therefore different 
in Britain than it was in Gaul, for there 
the Romans had possession for more than 
a hundred years previous; where the Ro- 
mans did colonize, and in some measiu-e 
Latinized the people. This was not the 
case with Britain. There, for the purpose 
of guarding against their losing their hold 
upon Britain, Roman officers were pro- 
liibited from buying land or settling there. 
The recruits to the army from the Britons 
were sent elsewhere, and those for Britain 
were either Romans or foreigners. There- 
fore the po])idation of Britain was at all 
times almost exclusi\ ely British, and the 
houses, towns, and otiier improvements, 
called Roman, were actually British, — the 
property and the result of the labor of the 
Britons; only they adopted Roman ideas 



10 The comments of Cjilihon on Rom;in coloniza- 
lion (vol. I, til. ii, p. 2.\) are iintnie as applied to 
Britain. The cpiotation from Seneca was made be- 
fore the conquest when it was true. After that time 
the character of the Roman peoi)le a.-; to eniig-ration 
changed. 



[Book II. 

and style of architecture in their improve- 
ments. What antiquarian researches at 
this day develop of the foundation of towns 
and cities, — of houses and villas, of baths 
and tesselated pa\ements^. of town halls and 
other objects of improvement and civilized 
life, were principally, if not almost ax- 
clusiveh", the property and industry of the 
Britons ;'' such as existed at Carleon on 
the Usk,i2 Chester, Uriconium'-"' in Shrop- 
shire, at Bath, Colchester, and other places. 
These ^vere British towns before the Ro- 
mans came there, and their subsequent im- 
provements w ere the product of the labor 
and industry of the Britons. The Roman 
roads were built principally upon old Brit- 
ish roads by the joint labor of the people 
and the army. The people often com- 
plained of the extreme assessments and 
requisition vipon them for labor on these 
roads and public work. 

As to the colonization of Britain by the 
Romans, ^ve find no instances of it, except 
the colony of Probus'** in Cambridgeshire, 
about A. D. 277, just before Diocletian's 
time; with this exception, and that of the 
Coritani in Lincoln and Leicester shires, 
who were there before Cjesar's time, there 
is hardly an exception to a Cymric people 
in all Northern Britain, previous to the 
Saxons. The Coritani were somewhat ac- 
cused of not being so faithful as the Cym- 
ry in their opposition to the Roi^ians; and 
Probus' colony were accused of favoring 
the Saxons. With this exception there has 
been a surprising union of the British peo- 
ple against the invasions of their country; 
and very little mixture of blood or race, ex- 
cept what arose from their intercourse 
with the Romans before the advent of the 
Saxons. What Gibboii says upon the pol- 
icy of the Romans as to colonization and 
militaiv colonies, though true in the gen- 
eral, and as applicable to Italy, Spain and 
Gaul, is not so as to Britain. London has 
sometimes been mentioned as a Roman 



11 We have referred to this elsewhere. 

12 See Giraldus Camhrencis. 

13 See T. Wright's account of 

14 I Giblion's Decline and Fall, p. 24, ch. 2 and n.; 
also p. 123, ch, 12. Richard of Cer., p. 446, B. i, ch. 
6, §30. 



FROM THE ACCESSION OF DIOCLETIAN. 



Chap. IV.] 

colony. But it was not such ; it was a com- 
mercial city botbre the Romans came there. 
It was principally a British city, and then 
Roman and other foreign merchants set- 
tled there in common, principally as com- 
mercial men and officers of the govern- 
ment. There were two other cities called 
municipal and eight colonial cities, but 
none exclusively colonies of Romans as in 
Gaul and Spain. Those cities had in them 
a large portion of natives with the Romans ; 
in other cities they were almost exclusive- 
ly Britons. 

By the conquest the sovereign govern- 
ment of the country passed entirely out of 
the hands of the Britons into that of the 
Romans, who for a long serie.s of years 
kept it so as to give the Britons no hope of 
its recovery. But, as already stated, it was 
the practice of the Romans to leave in the 
hands of the provincials so much of their 
domestic laws and government as they 
deemed safe and consistent with their 
maintaining their supreme authority and 
sovereignty over them, and to tax them and 
draw from them the largest tribute possible, 
consistent with their retaining their domin- 
ion over them. The government and ar- 
my were placed over the country, without 
the consent or control of the people; but 
it was at their expense, and they liad to pay 
for it. The Romans encouraged the people 
to make improvements, but it was only, as 
Tacitus says, "to sweeten their slaverv."'^ 
They constructed roads tor they were ne- 
cessary tor the convenience of the govern- 
ment, in order to keep it in their hands, 
and to collect taxes and tribute, and the 
people assisted to make them. The coun- 
try was governed by two ditlerent elements, 
— the conquerors and the conquered, the 
rulers and the subjects; over the former 
the latter had no control. The Romans 
sought only their own interest, and encour- 
aged the people in tlie improvement of tjie 
country, for tliat^ increased tiie taxes and 
their abilities to pay them. If tlie vouths 
of the country were encouraged to acti\it\-, 
it was to serve in the foreign army, not at 
home, for that was tlangerous. If men 



15 Agiiiol:!, ih. 21. 



179 

were encouraged in the arts, it was that 
they might be the better able to pay their 
taxes. If learning was promoted, it was 
that they might more successfully attend 
to domestic affairs ; but be sure they were 
not to meddle with sovereign government- 
al affairs. For this reason alone the Druid 
and Druidism for a while were put doM n, 
and nothing was permitted or endured but 
what was safe and consistent with Roman 
power. 

Gradually tlie condition of the Britons 
began to improve, both as to their govern- 
ment and their domestic affairs; the former 
partly trom the increasing weakness of the 
Roman government, and partly from the 
people becoming more and moie accus- 
tomed to their governnient, if not more 
Romanized. Their doniestic affairs were 
principally left in their own hands, and 
their religion entirel}' so except their 
priests, the Druids, had been for a while 
suppressed. They, however, gradually re- 
turned, imtil their religion was superseded 
by Christianity. The Hrst material change 
in their condition was the decree of Cara- 
calla, about A. D. 212, granting the rights 
and privileges of a Roman citizen to all 
Roman subjects. This was done while the 
emperor was a resident of Britain, imme- 
diately after his father's, Severus, death; 
but whether specially for the benelit of his 
British subjects, is not certainly known. 
But under all these circumstances of ad- 
versity and fortune, the countrv and people 
improved in their circumstances and condi- 
tion, at least in couunon with the progress 
of the world. Their tow ns and houses be- 
came like those of Gaul and Italy. In all 
that constituted the impi'0\'ement and civ- 
ilization of a country' upon a par with the 
neighboring coimtries, and ilistinguished 
for their agricultural productions, their 
mineral resources, their extensi\e com- 
merce, and their attainments in the me- 
chanical arts and in science ami literature. 
Such liad they become in the time of Dio- 
cletian, when Rome and they haii arri\ ed 
at the height of their prosperity ; \s hen the 
coming storm of the northern barbarians 
put a stop to their prosperity, antl, for a 
while, to human progress. 



iSo THE ROMAN PERIOD. 

j5-- — Tlic Times of Curansiiis, A. D. 2S7 to 
294. 



Soon after the commencement of the 
reign of Diocletian the Saxon pirates be- 
came troublesome, frequently landing on 
the shores of Britain, plundering whate\er 
they could lay their hands on, and what 
they could not convert to their OAvn use 
AVUN often laid in ashes or otherwise de- 
stroyed. Perhaps they were morallv no 
more unscrupulous than the Romans, onh- 
the Romans \\ould preserve \\ hat they 
could not at once convert to their own use 
with the hope of benefitting themselves 
at another time. The Romans did not kill 
the goose that laid the golden egg. The 
Saxons were too savage to appreciate either 
the moral or the ad^■antage of the maxim. 
The Roman government felt themselves 
boimd, both by interest and duty, to pro- 
tect the Britons from these piracies, especi- 
ally- as tliey had disarmed the inhabitants 
and debarred them trom all exercises in 
military afl'airs. The imperial government 
was induced to employ Carausiusas an ex- 
perienced and able naval ofticer, and put 
down this piracy if possible. He was quite 
successful, but Avas soon charged, either 
rightfully or wrongfuUv, that he was not 
honestly performing iiis dut_\ , but convert- 
ing his position to his personal advantage 
by taking the pirates and dividing the spoils 
with them, and greatly enriching himself 
This accusation is not probablv verv true, 
for he was ahvavs more popular witli the 
Britons than tlie people of the continent. 
Ho\ve\ er that may be, he found that the 
government had taken a prejudice against 
him and that his life was in danger. He 
therefore revolted, antl took his whole fleet 
with him; and In's popularity with tiic 
Britons enabled him at once to Ibrin on the 
island a strong and ]irospei-ous goxfrnment 
of his own. 

This put the Britons in a condition that 
they had not bej?n in since the conquest. 
Carausius was now acting as the emperor 
of Britain, and his success for a while was 
such as to induce Diocletian and his asso- 
ciates to acknowledge him as such. But 
instead of forming a new organization of 



[Book II. 

his government upon the original plan foi 
British go\ eminent, of a confederate gov- 
ernment under a wledig or emperor, he 
continued the Roman government un- 
changed, except he was the head of it as 
emperor, retaining all the forms and organ- 
ization of the Romans. This probably was 
for him and Britain a great mistake. The 
people were hardly aware of their independ- 
ence; it looked as though they had only 
changed masters, but still under a Roman 
name.' What he ougiit to ha\e done was 
at once to have declared his independence 
and that of the countr\- from Rome, and 
let his people know it, and foi m his gov- 
ernment accordingly. But still the people 
saw and felt a change ; they saw themselves 
again within their own hands, and not tax- 
ed and paying tribute for a foreign go\ern- 
ment, but for the benefit ot their own gov- 
ernment and countrv. Thev saw them- 
sehes again as Britons, and not as slaves 
to another nationalit\-. 

But Carausius proceeded with vigor and 
ability luider his old form to put the gov- 
ernment in ordei" and repel the enemies of 
the covmtry, and restore the country to a 
prosperous condition. In tliis he was suc- 
cessful, and Britain for a while appeared 
to be restored to itself 0\er the loss of 
Britain the imperial government and peo- 
ple raised a great lamentation.- They ex- 
tolled her \alue— the fertilit\- of her soil, 
and her producti\e wealth in agriculture 
and minerals; but especially the taxes and 
tribute they were able to gather there. 
0\er the loss the\ appeared to be incon- 
solable, and Con-tantius Cf)loriis, as the as- 
sociate emperor with Diocletian, was depu- 
ted to recoxer the lost pro\ince, which he 
was only able to do, in the mannei" already 
stated, aftei' Carausius had governed it 
sc\ en years, and hisassassiu, AUectus, two 



1 He was (.ailed Augustus, and all tliu fonu^ and 
iir^;inizalif)n of the- [Ionian yovfi'nniunt rcm.uiicd. 

i Thf orator, Eunienius, .\. D. ^96, in his panca;y- 
rii; to Conslantiu.s laments the lo.ss of Britain in the 
possession ol C'ara\isius, and savs: "'I'liat island still 
passes under lln- jrcneral name ot" Britain, l>ut its io.ss 
was no trifle to the republic, so oroihutive is it in 
Iruil, and fertile in pastures, so rich in metals, and 
vahialde for its contributions to the treasury, sur- 
rtmnded on all sides with alnnulance of harbors." 
(I (iilcs' Anc. Britons, p. 360, ch. \\.) I'ndoubted- 
ly "its contribution to the treasury'' was the jfrcat 
object for the Ivonians. 



FROM THE ACCESSION OF DIOCLETIAN. 



Chap IV.] 

years more. With Constantiiis the old 
state of things was restored, and so con- 
tinued inider tlie prosperous and benificent 
rule of Constantius until his death at York 
in A. D. 306. 

j;5. — The Time of Coiistantinc the Great ^ A. 
D. 306 to 337. 

It is claimed by many historians that 
Helena, the motiier of Constantine, was a 
native of Britain, a Cymras, and that Con- 
stantine was born there, though brought up 
and educated in Eastern Europe and Asia 
Minor, returning with his father to Britain 
al'ter the death of Allectus, when he was 
about eighteen or twenty years of age, and 
remained in Britain until after he was pro- 
claimed emperor upon the death of his 
father, when he was upwards of thirty 
years of age. However it may be about 
his birth and nationality, he was well ac- 
quainted with Britain and its people. Many 
things are attributed to him in the improve- 
ment of the condition of the Britons. Up- 
wards of two hundred years had now 
transpired since Agricola had completed 
the conquest, and more than six genera- 
tions had endured its consequences and 
submitted to the habits it produced. The 
Romans commenced upon the principle of 
tjntrusting nothing to them which would 
aid them in reclaiming their independence 
and self-government. They were disarm- 
ed and disfranchised as to everything con- 
nected with the supreme Roman gox-ern- 
ment that would in the least endanger it, 
and the people were lett only to manage 
their domestic aftairs. In their towns and 
cities they were permitted to elect their 
own magistrates and police officers, subject 
to the arbitrary and paramount control of 
the Roman government. To the same ex- 
tent they were permitted to manage their 
municipal and fiscal aftairs; but the collec- 
tion of the tribute, taxes and revenue due 
the Roman government were entirely in 
the hands of their own officers, except 
where they were farmed out to Britons, or 
where some stipendary arrangement had 
been made in some places to pay a gross 
sum in satisfaction of all taxes and claims, 



which was collected and paid b\ the people 
themselves. Many of the towns and places 
were thus made stipendaries by some con- 
ventional arrangement, which was to them 
\ery beneficial and much sought for. 
Where the collections were in the hands of 
Roman officers, frequently the most wanton 
and corrupt abuse of power was exercised 
to the injury and oppression of the people. 
Early in the history- of the Roman govern- 
ment, the financial and fiscal department 
were separated from the ci\il and military; 
and Hadrian, about A. D. 120, by some 
perpetual decree made this principle more 
obligatory, much to the achantage of the 
Britons. 

Constantine, soon after his accession to 
the government, began to improve the 
form of the government. He first ordered 
the civil to be separated from the military 
department of the go\ernment. This, al- 
so, was a very beneficial di\ision and ar- 
rangement of the government; but still 
there was no such division in the Roman 
law, as a separation of the judicial depart- 
ment from the other branches of the gov- 
ernment, as the legislatixe and executive. 
With the Romans the emperor was the 
head of the government, not only as to the 
military but also as to the judicial and ex- 
ecutive branches. It was otherwise ar- 
ranged in the ancient British form of gov- 
ernment; under the Druids the judiciary 
was a separate part of the government, and 
that idea has been carried down through 
the English government, and especially so 
in that of the United States. 

Another reformation has been claimed 
for Constantine, which is thus stated by 
Richard of Cirencester :' "Under the Ro- 
man domination the Britons retained 
scarcely the shadow of regal authority. A 
legate being appointed by the emperor over 
the conquered country, Britain a counsular 
province. This form of government con- 
tinued several ages,2 although in the mean- 

1 B. I, cli. 6, §3. 

2 It is Siiid that Britain was lielit as oik- pixsidial 
province imder the eini)erors until the lime ot Se- 
verus. That emperor, on account ot" the opposition 
lie received from Albinus, the late proprietor of 
Britain, determined to alter the method of <fovern- 
ing-the island, and divided the provi-ice into Iwo,^ 
ami ai>pointed Lupus proprietor of the northern, and 



iS2 THE ROMAN PERIOD. 

time the island underwent many divisions 
— first into the Upper and Lower districts, 



and then, as betbre sliown, into seven parts. 
It afterwards became the imperial residence 
of Carausius and those whom he admitted 
to a share of his power. Constantine the 
Great, the glory and defence of Christiani- 
ty, is supposed to have raised Maxima and 
Valentia to counsular provinces, and Pri- 
ma, Secunda, and Flavia to pr;vsidials. 
But over the whole island was appointed a 
deputy governor, under the authority of 
the prjetorian prefect of Gaul. Besides 
whom, an ancient volume, written about 
that period, mentions a person of great 
dignity, by. the title of Comes, or count of 
the Britons, another as count of the Saxon 
coast, and a third as leader or duke of Brit- 
ain ; with many others, who, although pos- 
sessed of great offices, must be passed over 
in silence, for want of certain information." 

These statements of Richard are vm- 
doubtedly true, and judiciously arranged, 
except that the name of coimts to the of- 
fices named may be a little later period in 
the history of the empire. It should also 
be remembered that there were frequent 
changes in the governinent of Britain. 
Sometimes the emperor was there person- 
ally, go\'erning himself, as the sovereign ; 
sometimes he governed it by his special 
deputy, as legate or vicarius; sometimes by 
a proprietor or prwlect under the emperbr 
or the pro-counsul of Gaul ; and sometimes 
by usui-pers or tyrants who assumed to be 
emperors by means of a rebellion or inter- 
ference of the army, as in the case of Ca- 
rausius, Maximus, Constantine the latter, 
and others, for it was said, and justly ob- 
served, that Britain was a soil fertile in 
tyrants, /'. f'., men who assumed to govern 
without a legitimate right. 

The name of the Saxon shore was ap- 
plied to the southeastern shores of Britain 
about the time of Constantine, on account 
of their being so frequently disturbed by 
the invasion of the Saxon pirates, and the 
government compelled to erect castles and 
other defences for the protection of those 



Her;iclytus that of the .southern division. Miss 
Williams' History of Wales, 29 and 44; Canulcn's 

Britania. 



[Book II. 

shores, which required a body of troops 
and officers for their guard and protection, 
while Britain remained under the Roman 
government. 



«^4. — Introduction of Christianity and its 
EstablisliniCJit in Britain. 

But the great change in the condition of 
the Britohs, wliich may be specially no- 
ticed in connection with the reign of Con- 
stantine, is that in relation to the Christian 
religion. The religion of the Britons at 
the time of the conquest was that of 
Druidism. Its principal features were^ 
that its creed embraced a belief in one su- 
preme, eternal and spiritual God, and that 
the soul of man survived this life, and en- 
joyed a future one for good or evil, de- 
pendent upon its merits while in this world ; 
and that this system was presided over by 
a learned body of men called the Druids. 
It may be that they had also connected, 
with it some notion of the pagan mythol- 
ogy, as intermediate gods, between them- 
selves and the great spirit. But the Ro- 
mans have added the name of their own 
heathen gods to the Druidic creed that it 
is now iinpossible to say how that was. 
For the religion of an^' provincial people 
the Romans cared nothing; but they be- 
came very hostile to the Druids, because 
they were such devoted patriots, and so 
stern opponents to the conquest. The>' 
were therefore proscribed, banished or 
slaughtered, whenever they fell into the 
power of the Romans. They therefore — 
those who sur\i\ed the persecution — fled 
to the British Islands and .Scotland for 
protection, where tor a long time they 
were protected and their religion floiuMsh- 
ed. But after the conquest and peace re- 
stored, Druidism returned to the Britons, 
as a more favored and rational religion 
than the pagan mvthology of the Romans. 
It also more readily haiunonized with the 
truthtul and simple doctrines of Christiani- 
ty, and in earlier times the doctrines and 
ceremonies became somewhat mixed, and 
was called neo-druidism, which was soon 
superseded by the true doctrines of Chris- 
tianity. 



Cliap. 



FROM THE ACCESSION OF DIOCLETIAN. 183 



But .-a an early period in its history 
Christianity became the acknowledged re- 
ligion of the Britons, and their transition 
to it was easv and consistent. It is claimed 
that St. Paul came to Rome first early in 
the year 61, and continued there occasion- 
allv, at least, until his martyrdom in 68. 
Caractacus with his wife and whole family 
were taken there in the year 52 or 3, and 
what eventually became of him is not for 
a certainty known ; but he remained for a 
long time in Rome, if he did not die there. 
But it is claimed by the British historians 
that he remained in Rome until after the 
arrival of Paul, and that he and his faniily 
became Christians under his administra- 
tion. This at least is possible, and as it is 
told it is at least plausible. It is claimed 
that Caractacus' whole faniily became 
Christians while at Rome, by the preach- 
ing of Paul and his friends there, and af- 
terwards returned to their homes in Brit- 
ain after the conquest had so far subsided 
that it became safe to do so' However 
this niay be, it is certain that Christianity 
was established in Britain at a very earlv 
dav, and it may be regarded with some cer- 
tainty that the event transpired before the 
end of the first century .2 In ancient times 
Arch-Druids were established at Carleon, 
York and London, and each of these be- 
came the See of an Archbishop of the 
Christian church, and at an early day the 
organization of the Druids was superseded 
by that of Christianity. 

However it may be with regard to the 
conversion of Caractacus, Claudia, and 
theii- friends, and the introduction of 



1 Tlir uncertainty as to the authorities upon the sub- 
ject of the introduction of Christianity into Britain 
about tile time of Caractacus, and who Claudia was, 
whether a relative of Caractacus or not, and whether 
she is the Claudia spoken of by St. Paid, 3d Timo- 
thy, requires further investisifation. Martial certain- 
ly makes her a Briton, but Mr. Vaughan says that 
the marriafre could not have taken place for many 
years after the death of Paul. Query: Martial, a 
native of Spain, came to Rome in A. D. 66, perhaps 
two years before Paul's death. The marriage and 
tlie ejiisfram may have occurred the same year he 
came, and the year that Paul wrote. How is that? 

See Vaughan, p. 66; i Pict. History, 68; Theo. 
Evans' Pi nnitive Ag;es, p. 14S; Richard of Ciren- 
cester, 466; Chronology xxv, as to Lucius, A. D. 160; 
Bede, p. 10, ch. iv: Miss Williaius' Hist. pp. 29 and 
42, and see her authorities; Cambrian History (Mor- 
gan), 100. 

2 1 Pictorial History, 68; i Giles' Ancient Britons, 
pp. 186, 1 98. 



Christianity by them, or in their titne, his- 
toric testimony confirms the fact that 
Christianity was introduced into Britain 
about that age, or at a vevy early period. 
The oppression that the Britons were re- 
ceiving at the hands of the Romans tended 
greatly to promote the reception of Chris- 
tianity among them, as well as the cruel 
treatment of the Druids and their doctrines 
so harmonizing with Christianity, and their 
principle of "seeking the truth against the 
world," facilitated its reception, and tended 
to make it the religion of the people in op- 
positioii to the Romans. Historical evi- 
dence is strong that Christianit_v spread 
and flourished in Britain from a very early- 
date, and that it was free from those Chris- 
tian persecutions which so cruelly afflicted 
Rome and the east, until the tenth and last 
persecution of Christians, which transpired 
by the order of Diocletian. It was under 
this that transpired that which is narrated 
by Bede, in which St. Alban and his Brit- 
ish companions suffered martyrdom. This 
persecution reached many places and per- 
sons throughout Britain. It appears that 
this persecution must have been of a short 
duration in Britain, compared with other 
parts of the Roman dominions, for it prob- 
ably ceased during Carausius' time, and 
not revived under Constantius, for he has 
always been a favorite person with the 
Christians and Britons. Bede seems to 
put the date of the commencement of this 
persecution and martyrdom in Britain 
about A. D. 2S6, and Carausius was saluted 
as emperor by the Britons in 287, and it is 
not probable that there was any persecu- 
tion of Christians in that country after that 
event, though there was elsewhere. 

It is said by some that Constantine had 
been educated by his mother, Helena, to 
whom he was much attached, in the Chris- 
tian faith. However this may have been, 
we have not much evidence of it, until af- 
ter he was firmly fixed in his government 
by his decided victory over Maxentius in 
Italy. He then felt himself in power and 
able to act his pleasure. It was then an- 
nounced that his victories were the result 
of his Christian faith, and were confirmed 
by miracles and the sign of the cross in 



THE ROMAN PERIOD. 



184 

the heavens. Thougli he permitted it to 
be distinctly understood that he favored 
and protected Christianity, he was slow in 
announcing any law or edict in its favor. 
It was not until A. D. 313, seven years af- 
ter his accession, that he procured the con- 
currence of his associate in the empire, Li- 
cinius, and made an authentic declaration 
of his sentiments by the celebrated edict of 
Milan,3 which soon, after the death of his 
colleagues and competitors, was received 
as a "general and fundamental law of the 
Roman world." In the meantime Chris- 
tianity had spread, progressed and flour- 
ished, and the church throughout the civ- 
ilized world became organized and estab- 
lished with its bishops, priests, and cere- 
monies, and especially in Britain, so that 
Tertullian in a writing against the Jews, 
A. D. 209, says that, "even those places in 
Britain hitherto inaccessible to Roman 
arms, liave been subdued by the gospel of 
Christ." But upon the accession of Con- 
stantine — a hundred years later — the 
Church became so established as to be con- 
sidered in harmony with the civil organi- 
zation of the country; and in the year 314, 
we are informed that at a council of the 
Church held at Aries three bishops from 
Britain attended,'' and this was many years 
before Constantine gave it his sanction. 
Before the latter event had taken place, the 
Christian church had become fully organ- 
ized throughout the Roman world, with its 
bishops, priests and other officials. They 
called and held coimcil at various places and 
regulated the affairs of the Church by its own 
authority, and when it came to be fully 
recognized by the Roman government no 
new organization was given to it, but only 
acknowledged to exist as it was. This was 
the case wlien, by the approbation of Con- 
stantine, the great council of Nice and oth- 
er councils were held to settle questions of 
theology and difficulties in the Church. 
The Church in Britain grew up under its 
primitive organization, but little dependent 
upon a connection with that of Rome, and 
during tiie barbarian overthrow of Western 

3 J Gibbon's D. & F., 252, ch. 20. 

4 See Pictorial History, 69, and Evans' Primitive 
Ages, 161. Consider, &c. 



[Book II. 



Europe, between A.D. 450 and 600, their 
connection was almost entirely severed; 
but religion in its primitive purity was 
maintained. After the time of Augustine, 
the missionary to the Saxons, the way was 
again opened, and the connection renewed. 
In the meantime the Roman church as- 
sumed and exercised powers which render- 
ed its influence and action far above the 
secular government, until the time of the 
reformation. 

The origin of Christianity in Britain is 
clouded in doubt, by the monastic legends 
thrown over it, and claims set up, without 
any outside authority to support them, or 
possibly inconsistent with them. Such is the 
claim that Christianity was introduced by 
some of the personal companions of Christ, 
or his apostles, as Joseph of Aramathea, 
or St. Paul himself, which is so unsupport- 
ed by history as not to be credited. Still 
the assertion that Christianity was intro- 
duced and supported in Britain within the 
first century is entitled to our belief upon 
historical facts. When and how that was 
first done is still a ques;tion. The most 
probable theory is that which is told in 
connection with the family of Caractacus, 
who were taken as prisoners to Rome in 
A. D. 52 or 53.5 This family consisted of 
himself,^ his wife, his father, brother, a 
daughter, and two sons. These remained 
in Rome for many years after Claudius had 
pardoned Caractacus, as hostages; and it 
is claimed by the Cymric writers that St. 
Paul came to Rome in A. D. 61, and that 
this family became acquainted with him, 
attended upon his preaching the Gospel, 
and were converted to it. Where Caracta- 
cus eventually died is not known, but the 
rest of the family after many years return- 
ed to Britain as converts, and were the 
means of establishing Christianity in their 



5 The war of tlie conquest commenced in 43. It 
lasted nine years before Caractacus was taken. 

6 His father was Bran ab Llyr, surnamed Fendi- 
gaid, who was the king- of the Silures, and who on 
his return was a great benefactor of his country in 
the introduction of various useful improvements; the 
two sons were Cyllen and Eudof, and the daug^hter 
was Eigen, identified as Claudia. It is said that 
Bran and his grandaughter were Christian converts, 
and active propagandists. See Tacitus' Annals, B. 
xii, ch. 35, &c.; Dion Cassius; Stillingfleet Orig. 
Brit.; Rees's Welsh Saints, §4; Miss Williams' 
Hist, of Wales, p. 29. 



FROM THE ACCESSION OF DIOCLETIAN. 



Chap. IV.] 

own country. This, with the facts stated 
in connection with it, is rendered very 
probable ; for it was very natural for per- 
sons in tiicir unfortunate and disconsolate 
situation to seek sympathy and conso- 
lation where it was to be had, and Paul or 
his disciples, with their sympathies, benev- 
olence and good will, would be likely to 
seek them. They were in very favorable 
condition to seek and receive the consola- 
tion of Christianity, and it was equally so 
with their people when they returned to 
their own country. This claim, made by 
the old British writers and their tradition, 
is, therefore, consistent and probable. 

Another claim made upon this subject is 
foimded upon the legend of king Lucius. 
It is alleged that this Lucius was the 
grand-son of Cyllin, the son of Caractacus, 
and known to the Cymi-y as Leurwg or 
Lleufr Mawr, (Great Light, Lucius,) and as 
one of. the subordinate kings, under the 
Romans, of one of the western states in 
Britain. He built a church at Llandoff, 
which is said to have been the first edifice 
ever erected in Britain tor the special pur- 
pose of Christian worship. It is said that 
this king, about A. D. 170, corresponded 
with Eleutherius, bishop of Rome, upon 
his Christian conviction and wishes, and 
to have received letters and missionaries in 
return, by whom he and his people were 
brought into the Church as members and 
baptized. This correspondence and con- 
version are very probably true; but the 
correspondence has been so represented 
and enlarged by monkish writers, that it 
has unjustly thrown discredit over the 
whole affair. 7 

It is said by reliable authors,* "It appears 
extremely probable that, during the reigns 
of Marcus Aurelius, Antoninus and Com- 
modus, a native Briton, named Lucius, 
reigned, by the permission of the Romans, 
over his part of the country; that hearing 
much of the Christian religion as observed 



iS^ 



7 The story of Lucius hiis been toki h\ Bede, Nfn- 
niiis and GuotTrey of Monmouth, and repeated and 
believed by Stillinijfleet and others. The discredit 
thrown upon it has been made by monkish additions 
to the correspondence to make it a popish affair. 

8 Thackeray's Ancient Brit., vol. i, p. 142; Giks' 
same, vol. i, p. 217. 



inmany parts of Britain, and particularly 
brought to his notice l)y the accounts of 
the sufferings of the Christians at Vienna 
and Lyons, and some remarkable conver- 
sions at Rome, Luciu:^ was anxious to ob- 
tain for himself and his people tlie ad\'an- 
tage of being full\' iiisinutetl in iliis re- 
ligion; that, for tiiis purpose, he despatched 
two British Christians, Medwy and Elvan, 
or Elfan, to Eleutherius, bishop of Rome, 
— not because he regarded that bishop as 
the supreme head of the Christian com- 
munity, but simply because he himselt", 
being tributary to the Romans, naturally 
looked up to Roine as the centre of informa- 
tion upon e\ery question of importance; 
that Eleutherius, in compliance with the 
request of Lucius, sent back, with Elxan 
and Medwy, two ecclesiastics, to whom 
tradition has assigned the names of Fa- 
ganus and Diivianus, who, coming into 
Britain, baptized king Lucius and many ot" 
his subjects, and thus enlarged and more 
t'ully confirmed that Christian faith which 
had been introduced into different pai-ts ai 
the island for upwards of one hundred, 
years." 

Not man\- years after this Tertullian 
wrote, that the "Britons in places inaccessi- 
ble to Roman arms were in submission to 
Christ." And the fathers of the Church 
are full of the like assertions during the 
third century. But before A. D. 314 the 
Church was t"ully organized throughout Ro- 
man Britain, so that bishops and priests at- 
tended that year the council of Aries from 
York, London and Caerleon on the L'sk. 
They also attended the council of Nice in 
315, and that at the council of Arminum, 
in Italy, held at the instance of Constan- 
tine II, in 359. Several bishops from Brit- 
ain were present, and many of the Chris- 
tian fathers of that century testify to their 
firm adherence to the true faith. 

Thus long before the termination of our 
present period the Christian Church was 
fully established in all Southern Britain, 
with thirty or forty bishops, with their 
proper dioceses and sees. The Druids and 
Druidism gradually dissolved into the 
Christian Church, and their doctrines mod- 
ified and purified by the pure doctrines of 



iS6 THE ROMAN PERIOD 

Christ. But that the doctrines of the 
Bi-itish were then in accordance A\itli tlie 
true taitli, is proved bv the councils and 
ecclesiastical histories of the age. No 
more of Druidism was retained than agreed 
"with the truth of the Gospel ; the unknown 
god of the Druid became the true God as 
disclosed by Christ and preached by Paul. 
Notwithstanding the depressed condition 
of the country in a political and national 
point of \iew, the Church was sustained 
and prospered. The seat of the arch- 
druid was converted to that of the arch- 
bishop, and such were York, London and 
Caerleon. The schools of learning of the 
Druids became those of Christianity, such 
as were afterwards distinguished at Aval- 
Ion, (Glastonbury) Caerleon, and Bangor, 
and produced the learning of such men as 
Pelagius and St. David. Although the 
language (Cymraeg) of the Cymry and 
their literature were cultivated, yet at those 
great schools the Roman or Latin language 
and all the science of the age were equally 
taught, and produced such men as Pelagius, 
Gildas, Nennius, and Asser, the learned 
friend and biographer of Alfred. 

Caerleon and its vicinity have produced 
many a learned man for other parts of the 
world. Among them was Patrick, the 
good missionarv and saint of Ireland. Up 
to that time Ireland was left out of the 
histories of classic and profane literature, 
but the genius and learning of her own 
sons have since abundantly retrieved that 
circimistance. "The original name of 
Patrick was Mannin or Magontius. He 
Avas born aliout the year 3S4, and, as he 
tells uS in his 'Confession,' Avas only six- 
teen years of age when he Avas made a 
<:aptive. He Avas carried into Ireland, and 
became the slave of the king of Dalraida. 
Escaping thence, he repaired to Rome, 
Avherc he long remained, devoting himself 
to literature and the study of theology."!' 
At that time Germanus, the bishop from 
Armorica, was in Rome upon business of 
liis people; and at his instance the pope 
cho>e the \oung man as the bearer of the 



\i 1 Gik-s' AnciunI I>ril(ins, p. 37S; Thackeray's 
Ancient Britons, \ol. ii, ji. 165; Nennius, c. 56 — 59. 



[Book II. 

tidings of salvation to Ireland. His de- 
voted labors, and the great good he ac- 
complished, made the choice a happy one. 
On his mission he passed through Corn- 
wall and Wales; of Avhich Giraldus Cam- 
brensis and John of Teignmouth have re- 
lated man\' mar\elous stories, which, 
though only in harmony with the supersti- 
tion of that age, should not detract from 
St. Patrick's claim to the honor of having 
converted Ireland to Christianity. This 
happy event Avas about the year 43 j. It 
may be, possibly in confirmation of this, 
that there is an old Cymric tradition which 
asserts that Padrig ab MaAvon, a native of 
Gwyr, in Morganwg, being a teacher of 
theology in the college of Caerworgan, 
was carried off by a band of Hibernian 
rovers, and became the zealous and success- 
ful missionary of the Christian faith to the 
Irish nation.i*^ 

The most interesting e\ent of this period 
connected Avith the ecclesiastical affairs of 
the country, was the promulgation of the 
doctrines of Pelagius, or pelagianism. Pel- 
agius was a nati\e of Cambria, and edu- 
cated at Caerleon, others say at Bangor. 
His name in his nati\e tongue Avas Morgan, 
(Near the Sea,) Avhich translated into 
Greek became Pelagius. About A. D. 
409 he left his native country for a journey 
through the Christian and civilized Avorld. 
He Avas a ripe scholar, and was everv where 
kindly received on account of his learning 
and excellent moral character. ^ He Avas 
the author of a number of books upon the 
subject of religion and morality, Avhich 
were highly commended, and by some a\ ho 
afterwards became his opponents on the 
subject of his peculiar docrines. Augus- 
tine, the bishop of Hippo, Avas so enamored 
with his Avritings and character, that he 
said of him, notwithstanding he Avas after- 
Avards the great opponent of his peculiar 
doctrine, "Though I oppose his doctrine, I 
love him still." He first made his way to 
Rome, accompanied by his friend, Celes- 
tius, Avho was said to have been an Irish- 
man, an eloquent scholar, and very success- 



10 Rl-cs's A\"c!s1i Saints, p. I2S; Miss Williain's 
Hist'jrv of ^Vale^^, p. 73. 



Chap 



FROM THE ACCESSION OF DIOCLETIAN. 187 



fill in lecturing and expounding the doc- 
trines of his principal. These doctrines, 
though adopted l)v manv, were condemned 
by some as a heresy. The grounds of 
them were said to be the following: i. 
Adam was created mortal, so that he would 
have tiled, whether he had sinned or not; 
2. Adam's sin injured only himself, and 
not the human race; 3. Infants are in the 
same condition, in which Adam was before 
the fall; 4. The whole human race neither 
dies in consequence of Adam'.s death or 
transgression, nor rises from the dead in 
consequence of Christ's lesiu-rection ; 5. 
Infants obtain eteimal life, though Ihev be 
not baptized; 6. The law is as g^od a mcms 
of sah-ation as the Gospel; 7. '['here were 
some men, even before Christ, a\ ho were 
free from sin, and subjects of salvation. 
These were the fundainental subjects of 
Pelagius' doctrines, and were generally re- 
ceived, where he or his friends explained 
ftnd expounded them; and it is said that 
they are only condemned where misunder- 
stood. In their earh' progress the}' were, 
by the councils of the Church, sometimes 
accepted and at others rejected, but eventu- 
ally condemned as contrary to the orthodox 
doctrine of the Church. 

Pelagius tra^•eled through Ital>', went 
through Northern Africa, Egypt, and to 
Jerusalem ; through Lyria, Asia Minor and 
to Constantinople. He e\erywhere found 
friends and ad\ocates of hi>- doctrines, 
among whom are to be eninnerated able 
and good men ; yet the doctrine has been 
generalh' condemned bv cluux'hmen. It 
has ne\-er formed a separate sect, still it 
prcN ails in some shape with a large body 
of people, though sometimes modified and 
termed Semi-Pelagianism. Since the or- 
ganization of the Christian Chmx-h no doc- 
trine has been announced by any person 
which has produced so much controxersy 
or exercised so much intellectual powers, 
or in\olved so man\' dogmas of the Clnu'ch, 
or so much of metapiiysical reasoning. 
The man who was able to acquire so many 
able proselytes, and maintain himself 
against so many learned, able and astute 
opponents, must have been learned, and in- 
tellectualh- orcat. And it ma\- be a 



query, whether the doctrine of Pelagius 
may not yet be, in its most acceptable lorm, 
accepted as the true doctrine of Christiani- 
ty, in the midst of all the reforms now pro- 
gressing, as that which is the nearest to 
truth and science; for science is truth, and 
truth will pre\'ail. 

Between the conilicting doctrines of Pe- 
lagius and Augustine stand the Semi- 
Pelagius, between whom and the Orthodox 
there appears to be no great deal of diffi- 
culty. "This middle doctrine," says Giles, '^ 
"is said to have been held by two eminent 
ecclesiastics, Fastidius and Faustus,'2 who 
like Pelagius, were natives of Britain; for 
in the beginning of the fifth century, when 
e\ery other department of life was smitten 
with a dearth of eminent men, the Church 
seemed to have been most prolific." The 
qualification of the compliment by Mr. 
Giles is not very generous, in speaking of 
the dearth of patriots, when he knew that 
Rome had used all her power to reduce 
that class of men to the lowest ebb, in a 
country that has e\'er been the most fertile 
of them; in the country of Casswallown, 
Caractacus and Arvaragus and their de- 
scendants; and a country that had just 
produced Maxen Wledig, Constantine and 
Gerontius. But that country was then, in 
that age, as it has always been, fertile in 
patriots and heioes as in scholars and di- 
vines. 

In coinmon with the Christian churches 
throughout the world, that of Britain be- 
came greatlv agitated upon the doctrine of 
Pelagius, in the very country where it 
originated. The leading men of the church 
became alarmed, that, as at length, the'doc- 
trine had been denounced as heresy by the 
head of the Church of Rome, they might 
be involved in the denunciation. The ques- 
tion was greatly agitated, and in great 
polemic meetings, the people were exer- 
cised in the great intellectual strife upon 
the question. Uncertain as to the result, 
the head of the Church sent to the churches 
of Cvmric Gaul for help to settle the agita- 



1 1 I (jiles' And. Britons, p. 365. 

12 It is said llv.it tlie doctrines of these divines 
"were sound and good." Sue n. i to Giles' Ancient 
Krit., p. 365. 



iS8 



THE ROMAN PERIOD. 



[Book IK 



tion, and, as has been already stated, bishop 
Germanus and others came over in the 
jear 429 and again in 446. The Cjmry 
never tolerated persecution for opinion's 
sake, even in the times of the l^iuids; and 
therefore the question must be settled by 
reason and the intellect, \'o\- with them it 
was a principle that truth must prevail 
against the world. As it was an appeal to 
the people, it was probable that the]ireach- 
ers who came must be able to speak to the 
people in their own language. They came, 
and says Bede, "A multitude tiocking 
thither from all parts received the priests, 
whose coming had been foretold. *• * * 
The apostolical priests tilled the island of 
Britain with the tame of their preaching 
and virtues; and the word of God was bv 
them daily administered, not only in the 
churches, but even in the streets and fields, 
so that the Catholics w"ere everywhere con- 
firmed. * * -* Thus the generality of 
the people readily embraced their opinion. 
* * * At length their opponents had 
the boldness to enter the lists, and appeared 
for public disputation. An immense multi- 
tude were there assembled with their wives 
and children. The people stood around as 
spectators and judges. * * * Then tiie 
venerable prelates poured forth the torrents 
of their apostolical and evangelical elo- 
quence. * * * The people, who were 
judges, could scarcely refrain from violence, 
but signified their judgment by their ac- 
clamations. "'3 This proceeding continued 
across the i.sland, stopping at everv con- 
venient place, from London to Mold in 
Cambria on the west side of the island. 
This is a striking picture of the character 
and habits of the people of that day, and 
shows them to have been a civil, religious, 
and highly civilized people, and it is told of 
them by no special friend of the Cymrv. 

This polemic debate took place probablv 
in a time of general peace, except the un- 
expected conflict which was had with the 
enemy on the west side of the island, and 
the truth of that conflict is doubted." The 
inroads of their northern enemies were 

13 Bede Etclo. History, R. i,ch. 17. 

14 See the note to Bede, ui supra. 



only at intervals; when Ibrcibly driven 
back, they remained quiet tor some years. 

iJv — DtoiiiLi- till' Close of the Roinioi Doiniii- 
lit ion. 

From tiie close of the reign of Constan- 
tine, and his death in A. D. 337, to the 
termination of Roman rule over Britain, a 
period of eighty-three years, it was doomed 
to sufter evvery kind of change and vicissi- 
tude of fortune. It now had seen its better 
days, and in common with the Roman 
empire and the western world, it was about 
to endure those changes and adversities 
brought on by the plunder and conquests 
of the northern barbarians, which pro- 
duced in Western Europe that fatal de- 
terioration and adversitv known as its dark 
age. In the progress of that decline and ad- 
versitN', whether it was Britain or (jaul, 
Spain or Italy; that suflered most, it is hard 
to determine; for all those countries wit- 
nessed the revolting process by which 
their fair land was overrun, their property 
plimdered, their cities and houses either 
destroyed or laid in ashes, their people en- 
during every species of privation and in- 
justice by plunder, slaughter and slavery ; 
for more tlian foiu- liimdred years did 
Western Europe endure these wrongs and 
injustice before the country began to re- 
cover from the effects of that dark age and 
the conversion of the accumulated labors 
of civilization to savage waste and barbari- 
ty. In Britain, from the commencement 
of the reign of Carausius to the end of that 
of Conslantinc the Great, lier northern en- 
emies were genei\'illy kept at bay, and she 
was in a great measm-e permitted to enjoy 
and hold her own, while the storm was ac- 
cumulating with threatening violence in 
Gaul and Italy. From the time of the em- 
peror Probus, A. D. 277, the northern and 
eastern barbarians kept a constant pressin-e 
upon Gaul tVom the other side of the 
Rhine, and upon Italy iVom the further 
side of the Danube. This pressure was 
never left ofl:' — only kept back, until those 
countries were overwhelmed by it. 

In the meantime Britain was enduring a 
variety of fortune and changes of condition 
at"ter the death of Constantine. Six years 



FROM THE ACCESSION OF DIOCLETIAN. 



Chap. IV.] 

after that event, we are informed, the in- 
roads of the Scots and Picts required the 
attention of Constans, his youngest son, to 
whom was assigned the government of the 
western empire. This yoimg emperor vis- 
ited Britain under a favorable journey, but 
probably without rendering any personal 
aid in rejielling these troublesome enemies 
of the country. These attacks were con- 
stantly renewed Avhenever the enemy 
deemed they had a favorable opportunity 
of doing so; and the unhappy country con- 
tinued to be constantly afflicted by the rav- 
ages of their northern enemies on the in- 
terior, and those of the Frank and Saxon 
pirates along the sea shore; while no less 
complaints were made on account of the 
exactions made by the imperial government 
for the payment of taxes, and the corrupt 
and illegal abuses of their officials. In the 
midst of such complication of injiu'ies and 
abuses did the distracted country continue 
to suftei", still adhering to the Roman gov- 
ernment as the least of the evils to which 
they could resort for relief. Occasionally 
their protectors would grant them relief by 
an increase of the army for their defense, 
and sometimes the soldiers of that army, 
when neglected, would organize a relief 
for the country in opposition to the le- 
gitimate government, as was done in the 
case of Maximus and Constantine the 
usurpers ; still the Roman officers of the 
government and soldiers of the army were 
always there, while occasionally there was 
sent to their aid a sufficient increase of the 
army to aftbrd relief and protection to the 
• country. The Britons always looking 
hopefully tor the relief expected from the 
power and majesty of Rome, to which they 
had been so long accustomed, rather than 
to resort to an independent action against 
the Roman officers left in the country, 
surrounded as they were by so many 
threatening enemies. It was with extreme 
reluctance that the Britons separated from 
the Roman government; and that was the 
last thing that the imperial officers in the 
country would consent or yield their hold 
on it. After the defeat of Constantine the 
Briton in A. D. 411, there are many 
reasons to believe, and so frequently as- 



1S9 



serted by historians, that a Roman army 
was sent to the relief of Britain in A. D. 
414, 16 and 18; and this is the most consis- 
tent with facts and probabilities. 

After the Roman general, Constantius, 
had captured the last named Constantine 
at Aries, and restored Roman sway in 
Gaul and Britain, we have evidence that 
in 414 he was in command of the armv 
and in possession of the sea-coast in North- 
western Gaul, and also, as that is the most 
probable, of Britain. It is believed there 
was no revolt of the inhabitants of Britain 
against ' the Roman authorities during 
these times;— no emute of the people. 
The revolt in the time of Carausius, Maxi- 
mus and Constantine, was that of Roman 
soldiers,! in Roman name and under the 
Roman organization. Each time the Ro- 
man civil officers remained in power; and 
each time the army was called away to 
other positions of the empire there were 
always sufficient officers and soldiers lett 
to guard and retain possession of the mili- 
tary posts and property of the Roman gov- 
ernment, until the final withdrawing 
the army, with the officers, civil and 
military, from Britain in A. D. 42o;2 and 
Honorius writing letters directed to cities 
of Britain, admitting his inability any longer 
to defend or protect them, renouncing all 
allegiance over them, acknowledging their 
independence, and urging them to provide 
Ibr their own defense. At that time the 
cities and certain districts of the countr} 
were stipendaries, and had civil govern- 
ment organized within them for police and 
civil purposes, and within these were 
princes and even conventional kings per- 
mitted to rule, under Roman policy, but 
their power and authority were strictly 
confined to domestic and civil purposes; 
and never dared or wished to set up inde- 
pendent sovereignty adverse to imperial 
Rome, until after they had received the 
letters of Honorius urging them to do so. 



1 Let the reader refer to Gibbon for an account ot 
each of these revolts, and it will he seen that he 
states them to have been the act of the soldiers. 

2 Gibbon states the revolt of Britain to have been 
in A. D. 409, when the revolt of Constantine was m 
full and successful operation, which he states just 
before, the s^eneral condition of the empire under the 
date of A. D. 420. 



19° THE ROMAN PERIOD 

When and how the Romans finally de- 
parted from Britain, and left the Britons to 
take care of themselves, we have no defi- 
nite account; but from the statements 
made bv Gildas, Nennius and Bede,- as 
supported by other historical authorities, 
we can satisfactorily gather the following 
to be tiie facts. After the defeat of the 
usurper Constantine at Aries, in the fall 
of the year 411, the general, Constantius, 
proceeded to restore order in the name of 
Hono'-ius in the northwestern provinces, 
Gaul and Britain. This was so accom- 
plished and maintained until after 414, 
when the army was necessarily called 
away. After this, we gather from these 
authors that upon two special occasions, in 
consequence of the pressure of their ene- 
mies, the Britons applied to the Romans 
for aid, and upon each occasion a Roman 
army was sent, who very successfully re- 
pelled and drove their enemies out of the 
country, and left it in a protected condition. 
These two different times, we gather from 
other historians, were in A. D. 416 and 18; 
and this agrees with Nennius and Bede. 
This last time tiie army, after having ex- 
hausted the country of much of its valua- 
ble wealth, and having besides received 
rich gifts, they returned in great triumph to 
Roine ;"4 and "so took leave of their friends, 
never to return again."5 

Thus the Romans departed in friend- 
ship,— no rebellion, or desire on the part of 
the Britons to be released from the Roman 
sovereignty. They were all then, bv the 
law, Roman citizens, and Rome was their 
sovereign and national government; and 
as their supreme and federal government 
the\- did not wish to part with it, and yet 
hoped they would return. They were in 
full possession, in their several States and 
cities, of their local and subordinate govern- 
ment, and preferred tiie Roman supremacv 
to any other, as they were now accus- 
tomed to it,— were now Roman citizens, 
and entitled to be considered as part of th 
Roman empire,— and surrounded b\- s 



3 Gildu^, §15 and 16. Xenniu.-, tjjt'.. Budc, B i 
oil. 12. ' • 1 



4 Xenniiis, ch. 30. 

5 Btdc, B. I, ch. iz. 



[Book II. 

manv- enemies and difficulties, they wished 
to put off the evil day of their final separa- 
tion and the organization of a federal gov- 
ernment of their o\sn. Until that was 
finally determined they chose to remain 
under their several local, .-tate and city 
governmenls. This condition they were 
undoubtedly in when Bishop Germanus 
came there the first time in the year 429 
in the Pelagian controversv". They had 
a few years before (in 420) received the let- 
ters of Honorius; but still they hoped a re- 
turn, and in accordance with that hope the 
ultra Roman party sent the letter they did 
to ^Etius, but who was then so engaged 
with Attilla and his Huns he could render 
them no assistance. And now, when all 
hopes were at an end, they settled the con- 
flict, about A. D. 440, by the election of 
Vortigern their pendragon and commander 
in chief 

And now, who are these Britons, and 
what was their condition at that time.' 
Were they the savages and barbarians that 
a few prejudiced and hostile spirits claim 
them to have been, or were they a people 
who had done and accomplished extraordi- 
nary things to improve and civilize them- 
selves.' In reply to these queries, let the 
reader take a fair and candid review of the 
evidence we have collected from history, 
and he will find sufficient to satisf\- him, 
from the glimpses and fragments of his- 
torv given to us in remote times by the 
Phoenicians and Greeks, and the more re- 
cent and authentic histories, that thev and 
their forefathers were a people as much en- 
titled to the consideration of mankind, as a 
progressive and civilized people, as anv' 
who were thus far tVom the centers of civ- 
ilization. In the first account we have of 
them they vvere represented to be kind and 
hospitable to strangers, well clad and ven- 
erable in their personal appearance. They 
were laboriouslv industrious and furnished 
to the world that indispensable article — 
tin — then so absolutely required by the 
civilized Avorld. The account given of 
them by Publius Crassus shows that at 
that time thev were engaged in the produc- 
tion of tin and other metals in trade and 
traffic; and turning their attention to navi- 



Chap. IV.] FROM THE ACCES8I 

gation, which is confirmed by their con- 
nection with the Venetians and their nu- 
merous sliipjiing and commerce, which 
witliout doubt was principally due to its 
connection and traffic with Britain. That 
business and commerce concentrated in 
the neighborhood of what is now the Isle 
of Wight and Portsmouth, the ancient 
Vectis, the Portus Magnus, and Venta, of 
the Romans. There the great body of the 
nation concentrated, — there were Avebury 
and Stonehenge, and the institution of the 
Druids developed. And there was the 
great country for which Vespasian fought 
his thirty-two battles and took twenty 
towns which Cresar never saw. Aveburj- 
was a wonderful work and evidence of 
great perseverance; but Stonehenge may 
be compared with the great works of 
civilized antiquity, if not with the pyra- 
mids, at least with the cjclopean walls 
of Argos and Mycenie, in the skill and 
science required to move and manage 
such \ast blocks of stone ; to cut, tenon 
and mortice, and place on the transom, 
show evidence of method, mechanism 
and art excelling everything of the day in 
Western Europe. Such were the Britons 
betbre Citsar's time, and he greatly adds to 
the credit due them. The people who 
could organize a body of tour thousand 
chariots, as Csesar describes them as 
sent against him, with all the art and 
skill necessary to produce and manage 
them, places their capacity for civilization 
be\ond a question ; and that, too, acquired 
and realized by their own etibrts and 
genius. Cassivellaunus, Caractacus, and 
Boadicea, as well as other persons of their 
people and age, occupy in history as ad- 
mirable and magnificent figures as any 
presented to us in the annals of the Ro- 
man and civilized world. 

By means of the ancient historians, and 
the recent antiquarian researches, we are 
enabled to discover the progress and im- 
provement the ancient Britons were able 
from time to time to make, and see the 
improvements made by their self-taught 
development from the time the Phoenicians 
visited them to that of Ccesar, and from 
CiEsar to Claudius, and from Claudius to 



ON OF DIOCLETIAN. 191 

the end of the Roman rule; not merely in 
such labors as the Stonehenge or the walls 
of Chun Castle in Cornwall, or the numer- 
ous chariots described by C;vsar ; but in ar- 
ticles of ornament and taste, not only for 
the person but as utensils ibr domestic 
use; nor did they neglect their agricultural 
interests, for in C;csar's time they had 
large fields of grain, and could furnish 
whatever amount of corn required ; nor 
yet did they neglect their mining and com- 
mercial advantages, for they furnished for 
use and exportation tin, lead, iron, gold, 
silver, as well as the productions of the 
soil. Such was the progress made by the 
Britons when the Roman conquest under 
Claudius was made; and Tacitus testifies 
to what readiness they applied their talents, 
skill and industry to further impro\ements 
of the country in the erection of buildings, 
both private and public, with porticos, and 
baths, and ornamented pavements, and en- 
gaged themselves in all the learning and 
improvement to be acquired from the Ro- 
mans. This was continued to the end of 
tlie Roman dominion; and what has since 
been called Roman works and improve- 
ments, when in reality they are those of 
the Britons. The Romans sought to con- 
quer that they might govern and ta.x for 
their own benefit. They encouraged but 
did not labor; they taxed but did not pro- 
duce. That was left for the Britons to ac- 
complish. The object of the Romans was- 
gain and profit; they left the labor and en- 
terprise for the Britons. These thev en- 
couraged, but they were to be left tor the 
Britons to perform, or the enterprise was 
not accomplished. The Romans brought 
to the country new inventions, new ideas, 
models and engineer skill, but it was left 
to the people to use them or let them 
alone. If they went with them to the 
Huns and Goths they were let alone; but 
the Britons did choose to use and impro\'e 
them. The Romans came there with an 
army and its ofiicers, and a corp>. of fiscal 
ofticers to gather taxes and tribute, and to 
be supported by the country. Beyond 
this, only a few merchants and hangers- 
on came to gather gain and to loot. No 
colonization of the country took place ta 



192 



THE ROMAN PERIOD. 



iinpro\ e it by Roman industry ; that was 
left for the natives or it was not done. 
To this the only exception were the roads, 
the military fortification and the A\alls for 
the protection of the country; and in these 
Romans were engaged, for they were ne- 
cessary to their o\\ n con\enience and to 
hold the country in their own subjection. 
But they were the joint labors of the army 
'and the people; and the Britons were 
heavily assessed to labor upon them. 

Immediately after the conquest the Ro- 
mans found the Britons so hostile to the 
invasion and so difficult to bring them to 
subjection, that they became very jealous 
of their position and guarded against e\erv 
thing that might be turned against them to 
liberate the country; therefore they dis- 
armed the people and prohibited Roman 
otiicers to settle in the country or become 
land- holders. They were bound to return, 
with whate\er acqiured there, to Rome. 
and be sure not to aid the people to their 
independence. These restrictions were 
gradualh' relaxed as tlie_\' found the people, 
by habit and custom, becoming more con- 
tented and happy in their condition, until 
about the year 2:2 the emperor Caracalla, 
by an imperial edict, extended all the 
rights and pri\ileges of Roman citizens to 
the Britons, by means of which they be- 
came as much Rom.ui citizens as the peo- 
ple of an\- of the provinces, more than two 
himdrcd years before the i:nd of the em 
pire in Britain; and they were the Roman 
citizens who built up those ninety-two 
cities and other improvements left there 
\\ hen the Roman army- tinall_\' departed. 
It is \ery true that many of the Roman 
officers and merchants and members of the 
arm\- sometime-^ formed faniih- connec- 
tions there; and by tliat means much Ro- 
man ofispring and Roman blood became 
mixed up w itli tlie original C\'mr\-. But 
when the aiiny fmail}' left, there were no 
exclusively Roman peojile left there. 
There were some half blood and mixtures; 
but no exclusi\cly Roman people, — they 
were all natives of the island. We read of 
Ambrosius who was there at the end of the 
Roman rule, but was popular with both 
parties. 



[Book II. 

Upon the departure of the Romans, the 
Britons again became essentially one and 
a homogeneous people — descendants of the 
ancient Cymry. After so long an inter- 
course they parted \v:th the Romans in 
friendship and with regret. The^- had 
adopted many of their manners and cus- 
toms, were firmly established in the Chris- 
tian religion. In passing from Druidism. 
to Christianitv the\- had les.s to change 
than any other pagan people. The arch- 
druid became the arch-bishop, and the 
druidic priest became a con\ert to Christ 
and a firm teacher in the faith. The high 
moralit_\' and principles of justice and hu- 
manity foimd in their triads, harmonized 
well witii the doctrines of Christianity. 
We ha\ e no evidence that they sacrificed 
any human beings after Ca;sar's time; but 
we have, that the Romans manv years af- 
ter that, in the reign of Augustus, that the 
Romans sacrificed — immolated on one oc- 
casion and the same time, upwards of three 
hundred of their own citizens. 

It is probable that while the Romans 
ruled the\- encouraged the ditierences and 
divisions between one state or city and 
another in the ninnerous divisions in 
Britain; foi- that was in accordance with 
their maxims and practice, "to divide and 
conquer." vStill at last we see no conflict 
between tliem, w hen at length they came 
to form an imion by the election of \'ort- 
gern as iheir pencii-agon. There was a 
parly difierence of opinion, as upon ail 
such occasions, between this party and 
that of Ambrosius Aurelius, who was 
more inclined to the Romans, and possibh^ 
did not then advise the imion and federal 
arrangement; but that prevailed with the 
majority, ami he seemed to have readily 
yielded to it. 

Tlie principal iiistorian of those times is 
the querulous and censorious Gildas, who 
imparted his sentiments to Bede and Nen- 
nius, nlio long after that followed him. 
He was filled with the monkish supersti- 
tion of the age, and does great injustice to 
tlie men and the action of the times. 
Everything that did not accord with his 
views was ungodly; and whatever went 
unfortunate was the scourge of God to 



Chap. i\' 



FROM THE ACCKSSION OF DI0CLI:TIAN, 



193 



pimi-h 11k- peojile lor their wickethicss. | 
lie lulled \'ortigern, and perhap- jusllv, 
but uc cannot Ibrni an_v lust opinion from 
so censorious a writer. From him and oth- 
er conflicting histories of the period, we 
can gather facts to show that the historv 
of those times wa^ perverted and misrep- 
resented h\ monkish legenils ;inil creeds, 
which made no allowance or consideration 
lor ine\ itahle fate, pi'odnced upon a coun- 
try depleted bv the Romans and then 
ovei"i"un b\ a barbarous and Ci'uel enemy, 
while it was suffering with pestilence and 
lam inc. 

Witli a little of the consideration and 
candor that should characterize a true his- 
torian, Mr. Miller, in his History of the 
Anglo Saxons, says: — "With a population 
so thinned as it must ha\e been by the 
hea\ \ drainage made from time to time 
from the rio\ver of its youth, we can readi- 
1\- conceixe iiow difhcidt it wa-- to defend 
the wall w liich .Se\erus hatl erected after 
the departure of the Romans. But we 
cannot imagine that the Britons would 
Jiesitate to abandon a position which they 
could no longer maintain, or waste their 
strength on an outer barrier, when the 
enemv had alread\- jiassed it b\' sea, and 
were marching tar into the coiuilr_\ . (Jn 
this i)oint the \enerable Ciilda> must ha\e 
been misinformed, and the narrati\e of 
Zorrimus is, bexond doubt, the most cor- 
i-ect one, l-"rom hi'- histor\ it is exident 
that the ]^riton~ rose u)> and boldl\ de- 
. fentled thenisehe^ from tlu' nf)rtlierM in- 
vader>.'" And this i^ not onh sustainetl 
b\ what i- >aid b\ Cjilda-- himself, but sup- 
jioi'ted b\ Tui-ner, Gile--,'' and all the his- 
torians on the suliject; but strange it is 
that some run into the olher i)ai"t ol' the 
contraiiictor\- portions of tlie statement of 
cpierulous Gildab in order to suppoii as- 
sertions and positions hostile to the Britons 



I) TarnL-r's .Vn^lo Saxons, H. ii. eli. vii, p. I2<i. i 
<jik->' Ancitiil Britons, cli. 2\. p. 5S9, who says: "A 
I'ainint- l>roUe out in tlii; ishtml. lollounJ liy its inva- 
liablc aUcnclanl the pc-slilenct- , wliich swL'pt off Uic 
natives In liiindrt-ds: and ulR-n wv add to this the 
havoc and din ot war wliich covoi'i'd all Kiiropc, it 
seems as if thi- vial ol the Aluiisrhtv's wrath was 
visihlv poured out oxer all the countries of the ciyi- 
li/.ed xvorUl." . . . "We read also that some of 
the Britons, tindinsj no help hut in their own valor, 
riew to arms, ma(k- a resolute stand for their lives 
and liherty, and l^ravclv defeated their ojipressors." 



unsupported by tiie stirrounding facts. 7 

When tlie Romans withdrew from Brit- 
ain the natives were left in their enfeebled 
condition, so reduced by tiieir connection 
xvith Rome, and a thankless boon, after 
being thus robbed, to be told that they 
were now at liberty to go free and help 
themselves. They w ere then in a \try dif- 
ferent condition from what they were when 
they met C;esar, with their four thotisand 
chariots in one body, and breathed the free 
air of Britain. W'hh all their adversities 
and calamities, they were still Briton.s — 
xvith their several local and stipendarv gov- 
ernments in full operation, and accustom- 
ed to elect their ow n senators or deciirioucs, 
and magistrates, under their ancient laws; 
with people intelligent and enlightened 
enough to meet in \ ast crowds throughout 
the whole country — men with their Avives 
and children*' — to listen to, and appreciate, 
Bishop Germanus upon .such abstruse sub- 
jects as xvere inxolved in the metaphysical 
and theological doctrines af Pelagianisni ; 
xvith such patriots as Vortimer, and Ain- 
brosius and Arthur to fight, and, if needs 
be, to die foi them and their beloved Brit- 
ain ; \x ith schools which produced such 
Latin scholars as Palagius, St. David, Gil- 
das, Nennius and Asser; xvith ninety-two 
cities and toxvns arotind them, and thev and 
the \xliole country connecteii iix artificial 
road.s. Witli all these exiciences of progress 
and cixilization around them, nothing but 
the helpless condition in xvhich the Romans 



7 In supjiort of this Giles says (i Hist. Ane. Brit- 
ons, page 341): "I'he continued drain of its popula- 
tion in the service of Rome, liad ever been an ob- 
stacle to Briton's t;Teatness. We cannot consiiler 
the island to have contained, in tile time which we 
are speaUinjj; ot", more than a tenth part of the num- 
bers with wliich it is now crowded, (/. f. about 2,- 
ooo,oool and the conseipiences whicli resulted from 
the departure of more than a iiundred thousand per- 
sons, xyho are said to have accompanied the army 
from time to time, with Maximus and others, can 
better be conceived than described. .Neitlier were 
the einifjrants chosen from the weaker or more use- 
less classes of the ])eople. They consisted of all 
the Roman soldiery, and the best and most vijrorous 
ot the native Britons. The loss of a larfj^e number 
of men, who have passed the prime of lite may lie 
borne bv a nation with comparative ease; the places 
of the veterans are supplied by the liountiful elastici- 
ty of nature, by xvhich the yonnij <4roxv to be men, 
and to occupy their fatlier's places in the senate, or 
the field of battle, and at the domestic hearth; but 
the departure of all the youtli of thi' land must have 
the lapse of many years before the loss of a' whole 
generation can lie sui)|)lied." 

8 Bode, B. 1, ch. 1,5. 



'94 



THE ROMAN PERIOD. 



had left them would enable their ravagiiii^- 
enemies to have prevailed against them, 
and with the sword and fire to have re- 
duced those objects of improvement to ut- 
ter ruin. But it seemed to have been in- 
evitable; it was a question again to be 
repeated, — who had the most men to be 
slaughtered in the cause.'' Britain, whose 
population had been reduced, and now lim- 
ited ; or the savages of Northern and East- 
ern Europe, whose population had been in- 
creasing for ages, and then ready to be let 



[Book II, 

in, with unlimited nmnbers, upon Southern 
and Western Europe. Rome had thus far 
kept them at bay, accumulating in popula- 
tion and physical power, without the least 
attempt to improve or civilize them, until 
they had so increased in mass and numbers 
that they were then ready to rush like an 
impending avalanche upon unhappy and 
civilized Europe, as though it were the 
wrath of Heaven coming to punish Rome 
for her iniqinties. 



STORY OF THE ANCIENT BRITONS, 

AND THEIR DESCENDANTS. 



BOOK III.— THE SAXON PERIOD. 



CHAPTER T. 

THE -SAXOX CONQUEST. A. D. 449 tO 626. 

,^i. — T//C Stixois^ I^/rsl hianigration^ War 
and Settlement in Britain. 

The year 449 of the present era is the 
commencement of a new period in the his- 
tory of Britain. It was the beginning of a 
new series of events, connected with some 
of the most important movements of tlie 
world. However insignificant or unpropi- 
tioLis those events may have been in their 
origin, it is vain for the limited intellect of 
man to fathom the course of Providence, 
and pretend to tell how much such tri\ial 
matters may have aided in producing the 
mighty events that may have followed it; 
or how the world woidd have stood if such 
event had never happened. Every day we 
witness great events following small ones, 
and apparently depending upon them ; but 
the world must go on, and great events 
will happen, whether dependent on the 
trivial circumstances that preceeded them 
or not. In British soil there are buried up 
great productions and great events, wheth- 
er preceded by British, Roman, Sa.\on or 
Norman people, or otherwise. Events 
happen, and times change, sometimes by 
intelligence and intellect over brute force 
and rudeness, and sometimes by the re- 
verse; but generally speaking the heaviest 
battalion and the most nien prevail. It is 
often very difficult for man, from the small 
circumstances by which he is surrounded, 
to judge what mighty or untoward event 
they may produce; but when they have 
transpired and are palpable, then the wise- 



acres will disclose their wisdom, and tell 
how wise they were and foresaw it. 

At that time the Britons had been for 
more than a hundred years, under the Ro- 
man government and under their own, 
greatly troubled and injured by repeated 
and continued attacks from savage and bai-- 
barous enemies — the Picts and Scots by 
land who robbed, plundered and destroyed, 
and the Franks and Saxons who did the 
same as pirates from the sea. They were 
frequently driven oft" and greatly punished 
for their wrongs. But they soon forgot 
their punishment, and after a time return- 
ed again to commit their wrongs and to 
devastate portions of the country. The 
Saxons had continued their piracies so long 
against every iniliction of punishment that 
could be pvit upon them either by the Ro- 
man government, or Carausius, or that of 
the Britons, that the whole coast of Britain 
on the southeast, from the Wash to the isle 
of Wight, was so infested with them that 
it was called the "Saxon shore." The Ro- 
man had done everthing to protect it, and 
had organized it imder a peculiar jurisdic- 
tion ot the Counts of the Saxon shores, 
with military force and castles for their 
protection." The Saxons, therefore, were 
frequently in the habit of landing upon the 
British shores, and such event was nothing 
new to the Britons. 

All this time, as we have already seen, 
Britain was greatly afflicted with all man- 
ner of misfortunes and untoward events; 



I Pal^rave's Anglo-Saxon, ch. i, p. 24. "Thisdis- 
Uict was placijJ under the command of a military 
coun called '■Comes Htoris Saronici.' i Turner's 
Anglo-Saxons, B. ii, ch. iv, p. io6; i Gibbon's Dec. 
and" Fall, ch. xxv, p. 340. 



196 



THE SAXON PERIOD. 



their enemies were assailing them in va- 
rious places — the Picts and Scots in various 
places, and the pirates in others. The 
country for many years past had been 
greatly reduced and depleted in its popu- 
lation, by the demands of the Roman ar- 
mies upon them; the ravages of their ene- 
mies had in some places desolated their 
country ; their attention had been greatly 
excited and turned toward religious sub- 
jects and polemic discussions; and they 
had been afflicted with famine and pesti- 
lence. They were then surrounded by too 
many untoward circumstances for any oth- 
er extraordinary demand upon their exer- 
tion. We have seen that just before this 
a new general or federal gorernment had 
been organized, and Vortigern had been 
elected their pendragon, or penteyrn,- or 
president; and had come from his own 
state — SiluriaS — to London or its vicinity 
to attend to national affairs, and call a gener- 
er council,^ or general assembly of the elite 
of the people, to take into consideration the 
difficulties of the times. For according to 
the ancient principles of the British con- 
stitution, no new law could be adopted, no 
new responsibility of the people, nor any 
new obligation with a foreign power could 
be entered into without the consent of their 
general assembly. Such general assembly 
was now in session, and Vortigern was 
seeking their advice and consent as to the 
management of public affairs. While thev 
were thus in session at London, news came 
in to them that three Saxon long boats, or 
cyules or keels, had just landed on the 
British shore, on Thanet island, »iear the 
mouth of the Thames. They were report- 
ed to act different from any .Saxons who 
ever appeared there before ; that they did 
not appear to be inclined to any piratical 
hostilities. They announced that they 
were friendly, wanted land to settle upon, 
or to be employed. Vortigern, as a man 
of ready expedients, iminediately proposed 



2 : Thierry's Norman Conquest, B. i, p. 7. 

3 Thierry (as above, p. S; says that Vortigern was 
a Loesjrian. This is a mistake. He was then oper- 
ating in Loegria, because that was in the confedera- 
cy, but he was elected from his native state, Siluria, 
to his office as pendragon. 

4 Turner's Anglo-Saxons, B. iii, ch. i, p. )Si. 



[Book III. 

to his council to send a deputy to them, 
and propose to employ them as allies or 
mercenaries, with their own troops, in the 
expedition about to be sent out against the 
Picts and Scots, who were then preparing 
to come down again upon them. This 
proposition of Vortigern was strenuously 
opposed by some members, as a matter 
which should not be entertained. The 
Saxons they said were pirates, and treach- 
erous, and not to be trusted; besides, they 
said, we niust do our own fighting, and not 
again trust any foreign people. 

To this it was replied, that there could be 
no danger in the quantity of inen that three 
such boats could carry — perhaps three hun- 
dred men, possibly five. Such allies, 
among the fifteen or twenty thousand 
troops that the Britons must raiseand send 
forth against the approaching enemies com- 
ing from the north, would be of no danger 
to the country. To apprehend danger 
from such a sovtrce is to borrow trouble. 
The Romans and every nation employ al- 
lies and mercenaries, and auxiliaries, and 
why not the Britons, when they have such 
an opportunity offered them .'' It was fur- 
ther said that the Roman party had recent- 
ly sent to the Roinan ^tius for aid to 
drive back the approaching enemy, which 
was refused, because he was so strenuously 
engaged in Gaul against Attila and his 
Huns; and why now may not the Britons 
employ these Saxons, who now peaceably 
offer their services.'' To this it was rejoin- 
ed that the Saxons were pirates and rob- 
bers, and had been such for more than a 
hundred years — were treacherous and not 
to be trusted. Ai'ter such experience the 
Britons should have nothing to do with 
them. 

Thus was the matter debated, with a good 
deal of party feeling and contempt for the 
borrowed trouble — ^just as such matters 
ha\e often been debated in a British par- 
liament or a Roman senate, and very much 
as a like question was actually debated in 
the Roman senate in the case of Alaric 
and Stilicho,'' or before the English parlia- 
ment as to engaging to fight for the Turks 



5 See : Gibbon's Dec. and Fall, ch. x-\.\, p. 414. 



Chap. I.] 

against a Christian people in the Crimean 
war. But right or wrong tlie question was 
carried in the affirmative, and Vortigern«J 
immediately sent his deputy to see the 
strangers in Thanet, to negotiate with them 
and see what they wanted, and see il they 
would engage as allies in the British ser- 
vice in the war against the Picts and Scots. 
The deputy soon returned with a very fav- 
orable report, stating that he found the 
strangers appeared to be peaceably inclined 
and not pirates; they represent themselves 
to be exiles from home, seeking a place to 
settle and to be employed. They offer to 
be employed as auxiliaries in our war 
against the Picts and Scots, and to render 
most loyal service. This report was very 
satisfactory to Vortigern and the council, 
as might be supposed, and it was agreed to 
employ these Saxon adventurers as subsid- 
iary soldiers. They were accordingly re- 
tained to serve as auxiliaries against the 
northern enemies then invading the coun- 
try ; and were, therefore, promised food and 
clothing, and were to be stationed in 
Thanet, whose ancient British name was 
Ruithina." In pursuance of this agree- 
ment, the strangers went into the service 
with the British troops as their auxiliaries,8 
against the northern enemies, which was 
successful ; and the service rendered bv the 



THE SAXON CONQUEST. 



197 



(i We should nol without consideration condemn 
Vortigern for this h:iste in employing the strana^ers. 
Mr. Miller, in liis History of tlie Anglo-Saxons, (p. 
06) well says: "There is no evidence that V^ortii^jern 
intended any wronsj. Centuries before, the Britons 
had crossed the sea, and fou'jht in the wars of the 
(lauls; they had also aided the Romans. It was a 
common custom for one nation to hire the assistance 
of another; when the time of service was over, the 
soldiers either returned to their own country or set- 
tled down amonifst the native tribes, whom they had 
defended. In this case, however, the result proved 
very difterent, thouu-h it v,-ould have been difficult 
for .mv one endowed ^vith the keenest penetration to 
hiive foreseen that three small ships, probably con- 
taininsc '" •'" "'>t more than three hundred men, and 
these wiliina' to render assistance on very humble 
terms, should jjoint out the way, by which their com- 
panions in arms should come and conquer, and take 
possession of a countrv whicli it had cost the Ro- 
mans so many 3'ears of hard warfare to subjugate." 

7 I Turner's Anu-lo-.Saxons, B. iii, ch. i, p. 182; 
Gildas, §T3. 22: Xennius, ch. 2S, 35; Bede, B. i, ch. 
15. The British poem of Golyddan indii^nantly al- 
ludes to tills council and agreement. That, however, 
was an afterthouarht, wiien it was easv to judge of 
it. ■ 

S It is impossible to conceive that these strangers 
did anything more than act as auxiliary to the Brit- 
ish forces. It would be preposterous to suppose that 
three or four hundred rien could drive awav an en- 
emy which always recivtircd the Roman army to do. 



strangers appreciated, and the compensa- 
tion for their service appears to have been 
satisfactorily arranged. But whether that 
included a stipulation for a permanent set- 
tlement in the island of Thanet or only a 
temporary one does not very clearly ap- 
pear; but these allies of the Britons were 
so well pleased with their employment and 
compensation, that they suggested to Vor- 
tigern that they had friends at home who 
would also be glad to emigrate and come 
and enter his service like themselves, whom 
he would find efficient and loyal soldiers; 
to which Vortigern replied that it would 
appear to be very satisfactory. 

These newcomers had been from the 
first received and considered by the Britons 
as Saxons, for that was the name they be- 
stowed upon all the piratical enemies who 
came from the north of the mouth of the 
Rhine. But it is probable that they told 
the Britons, in order to quiet their suspi- 
cion, that they were not Saxons, but Jutes 
from Juteland, and that the two princes or 
chiefs who led them were Hengist and 
Horsa — they were brothers, and the true 
descendents of their national god Woden. 
Whether these representations put Vorti- 
gern off his guard and induced him to en- 
tertain a more favorable opinion of thetn, 
is not known, but certain it is that the\- in 
some way had acquired his full confidence. 
But with the Britons generally the strang- 
ers were always called Saxons, whether 
Jutes, Angles, or Saxons properly; they 
were all equally hateful to the Britons as 
irredeemable pirates and robbers, and un- 
worthy of any confidenc.e, and Vortigern's 
growing confidence in them onlv rendered 
him the more tmpopular witlt his coimtry- 
men. 

The people from whence these strangers 
came — from the neighborhood of the Elbe 
and the Eider, were all of the same family 
of people, in language and customs, vary- 
ing only in dialect or tribe, but all included 
under the denomination of .Saxons, Ger- 
mans or Teutons; but those with whom 
the Britons came in contact were always 
denominated by them as Saxons, just as 
the Cymry and Loegrians were denomin- 
ated Britains. They occupied the coimtry 



I9S 



THE SAXON PERIOD 



formerly occupied by the Cambri, and who 
in one emigration after another had left 
there many centuries previous — some south 
as we have already described, others 
north, who malgamated and became assim- 
ilated with the Scandinavians, which will 
account tor these diftering so much from 
the other nations of Teutonic origin. But 
these Saxons differed from the other Teu- 
tons of the Germanic people. The coun- 
try was low, more marshy, and the people 
ruder — without towns, roads or commerce, 
aiid for more than a hundred and fifty years 
had become addicted to the practice of pi- 
racy and robbing the people, living along 
the neighboring shores, as we have already 
stated. Living upon the borders of the 
sea, and by their practice they had become 
expert and fearless seamen. 

The Saxons of those times were pagans, 
and worshiped Woden, the great founder 
of their religion; and in their religion and 
idolatry they were educated to love war 
and battles, blood and carnage. Thev were 
tauglit to contemn everything which did 
not inure them to become warriors of sav- 
age ferocity, and -despise death as a sure 
passport to the warrior to the heaven of his 
idolatry. Such warriors were sure to be 
admitted, with their wounds as the highest 
honors, to distinguished places in their 
heavenly Valhalla, for they belie\ cd "their 
Supreme Deity to be father of combats 
and slaughter, because those were his fa- 
vorite children who fell in the field of bat- 
tle."'-' The most formidable feature of the 
ancient religion of the Saxons, savs Tur- 
ner, was its indis.soluble union witii war 
and violence. Its tenets sanctified all the 
horrors of war, and connected all the hopes, 
energies and passions of humanitv willi its 
prosecution. Their poets represented that 
the greatest enjoyment of human fruition 
was the feast of heroes, where they drank 
Iheir intoxicating be\eragf from the skulls 
of their enemies whom thev had sliun;Kiand 



9 I Tiirnci-\s Ani;io-si;i.xons, Ajipfnclix to H. ii, 1,. 
16 Ji. 

10 Sue Mallet's Noi-tliLTn Anluiiiilics, (in I{i)hn's 
Lib.) p. I0|, "'IMiosc only wiiose Mood hud bucn 
shed in battle inii^h' aspire to the pleasure> which 
Odin prepared for them in X'alhalla." See also Ibid., 
)■>. 138, "They looked upon this a.s a real act of jirs- 

ice— a visible mark that God intended. * * Thev 



[Book III 

then occasionally going out, and with their 
battle-axes fight and wound as an amuse- 
inent, and returning taking the privilege of 
wiping the blood from their axes on the 
skirts of their women. This was their re- 
ligion as derived from Odin, and its inev- 
itable tendency was to render them still 
more cruel and heartless, and to deaden all 
the finer teelings and sentiments of human- 
ity and justice. They theretbre had no 
conipunction of heart or conscience against 
the remorseless cruelty of their piracies or 
the scenes of horror and desolation it pro- 
duced. 

The Saxons were unknown and unheard 
of until comparatively recent tiines. Taci- 
tus, who carefully and accurately describes 
several people occupying Northwestern 
Europe in his day, says nothing about 
them. They are first noticed by Ptolemy 
about A. D. 140.11 The probability is that 
they were then an association of various 
people, brought together, like the Franks 
of old or the modern Buckaneer, tor the 
purpose of cultivation and practice in war, 
and exercising it in robbing and plundering 
the rest of mankind, who were more im- 
proved and had more property than them- 
selves. They were destitute of letters and 
literature until about the tenth or eleventh 
cenliny, long alter the period of whicli we 
are now speaking. The songs of their ca- 
reer were the production of their metnorv, 
and repeated verbally. There were two 
branches of them — those of the interior, 
who are represented as smaller men, more 
peaceable, and inclined to the amenity of 
humanity; the other — of the sea shore — 
were larger men, such as their habits and 
course of life would produce. When tiiey 
sallied out upon their piratical expeditions, 
they had but little to take with them, ex- 
cept their battle-axe and their sea-going 
vessel, which was generally made of wick- 
er work and covered with hides — so light 
as to be frequently carried by land tVoni 
one river to another. 



.ulopted tills 111a \iin in .ill its rifj-or, and jfave the 
name ot Divine judy^ment not onlv to the Judieiiry 
combat, but 10 conflicts and battles ol all sorts." This. 
disposition of triistmi;, even the decision of jiistice, 
to b.ittle, h.is come down to iis in very modern 
time-. 



1 1 Turner 



ner, p. 7' 



Chap. I.] 

These Saxons have been frequently de- 
scribed by writers of that day and authors 
of modern tiines.12 "You see as many 
leaders as you behold rowers, for they all 
commanded, obey, teach and learn the art 
of pillage. Hence, after your greatest cau- 
tion, still great care is requisite. This en- 
emy is fiercer than any other; if you be 
unguarded they attack, if prepared they 
elude you. They despise the opposing, 
and destroy the unwary ; if tliey pursue, 
they overtake; if they fiy, they escape. 
Shipwrecks discipline them, not deter; they 
do not merely know, they are familiar with 
all the dangers of the sea; a tempest gives 
them security and success, for it divests 
the meditated land of the apprehension of 
a descent. Dispersed into many bodie.-, 
tliey plunder by night, and when day ap- 
peared they concealed themselves in tiie 
woods, feasting on the booty they had 
gained." The consideration of the conse- 
quence of the settlement of these people in 
Britain, and its eftects upon it, until it had 
time to recover, must be postponed until it 
arrives in its proper place in the period of 
time. 13 

In the interview that Vortigern, as the 
sovereign of Britain, had with Hengist 
and Horsa, what eftect it had upon him to 
be informed that they were Jutes and there- 
fore not the Saxons who so long committed 
piracies and robbery on his country, can- 
not now be known ; but certain it was they 
gained upon his confidence, and mutual 
hopes and expectation were raised — on the 
part of Vortigern that he had used political 
wisdom in employing these few foreigners 
as auxiliaries in his army, and save his own 
citizens to that extent in the harrassing 
war with the Picts and Scots, just as was 
the policy exercised by the Americans in 
their late great rebellion in taking into their 
services a regiment of foreigners to fight 
their battle ; on the part of Hengist, that 
he was engaged in an employment where 
he was well paid in rations and clothing. 



THE SAXON CONQUEST 



199 



12 Sulon. Apoll., B. S, Ep. vi: Zoriimis, B. iii; 
Turner's Anglo-Saxons, Appendix to B. li, ch. i, p. 
1+2; Miller's Ihu\., ch. vii, p. 64; Palgrave's Anglo- 
Saxon, ch. iii; Mallet's Northern Antiquities, cli. vii, 
p. 131. 

3 See Gibbon, xxxviii ch., p. 526. 



and quarters where to stay, and also a hope 
of obtaining employment for some of his 
brethren that he had left at home. All this 
appeared fair enough at the time, and noth- 
ing unusual. But what eftect it had on 
the mind of the British sovereign, when 
Hengist suggested that he had brethren at 
home who would also be glad to be em- 
ployed in the same manner; to which at 
least he gave an assent that they might 
come. It is probable that both parties 
looked upon it as an everyday transaction, 
without any very deep penetration into its 
consequences in the future on the part of 
either. Nothing but the wisdom of Prov- 
idence could have anticipated that. Vorti- 
gern was doing no more than what had 
been done by all the great monarchs of the 
world. It was no more than each taking 
advantage of the circumstances that sur- 
rounded them, and going ahead. Hengist 
wanted employment for himself and 
friends, and when the British sovereign as- 
sented to employ them he had no idea they 
would come in such vast hungry swarms 
as afterwards came. That was a phase of 
the imderstanding he had never assented 
to, and the consequences of which no one 
then ever dreamed. But the secret of the 
matter was, that at that time Northerly 
Europe was overfiowing with a surplus 
population, which was ready to overfiow , 
as a deluge, the civilized world, and especi- 
ally was that the case as to Britain. Al- 
ready had Italy, and Spain, and Gaul, been 
overrun by the barbarian armies; but no- 
where did they find so hard a task to ac- 
quire a dominion, however ingeniously was 
the entering wedge first placed, as the Sax- 
ons had in Britain, which cost them in- 
numerable lives and a hard struggle for 
more than two hundred years before the 
question of its success was finally settled, 
though the contest went on for centuries 
longer. But the country of the Elbe and 
the Eider had plenty of idle men to spare, 
and they came in repeated swarms for ages; 
but Britain having been depleted, had no 
other country to depend upon for aid, and 
had no such resoiuxes to fall back upon; 
and when one piece of territory was given 
up, for the sake and hope of peace, it was 



200 THE SAXON PERIOD 

sure to be made the vantage ground to lake 
more. 

In expressing just views upon this sub- 
ject, Mr. Giles,!'' who is no partial witness 
to the ancient Cymry, has eloquently and 
justly said : "It may, however be pardona- 
ble in an inhabitant ot" Britain, who rejoic- 
es in the proud situation which his little 
island occupies among the nations of the 
earth, to bestow a brief attention upon the 
protracted character of the contest between 
the Britons, and those treacherous allies, 
by whom they were subjected. It is pleas- 
ing to perceive, by the feeble light which 
our early writers have thrown over those 
tran.sactlons, that the same invincible spirit 
of national bravery which opens the view 
of British history, is manifest when the 
scene closes over it forever. Whilst we 
may decline to pass a harsh judgment up- 
on Vortigern for being, perhaps ignorant- 
ly, the instrument of his country's ruin, 
other names occur in the ensuing genera- 
tion, which deserve to be mentioned in the 
catalogue of the great men which Britain 
has produced. The first of these was Vor- 
temir, the son of Vortigern, and his valiant 
deeds against the Saxons would be almost 
sufficient to efface the memory of his fath- 
er's misfortunes." 

While Hengist and his men were quar- 
tered on the island of Thanet, and supplied 
with rations and clothing as had been 
agreed upon, news came that their num- 
bers had been receiving great accession of 
their countrymen ; which caused some un- 
easiness among the Britons, and afforded 
grounds of speculation and distrust. Tiiat 
part of the Cymric people living in the 
southeast part of the island, called Loe- 
grians, who were better acquainted with 
the Saxons and their character, and had 
suffered more from their depredations, 
were more suspicious and ready to de- 
nounce the whole arrangement with these 
suspected strangers. Vortigern and his 
immediate friends coming from their own 
state — Siluria — in the west part of the 
island, had never been troubled by the Sax- 
on pirates, and therefore held the fears and 



I-) I History of Ancient Bi'itons, ch. xxiv, p. 392 



[Book III. 

speculations of their eastern brethren in 
contempt, as the bra\e Silurians did the 
Saxons. \''ortigern was then at London 
attending to national affairs, and Hengist 
becoming aware of the suspicion against 
hitn of his unfaithfulness and apprehen- 
sion of his treachery, thought it advisable 
to keep the sovereign satisfied, and on his 
side. He therefore sent a pressing invita- 
tion to the king, as he was called, to conie 
and pay him a \'isit at his quarters in 
Thanet and make an inspection of affairs 
there for himself Vortigern accepts the 
invitation, and goes down with the pomp 
and circumspection belonging to his rank; 
and Hengist does all that his limited means 
would permit to meet him with proper 
demonstration. A review of men as a mil- 
itary force was had, and though Vortigern 
saw that their number was greatly increas- 
ed beyond his expectation, and Hengist ad- 
mitted the arrival of seventeen vessels, yet 
the king's apprehension was quieted by the 
loyal assurances of Hengist as to the faith- 
ful services they would be able to render 
him, accompanied with his own knowledge 
that they were but a small portion of his 
army necessary to drive back and punish 
their northern enemies. 

But still a more unexpected affair, char- 
acterized with more skill and intrigue took 
place. The king was also in%ited to par- 
take with the officers of the exiles, a festiv- 
ity, which was gotten up in the best style 
they were capable of commanding. In the 
midst of the hilarity of the occasion, ex- 
cited by a generous use of wine and ale, an 
unexpected actress was brought on the 
stage, the daughter of Hengist the chief- 
tain — the famed Rowena — who acted her 
part with that art and address peculiar to 
the fair sex when determined at all cost to 
win and succeed. Th,e story shall now be 
told by a distinguished English historian 
in his own words :15 "Slie was \erv beauti- 



15 Palicriive's Ansjlo-Saxons, ch. ii, p. 2g. Mr. 
Turner, on page 1S4 of his history, has this note: 
"Xenn. c. 36. Malmsbury, p. 9, mentions Rou-ena 
with an 'ut accepimus;' and H. Huntingdon, with a 
'dicitur a quiburdam,' p. 310. The \Velsh Triads, 
c. 3S, call her Rnnwon, and some of the late Welsh 
poems allude to her." So she appears to be an his- 
torical character on both sides, of which there can 
be as little doubt as of any other subordinate histori- 
cal personage. 



Chap I.] THE SAXON 

ful, and when introduced by her father at 
the royal banquet, she advanced gracefully 
and modestly toward the king, bearing in 
iier hand a golden goblet filled with wine. 
Young people even of the highest rank, 
were accustomed to wait upon their elders, 
or those unto whom they wished to show- 
respect. And when Rowena came near 
unto Vortigern, she said, in her own Sax- 
on language, " Jl'cvs //eal, hlaford conungy'' 
which means, "Health to thee, my Lord 
King." Vortigern did not understand the 
salutation of Rowena, but the words were 
•explained to him by an interpreter. ^'■Driiik 
kcdV- -dvm'k thou health — was the accus- 
tomed answer, and the memory of the 
event was preserved in merry old England, 
the zvassail-ciip — a cup full of spiced wine 
or good ale." 

She undoubtedly must have been beauti- 
ful, having come to those shores with so 
many men, aboard of such piratical ships, 
and especially when having been selected 
to act so memorable a part. At all events 
the king was smitten, and given to under- 
stand that she was vmmarried and in mar- 
ket. He may, however, have approached 
her with the same admiration that a lordly 
Virginia planter would to an extraordinary 
beauty imported from Africa. Be that as 
it may, the whole affair on her part was a 
success, and soon afterwards she was called 
his wife, and Hengist his father-in-law. The 
poor king had been intoxicated with both 
wine and love ; and when a man is caught 
in such a trap, it is not easy to extricate 
himself; and when a nation is so vmfortu- 
nate as to have their sovereign in such a 
box, then they are unfortunate indeed. 

Soon after these events forty more ves- 
sels or Saxon chyules landed at Thanet, 
with Hengist's son and kinsmen, who on 
their way plundered the Orkneys and Scot- 
land.!'' Hengist's numbers were now 
mightily increased. And as their numbers 
increased so did their necessities, for in- 
crease of rations and provisions. They de- 
manded larger supplies, and stated that if 
they were refused, they must plunder for 
their subsistence.'*' 



l6 I Turner's Anglo-Saxons, B. iii, ch. i, p. i S^ 
Ibid. , p. iSs; Bede, B. i, ch. 15. 



CONQUEST. 201 

When all these facts and incidents came 
to be known to the Britons, their indigna- 
tion was raised to its utmost, and they were 
as spirited in their denunciations as when 
Cffisar attempted to land. Whatever de- 
mand Hengist and his original men had, 
they justly declared that the last comers 
had no claim upon the nation, and they 
were not bound to support all the Saxons 
who might be disposed to come. They 
therefore very spiritedly resisted these 
claims, and demanded that the Saxons 
should forthwith leave the island of Than- 
et, who were equally decisive that they 
would not, upon which war was inevitable. 
In the meantime the popular indignation 
ran as high against the unfortunate Vorti- 
gern as against the Saxons. 

"The Saxons were, shortly after, the sole 
possessors of the island of Thanet," says 
another English historian.is "and the in- 
fluence of Vortigern's pretty pagan wife 
was soon visible to the jealous eyes of the 
Britons. Hengist and Horsa began to de- 
mand more liberal supplies, and to cast a 
longing glance upon Kent; but the Britons 
had spirit enough to resist such a conces- 
sion. And here we for a time lose sight of 
Vortigern and Rowena, though it is highly 
probable that they retreated to the isle of 
Thanet, then held by the Saxons, from the 
coming storm." 

It is not probable that Vortigern with his 
wife passed over to the enemies of his 
country, but retired for a while to some ob- 
scurity, incognito; and it is said that the 
general assembly immediately deposed him 
as pendragon, and appointed Guorteniir 
(Vortimer), the son of Vortigern, in whom 
thev had full confidence as to his patriot- 
ism and abilities, as the commander-in- 
chief of their army, who immediately pre- 
pared to meet the coming contest. In the 
meantime Hengist and Horsa proceeded to 
carry out their threats. They forthwith 
formed alliances with the Picts and Scots, 
who, between these several enemies, car- 
ried havoc and devastation into several 
parts of the country. The desolation that 
followed are forcibly depicted b}- the his- 

iS Miller's Ang-lo-Saxons, ch. ix, p. 67. 



THE SAXON PERIOD 



torians of the times. Private and public 
edifices destroyed, the people slaughtered, 
and even priests slain at the altars, wher- 
ever the enemy prevailed, and the people 
fleeing for safety whenever they feared 
their coming. All sorts of outrages were 
perpetrated, and the people suffering this 
savage barbarity without distinction of per- 
sons or mercy. li* But the Britons were 
soon aroused to their defense where these 
injuries were committed, and the Saxons 
driven into Kent to the neighborhood of 
the isle of Thanet. By this time Hengist 
was greatly re-enforced by his countrymen, 
as though a preconcerted arrangement had 
been made equal to the occasion. Vorti- 
mer was now at the head of the British ar- 
my, with his brother, Catigern, the two 
sons of Vortigern, in whom the people had 
full confidence, notwithstanding the odious 
position of their father, and these men 
proved themselves to be worthy of their 
confidence. 

A conflict was soon brought on, and 
three decisive battles between these con- 
tending parties were fought — the first was 
in Kent, at the river Darent;20 the second 
was at Eaglesford, now called Aylesford, 
also in Kent, and here Horsa, the brother of 
Hengist, fell, and his celebrated banner of 
the white-horse, which was supposed to be 
always victorious, was to rise in his hands 
no more. Catigern also perished in this 
great battle, as well as many a man on 
either side, but the victory was with the 
Britons. The third battle was fought at 
Stonar, on the sea shore of Thanet, front- 
ing France, from whence the Saxons all 
fled in their chyules. These events wei-e 
accomplished by Vortimer, which places 
him, for skill, courage and ability, with the 
great men in British history. "But fate," 
says Turner,2i "has obscured his title to 
celebrity. We may concede to him all the 
praise that Cambrian aftection can demand, 
without believing that he pulled up a tree 
b_v the roots and with it as a club killed 
Horsa, and defeated the Saxons. Courage 



jg Bede, B. i, ch. 15; 1 Turner's Ang-lo-Saxon, B. 
iii, ch. I, p. iSs; Henry of Huntingdon, B. ii, p. 39. 

20 Nennius, §44. 

21 Anglo-Saxon, 1S6. 



[Book I IK 

has always been the characteristic of the 
Cymry, and they may disclaim, without in- 
jury to their glory, every impossible 
achievement." 

These Saxon invaders having departed, 
the Britons began to rejoice with the hope 
that they had gone forever. It seems that 
upon their departure, they went to the low 
lands of the Rhine, and formed a settle- 
ment there where LeydOn now is; but they 
were there only a year or two22 before they 
received news which induced them to re- 
turn. Soon after the expulsion, Vortimer 
died, and it is said that his death was pro- 
cured by means of poison, through machi- 
nation of his step-mother, the beautiful 
Rowena. That charge is sometimes made 
without foundation, and of course we have 
no positive proof But what is untortunate 
in her case is, that she belonged to a family 
where such treacherous and violent deaths 
were often procured, as well as her con- 
nection with pirates, furnished grounds of 
suspicion. However this may be, word 
was sent to Hengist that Vortimer23 was 
dead, and invited him to return, which was 
forthwith done. He returns with a greatly 
increased force, which this time was suffi- 
cient to establish him on the island. He 
landed at his old place on the isle of 
Thanet. 

In the meantime Vortigern's party had 
returned to power, and he was recalled to 
the helm of the government. The excel- 
lent character and merit of his two sons, 
and their great service to their country,, 
and untimely death, produced that sympa- 
thy for the tather, as to enable them to re- 
new their confidence in him, and forget his 
faults. It seemed as though his errors 
were covered up, as by an impenetrable 
cloak, in the merits of his sons, whose re- 
cent decease was mourned over b}' all. In 



22 Nennius, ch. 25, says that "they were expelled 
IVom Britain, and that for live vears they were kept 
oat of the island, till Vortimer's death. See Turner 
as above. 

23 The patriotism of Vortimer was vivid at his 
death. He bequeathed that his body should be 
buried on the sea shore where he last saw the ene- 
mies of his country depart, as a warning- against 
their return. In allusion to this, Gibbon says: "The 
tomb of Vortimer, the son of Vortigern, was erected 
on the margin of the sea shore as a landmark form 
idablc to the Saxons, whom he had thrice vanquish 
ed op the fields of Kent." 



Chap. I.] 

the midst of this, news came from Thanet 
that Hengist had returned, and with it 
came a message from himself announcing 
the same, and claiming that he came with 
peaceable intention — hoping that all could 
be explained and made satisfactory .24 This 
idea was seconded with animated joy by 
the wife of Vortigern, the pirate's beauti- 
ful daughter. Upon the questions now- 
arising, there were great division of opin- 
ions as to the course that should be pur- 
sued — some hoped, and others denoimced 
with partisan prejudice and blindness; 
some said that the Saxons might, as the}' 
promised, settle peaceably in Thanet and 
become useful citizens, while others de- 
nounced them as not worthy of being 
trusted — as dangerous and unworthy neigh- 
bors, who were more likely to be treacher- 
ous enemies than friends. Negotiations 
followed in which the Saxons were zealous 
in their declaration of peace and friendship, 
and regret for the misunderstanding that 
was past. To seal his sincerity for peace 
Hengist proposed a feast, where the princi- 
pal men of both people should partake. 
It was agreed that both parties should come 
without their arms, and that the place of 
the festivity should be at or near Stone- 
henge, on May-day of that year.SJ 

This transaction has been denied and its 
truth vindicated by numerous authors.26 



24 "No ejeat revolutions of stales occur," saj-s 
Turner, (i Hist. An^lo-Saxons, B. iii, ch. i, p. 179) 
"without the prejiaratory and concurrinii' operations 
of many political causes. The .Saxons had for near- 
ly two centuries been attacking Britain, with no 
greater success than the half-naked Scoti from Ire- 
hmd had obtained. Thev plundered where they ar- 
rived unexpectedly. They were defeated when 
they encountered a military or naval resistance. 
Hengist and Ella would not have been more fortu- 
nate than their depredatory countrymen wlio liad 
preceded them, if the events of the day had not by 
their asrencies conducted them and their successors 
from exile and piracy to the proprietorship and kine;- 
doms of the English octarchy." The day had now 
arrived when they were disposed to hold on to what 
territory they naci, and hoped for more, without at 
all knowing what was in res^erve for them; which 
was only developed as they proceeded, and proceed- 
ed bet ause they could not helio it. They left their 
country from necessity — driven forward by circum- 
stances, and blind facility. 

25 I Pictorial Hist.. B. ii, ch. i, p. 133. 

26 1 Turner's Anglo-Saxons, iSt-; Nennius, §46; 
Evans' Primitive Ages, p. 92; Gibbon's Decline 
and Fall, chap, xxxviii, p. 524; Miller's Hist. 
Anglo-Saxons, ch. i, p. 69; Palgrave's Anglo- 
Saxons, ch. 11, p. 30. See I Pictorial History of 
England, B. ii, ch. i, p. 133. It is said, "This story, 
too, has been treated as a fiction by recent writers; 
but the same ingenious and accomplished inquirer 



THE SAXON CONQUEST. 



205 



One of the internal evidences against it, is 
the fact that it took place at a place so far 
from the scene of their general operation. 
If it was said to have taken place in Lon- 
don, or in Thanet, or in Kent, it would ap- 
pear more probable. But then it may be 
said that Stonehenge was a more central 
and convenient place for the chief and 
principal men of Southern Britain to meet, 
and to be witnessed by the people. And 
then the sacred reputation and memory of 
the place would give it, in the eyes of the 
people, a greater confidence and sanction. 
But it is said, that for the purpose of the 
feast the principal inen of both nationalities 
accordingly met, and it was so arranged 
that one Saxon was placed between every 
two Britons. When the conviviality was 
at its heighth, and the intoxicating bever- 
age well lised and the sun not yet down, 
upon a preconcerted signal given by Hen- 
gist, which was "■JV:'/>ied itre saxcs,'^ which 
meant draw your weapons, the Saxons 
drew their knives hid in their hose and as- 
sassinated the Britons on each side of 
them. This was as unexpected to the 
Britons as it was horrible and treacherous. 
In the struggle of death there was some 
hard fighting ; but it is said that only three 
Britons of the party present escaped death, 
and one of these was Vortigern, who was 
probably permitted to escape, and the oth- 
ers were Eidol, count of Gloucester, and the 
prince of Venedotia, — the first only es- 
caped by almost superhuman strength and 
presence of mind. 

This again aroused the Britons to a terri- 
ble excitement against the Saxons, and de- 
termination again to expell them from the 
country; and the excitement was but little 
less against Vortigern hitnself than against 
the Saxons, whom the people now looked 
upon as the cause and means of so much 
of their difficulties and treachery to which 
they had been subjected. He was the ob- 
ject of their special denunciation, and has 
since been the subject of detestation in his- 



who has vindicated the historical existence of Row 
ena, has also argued ably and powerfully in favor of 
the truth of this other ancient tradition. "The trans- 
action." he observes, "certainly occurred; it has 
been unjustlv brought into doubt." Britannia after 
the Romans," p. 46. See, also, Whitaker's Manches- 
ter. 



204 



THE SAXON PERIOD. 



[Book III. 



tory and poetry. The general assembly 
was called of the notables of the several 
cities and states, and Vortigern again de- 
posed, who then retired with his family to 
some obscure place on the west side of the 
island to die of some calamity or of disap- 
pointment or a broken heart. Aurelius 
Ambrosius, who is generally known and 
honored in British history as Emrvs 
Wledig, was now called, too late, to the 
pendragonate. With a large party he had 
■always been the political opponent of Vor- 
tigern. He was a native Briton, but was 
half, many of the people were part, Roman 
blood. He was a wise, patriotic and hero- 
ic chief, and eminently possessed the confi- 
dence of the people. It is said by some 
that he was commander-in-chief under 
Vortimer in those great battles by which 
the Saxons had been expelled from Thanet. 
Immediately Atnbrosius proceeded to 
carry on a wholesome and vigorous govern- 
ment, and as far as possible to put a stop to 
the unjust and wicked encroachments of 
the Saxons. Both the Britons and the Sax- 
ons were now preparing for a mighty strug- 
gle. Both saw it was inevitable, with the 
disposition of the Saxons to take whatever 
they could, right or wrong, — to which the 
Britons hoped to be able to put a check. 
They met in battle at Crayford on the 
Cray, near Bexley, in Kent. There Hen- 
gist and his son, ^se, had prepared them- 
selves by calling in all the auxiliaries and 
aid they could ; while it is said, that "the 
Britons mustered four powerful bodies of 
men, under four of their bravest chiefs. 
But when the gaine of war commenced 
they were disheartened by the unusual su- 
periority of the Saxons in numbers. Be- 
sides the newly arrived were chosen troops, 
who dreadfully gashed the bodies of the 
Britons with their battle-axes and long 
swords," who after a great slaughter fled to 
London. The probability is that it was a 
very severe battle, and great slaughter was 
sustained on both sides; for Hengist and 
his Saxons remained quiet for sixteen years, 
until 473, in the lower part of Kent with- 
out any attempted war on either side.27 

27 See Turner's Ano-lo-Saxons, as above, iSS; Mr. 
C arte's Hist. Eng., 19S, and Whitakcr's Manchester, 



But it is probable that the Britons were 
frequently engaged, in the meantime, in re- 
pelling the attacks of their northern ene- 
mies and pirates, and tiiat some peaceable 
arrangement was made with the Saxons 
who kept themselves in the south-eastern 
part of Kent near the sea shore. As evi- 
dence of the fact that the Britons had, dur- 
ing this peace, concluded to let the Saxons 
peaceably remain there if they would; for 
it seems they were not to be expelled ex- 
cept by annihilation ; and it is the fact that 
in the year 470, at the solicitation of the 
emperor Authemius, and especially that of 
their kindred, the Armorican, to aid in the 
defense of Armorica, with whom there was 
always a fraternal relation, the Britons sent; 
an army of 12,000 men under Uther. The 
object of this expedition was to aid their 
blood relation, the Cymry of Gaul, against 
an invasion by the Visigoths. This army 
under Urther, who by the continental his- 
torians is called Riothatnus,28 landed at 
Havre, others say up the Loire; but in con- 
sequence of the Romans failing to form a 
junction with them, after an engagement 
they retired to Berry, a province now in 
France. These Britons were from the 
south part of Britain, now Devonshire and 
Cornwall, remote Irom the Saxons, and 
cared but little about them, and probably 
relied upon the existing peace in their de- 
parture. 

This long peace of sixteen years was at 
length broken, while Urther and his twelve 
thousand men were absent in Gaul, aiding 
their kindred in Armorica against the bar- 
barians. In the meantime the Saxons in 
Kent were constantly acquiring strength 
by accession of friends from their old home; 
and now at a favorable time (473) Hengist 
and his son, yEse, brought about another 



Vol. ii, p. 2S, express their opinion tliat Hengist 
himself was confined to a small part of Kent. Tur- 
ner says: "But when from these hyperboles of con- 
quest we turn to the simple and authentic facts, that 
all the battles of Hengist, particularized by the Sax- 
ons, were fought in Kent, that one of the last con- 
tests was even in Thanet, (the battle of Wippidsfleet) 
in the extremity of his little kingdom, .and no good 
evidence is extant of his having penetrated, except 
in his first depredation, beyond the regioi^ which he 
transmitted to his posterity." 

2S See Turner, ut supra. W. \V. Jornandes, the 
Gothic historian, is probably inimicable to these 
Britons. See, also, i Pictorial J[ist. of England, B. 
ii, ch. I, p. 1,^4. 



THE SAXON CONQUEST. 



Chap. I.] 

great battle, of which we ha\e no name or 
particulars, in which, they sav, they were 
victorious, and "took spoils innumerable." 
Fifteen years at"ter that ^-Ese succeeded his 
father, and, says Palgrave, "the son of 
Hengist appears to have been the first real 
king of the country ; for he, and not his 
father, Hengist, was honored as founder of 
the Kentish dynasty. When ^se was 
fairly settled in his rich and fertile king- 
dom, he laid down the sword; his son and 
his son's son lived equally in peaceful ob- 
scurity. Ethelbert, the fourth in descent 
from yEse, gave great splendor to the state 
(A. D. 56S — 616); but Kent soon sunk into 
the condition of a dependent principality, 
beneath the swav of its more powerful rivals 
and neighbors.'"--' During this long time, 
after the great battle of Cray ford, fought 
the same year of the second landing (A. 
D. 457), there were only two other battles, 
— Wippidsfleet, (465,) an obscure battle in 
the lower border of Kent, and the battle of 
473, of which we know nothing of its par- 
ticulars. Here was a period of one hun- 
dred and fifty-nine years, and all after the 
first sixteen were in profound peace. This 
is contrary to the usual acceptation of the 
Saxon conquest, which was usually con- 
stant war and hard fighting. This can on- 
ly be accounted for upon the principle that 
after the battle of Crayford there was no 
national opposition to them — that they 
were permitted to settle down in peace, in 
the southeast part of Kent, without any 
strenuous opposition. It is possible that it 
was little cared for, and that they were able 
to make peace and friendship with most of 
the original inhabitants of Kent, who, in 
the course of those six generations, became 
amalgamated and assimilated to the Saxon, 
and making a new race differing materially 
from either of the two former, and forming 
a new Kentish race or family Hengist 
was expert in making friends with his ene- 
mies, whatever might be the result. What 
is very strong in fa\or of this proposition, 
is the fact that the gavel-kind tenure was 
retained there as the peculiar mark of the 
Kentish institution. That was not a Sax- 



20s 



29 Palj^-avc's Anglo-Saxons, ch. 2, p. 31. 



on or a Norman institution, but a Cam- 
brian one ; the very name is Cymric 30 The 
Britons, in the meantime, may have been 
earnestly engaged in aiding their own kin in 
Armorica, and opposing their serious ene- 
mies from the north; besides, in the de- 
pleted state the country was in, it probably 
may not have been a very easy matter to 
rally the distant parts to the rescue, as for 
instance the distant people of Lancaster 
and Cumberland counties, while the people 
of Kent were making no strenuous exer- 
tion against the strangers settling down 
amongst them ; and as yet it was not per- 
ceived or anticipated what great revolution 
was commenced or going on. 

It has been sometimes said, that the Sax- 
on success was attributed to the contention 
and distraction of the Britons among them- 
selves. This idea is founded upon the 
querulous and censorious charges of Gil- 
das, without the statement of any fact to 
support it, except the just war of Arthur 
against his treacherous nephew, Mordred. 
Gildas, though a scholar, and probably an 
eloquent preacher, was not an historian, 
but a bigoted monk, who would with zeal 
and eloquence censure what he did not 
like in generalities, without any facts to 
support them. His censures were invec- 
tives, without reason or justice to support 
them. 

ts2 — The Saxon Immigration, and the Times 
of Arthur. A. D. 447 to 550. 

Hengist and his sons had now been con- 
stantly receiving accession to their popula- 
tion by emigrants from their original home, 
for more than twenty years. But as yet 
there had been no demonstration made to 
take any part of Britain, except the south- 
eastern border of Kent. But now (A. D. 
477.) twenty-eight years after the first 
landing of Hengist, arrived Ella,i a Saxon 
chief, with his three sons and his people. 
They came in three vessels and made good 
their landing on the sea shore in the south 
part of Sussex, and obtained a settlement 
with no great opposition. Eight years af- 

30 See the word in Webster's Dictionary. 
I Turner, B. iii, ch. li. 



2o6 



THE SAXON PERIOD 



ter, tiieir attempted progress to the interior 
was checked by a battle; and their progress 
along the coast was slow. Having re- 
ceived considerable succor of their friends, 
they ventured to attack a city in the neigh- 
borhood, which was skilfully fortified, and 
situated on the border of a woods and vast 
forest, extending many miles to the north- 
west, between Sussex and Hampshire. 
The city was called Andredes Carter, and 
the forest Andreade. The citizens, upon 
perceiving they were to be attacked, divid- 
ed their forces into two parties — one re- 
tained to defend the fortification and city, 
and the other secreted in the woods. When 
the Saxons besieged the town and attempt- 
ed to scale the walls, the party in the woods 
would attack them in the rear, and cause 
them to desist. This maneuver they suc- 
cessfully perpetrated three times with 
great loss to the assailants; which so ex- 
asperated the Saxons, that when eventu- 
ally they succeeded in taking the place, in 
revenge for the long delay the brave de- 
fense had caused them, the merciless Sax- 
ons put every soul to death, — sparing neith- 
er man, woman nor child ; such massacre 
had never before taken place.2 

Notwithstanding constant arrivals of 
new immigrants in vessels from the neigh- 
borhood of the mouth of the Elbe, no great 
progress was made in the extension of their 
territory by the invaders; and Ella's do- 
minion of Sussex never made any great 
figure in the conquest. Eighteen years 
after the arrival of the last named adven- 
turer, another made his appearance with 
five ships. This was Cerdic, who with his 
companions became the most formidable 
enemy to the Britons. It is believed that 
his first landing was at Yarmouth on the 



2 Miller's Ang-lo-Sax., ch. lo, p. 74, who says: 
"Even (he walls wen; leveled to the earth, and, for 
agres after, that town stood by the ^looinv forest, 
ruined and desolate: even until the time of Edward 
I, it was pointed out to the slrang-er; and though 
the wild vegetaiion has grown grey upon its ruins, 
there were still traces of Its tallen grandeur, which, 
in the words of the old chronicler, showed how noble 
a city it had once been." People became familiar 
with deUth and destruction; "those who left in the 
norning could not know who would stand to await 
their return; neither the weeping mother, nor the 
smiling child, had, in those days, power to turn 
aside the edge of the .Saxon sword. Thus was the 
second Saxon kingdom called Sussc'x, established 
y Ella and his three sons." Ibidem. 



[Book III. 

Isle of Wight, and six years afterwards 
(A. D. 501) he took possession of what was 
since known as Wessex ; and the sarne 
year he was re-enforced by the arrival of 
his ally Porta, with two ships and men, 
who eftected their landing at the place 
which has become Portsmouth. 

Fifty years had now passed since the 
first landing of Hengist, and the invaders 
had only ^nade scattering settlements, at 
considerable distances from each other, 
along the sea shore, from the Isleof Thaii- 
et to the Isle of Wight. A new generatioii 
of Saxons had grown up, natives of British 
soil, the most of whose mothers were na- 
tive Britons. This gave them a new char- 
acter and disposition, and began to form 
that which has become known as British 
and English nationality. As yet no great 
eftbrts had he made to advance into the 
interior. But Cerdic and his companions 
now began to inanifest their restless and 
ambitious disposition, apparently more for 
the spoils and plunder of war than for con- 
quest. For many years the Britons now 
hoped that the Saxons, settled along the 
south-eastern shores, would eventually be- 
come settled immigrants, and countrymen 
and friends. But too much had been done 
to embitter both sides; and Cerdic was 
now demonstrating too much of a disposi- 
tion to conquer and oppress to hope for 
such a result. 

In the meantime Ambrosius and Uther 
had distinguished themselves as able com- 
manders in many a battle in defense of couii- 
try, and also against the numerous barbar- 
ians, who were attacking and plundering on 
all sides, in Armorica as well as in Britain. 
At this time they were surrounded by ene- 
mies on all sides; — the piratical Franks and 
Saxons on the east side exposed to the Ger- 
man Ocean,the Picts and Scots on the north, 
bands of like plunderers from Ireland, 
known as Gwyddyl Ffichti, invading the 
western shores, and the Saxon immigrants 
on the southeast. It seemed as though 
the barbarians of the whole world had 
united to plunder southern Britain, and 
tear her to pieces. Then truly it was — 
"blessed are they who have nothing, for 
they will not be disturbed by robbers." In 



Chap. I.] 

the midst of such conflicts and distraction, 
it was difficult for tlie Britons to bring 
their forces to operate at any gi\-en point; 
every part of the country had its own pe- 
culiar enemies to contend with, and defend 
against them. And there is no doubt that 
the Loegrian-Britons of the northeast were 
less patriotic, and more inclined to yield 
to the Saxon in\asion, and unite with them 
tlian the original C^inry or Cambrians; 
though originally they were one and the 
same people. IIoweNcr much the Britons 
were inclined to remain at peace with the 
Saxon settlers on the south-eastern shores, 
the demonstrations, now making by Cerdic 
and his allies for the acquisition of exten- 
sive territory at tlie expense of neighbors, 
forbid all hopes on that score, and rendered 
further wars inevitable. 

The coiuitr\- now co\eted by Cerdic, 
and which was destined to become known 
as Wessex, was the native land of Am- 
brosius— Uther was there with his vet- 
eran experience, and Arthiu-, of t'utuie 
world-renown, was on hand in his youth- 
t'ul ardor and patriotic ability to war for 
the right in defense of his coimtry. These 
matters brought on a warfare of continued 
battles for more than thirty \ears, which 
the Saxons were able to keep up by con- 
tinued rc-cnforcement from their original 
Inomc. 

Cerdic 's oj'erations were for a long time 
confined to Hampshire, and first landed on 
>ome unknown shore called Cerdicora, and 
here, the .Saxons^ say, "the people of tlie 
neigliborhood assembled in great numbers 
and fought against them. The Saxons 
stood firm in order of Ixittle before their 
ships, repelling the attacks of the islanders 
without pursuing them, for the\- never 
quit their ranks. The day was spent in 
alternate att.icks and ittreats, till night 
put an end to the conflict. The Britons 
retired, and neither party claimed a vic- 
tory. Cerdic and his son, howe\er, made 
good their occupation of the hostile terri- 
tory, from time to time enlarging their 
possessions along the coast, though not 
without frequent wars with the natives." 



THE SAXON CONQUEST. 



207 



This was soon followed by more import- 
ant and national battles between the two 
i-aces. One of these great battles (A. D. 
508) is particularly distinguished, on ac- 
count that it was brought about by Natan- 
leod,"* the king of that part of the country, 
and in which he lost his life. This person 
was of high renown, and of an excellent 
character: and had made great preparation 
for the conflict. Cerdic and his son, for 
the purpose of meeting it, had obtained all 
the available aid the_\' could; — from Kent, 
Sussex, and from Port and his sons, the 
last who had arri\cd. Their forces were 
mustered in two wings from the center, of 
which Cerdic commanded the right, and 
his son Cenric the left. Natanleod, ob- 
serving that his enemy's right wing was 
the strongest, charged it with his whole 
tbrce for the purpose of routing at once the 
most formidable part of the opposing army. 
His impetuous attack in a moment over- 
threw the standards, pierced the ranks, and 
put Cerdic to flight with great slaughter of 
his right wing. Meanwhile Cenric, per- 
ceiving his father's defeat, and the rout of 
his troops, led tlie left wing against the 
rear of the Britons, who were pursuing the 
fugutives. The battle was then renewed 
with fresh \igor, until the King Natanleod 
was slain, and the army routed, with five 
thousand of his men fallen in the field. 
This victory gave the Saxons a short re- 
spite; and its repute allured to tiiem pow- 
erful auxiliaries. So says the Chronicles; 
and it is very probable, that it not only 
brought to them auxiliaries from the Sax- 
ons, but also from the fearful, hopeless and 
discontented ot the Britons ; for there ne\er 
was a war in which one party did not seek 
to gain an advantage by inducing desertion 
from the opposite ranks. This must have 
been the case, unless the Saxons were dif- 
ferent from an\- other people. 

Soon after this, was fought, among the 
numerous battles of the day, the one so 
celebrated by the poets and bards of those 
times, known as the battle of Longborth. 
The name indicates that it was where there 
was a harbor for ships; and it is probable 

4 Hcnrv of Hunt. B. ii, p. 4.f); Tai-ni.-r, as :il-><)V'c, 
]i. lot; Miller's Ang-lo-Sax. cli. x, p. 75. 



208 



THE SAXON PERIOD 



it was near where Southampton now is. 
This battle is described by Turner after 
great examination of authorities — Saxon as 
well as British; and from him we must 
take what is. to be said in description of the 
battle:— 

"In this conflict Arthur^ was the Com- 
mander-in-Chief; and Geraint ab Erbin, 
who was a prince of Devonshire, united 
Avith him against the Saxons. Lljwarch 
Han,6 in his elegy on his friend, describes 
the progress of the battle. The shouts of 
onset, and the fearful obscurity which fol- 
lowed the shock are succeeded by the ter- 
rible incidents which alarm humanity into 
abhorrence of war. The edges of the 
blades in contact, the gushing of blood, the 
weapons of the heroes with gore fast drop- 
ping, men surrounded with horror, the 
crimson gash upon the chieftain's brow, 
biers with the dead and reddened men, a 
tumultous running together, the combat- 
ants striving in blood to their knees, and 
ravens feasting on human prey, compose 
the dismal picture which this ancient bard 
has transmitted to us of a battle in which 
he was personally engaged. 

"'The valiant Geraint was slain, slaugh- 
tering his foes.' The issue of the conflict 
is not precisely stated, but some ambiguous 
expressions concur, with the absence of all 
triumphant language, to indicate that the 
Britons did not prevail ***** The 
Saxon Chronicle says, that a very noble 
British youth fell on that occasion, but 
does not inention his name." 

The poets of the day describe other bat- 
tles conducted by Arthur, and the historian 
Nennius tells of his having fought twelve 
great battles, with the Saxons and other 
enemies of his country, and tells where 
they were fought; the most of which it is 
now^lifiicult to identify. But the last and 
great battle of Arthur with the Saxons was 
that of Badon hill, in which it appears the 
Britons triumphed ; but Gildas intimates 
that of the numerous previous battles the 
Britons and Saxons alternately conquered. 



5 Turner, B. iii, ch. iii, p. 194. 

6 A celebrated British poet. See StephensonV 
Literature of the Cymry, p. 10. The word Han 
meiins old, and is pronounced haen, or hayne. 



[Book III. 

This last battle is supposed to have been 
lought near Bath; but its particulars, both 
as to its date, location and circumstances, 
are not clearly told; but we gather the in- 
formation it was a terrific battle, and a 
triumph rather for the Britons than for 
the Saxons; for the\' remained perfectly 
quiet for many years. It is claimed that 
this battlcv was in A. D. 519, and that the 
Saxons made no great demonstration to 
encroach after that until A. D. 552, mak- 
ing thirtj'-three years of unusual peaceful- 
ness on their part. 

In the meantime, however, many a bat- 
tle was fought of a partisan or local char- 
acter, commenced b}' some raid made by 
the Saxons to acquire land, property- or 
plunder from the Britons. Of this charac- 
ter was an attack made at this time (A. D. 
514) by a new body 6f Saxon men, in three 
ships, and led by Stuf and Whitgar, two 
kinsmen of Cerdic, on the Isle of Wight. 
The people of that island mustered what 
force they could command with much skill 
to oppose their landing and settlement, 
which proved unsuccessful; and this con- 
quest became an addition to Cerdic's do- 
minion of Wessex. .Such isolated raids 
and battles were frequent, yet for a long time 
there was no general movement made by the 
Saxons who had settled on the north-east- 
ern shores of Britain towards the interior. 
This was brought about by the exertion 
made by Arthur, which culminated in the 
battle of Badon. The Saxon chronicles, 
which up to this time had ever}- few years 
been noticing some great battle in their fa- 
vor, were now silent for more than thirty 
years. This peace was indicative on the 
part of the Saxons that in their attempt on 
the interior from the sea shore they had 
received an eflectual check, which thev 
were disposed to quietly enjoy ; and on the 
part of the Britons, a hope that they would 
be thus disposed to enjoy what they tiien 
hi-d, and in -which they had enjoyed the 
possession, in some part, for more than 
three-quarters of a century ; and of which 
they could not be dispossessed without 
driving some from their native soil. It 
was then probable that the Britons were 
disposed to submit to this result, especiallv 



Chap. I.] 

liinong the Loegrians or southern Britons. 

This check in the progress of the Sax- 
ons, and lull in the affairs of Britain was 
unquestionably due to the effort and genius 
of Arthur. The actual facts, and merits 
of Arthur, are sufficient to place him among 
the renowned men and heroes of Britain 
and western Europe. But he has become 
so much the favorite subject of poets and 
authors, that there has been added to his 
real action so much of tradition, legend, 
fable and romance, that truth has been dis- 
guised by the ornaments of fiction. He 
has been made the principal author of 
chivalry, and the hero of the round table at 
which sat equality and justice. He was 
made the hero of enterprises, who, as the 
great sovereig'n that had brought to his 
subjection and rule not only all Britain, 
but also France, Germany, Denmark and 
Sweden, so that he was the great monarch 
of western Europe. The story has been 
told in poetry and prose, — in verse and 
history, so that it has become fascinating 
and amusing to all classes of people, and 
lias made him the renowned hero of the 
Christian world. He goes forth with a 
Celtic generosity, and the embodiment of 
chivalry, with the image of the Virgin on 
his shield, with his celebrated sword in his 
hand, to vindicate justice and relieve the 
oppressed. 

But there is enough in the true history 
of Arthur, when relieved of this accession, 
to render him a true hero and secure him 
in renown. He was the son of the re- 
nowned Uther, who as pendragon had suc- 
ceeded Aurelius, and was born at Tintagel 
Castle in Cornwall. His mother was Eigra, 
a piincess of Cambria, and on her side the 
celebrated scholar, divine and prelate, St. 
David, was his uncle, by whom he was ed- 
ucated at Ca.M-leon on the Usk. While quite 
young he served as an officer under his 
father, Uther, with great distinction, which 
indicated his tuture greatness, in those two 
great battles — Longborth, and that in 
which Natanleod (Nathan Lloyd) was 
slain. Then Uther^ departed this world as 
Ambrosius had before him, each heroically 



THE SAXON CONQUEST. 



209 



7 Sue Turner, B. iii, ch. 3, p. 197, and notes //, 
and x. 



contending to check the advance of the 
Saxons, who were continually renewing 
their forces by fresh importation from the 
continent. Ambrosius had curbed within 
narrow bounds the progress of Hengist, 
and ^^seand ^lla, in the east; and Uther 
had exhausted his lite in checking the 
vaulting ambition of Cerdic towards the 
west, which was now pushed forward with 
that energy and force as to become fright- 
ful to the existence of the Britons. Cerdic 
was now aided by all the force and power 
Saxon influence could bring to bear to ad- 
vance their progress. Not only was he 
aided by importation Irom abroad, but 
Kent and Sussex were now sending native 
Saxons to assist in the conquest they 
hoped to accomplish. Arthur was now 
called, on the death of his father, to "the 
pendragonate, and it was left to him to 
meet and curb the westward movement of 
Cerdic and his son, Cenric. Then trans- 
pired some of those twelve great battles of 
Arthur, enumerated by the historian Nen- 
nius, and so sublimely referred to by old 
Llywarch and other British poets of that 
age, and which culminated in the great bat- 
tle of Badon. It is claimed by the Britons 
that though that battle was one of terrific 
slaughter on both sides, it v,as still a decid- 
ed victory for them, and in support of the 
claim is the fact, that Cerdic was checked 
and for many years curbed within his sea 
shore possession. 

In the battle of Baddn, Arthur was aid- 
ed by a body of Armoricans, sent to him 
as allies by his kindred people and their 
king, Howell, upon his solicitation and 
promise to aid them in return against the 
barbarians who were attacking them in 
Armorica. Such reciprocal aid was al- 
ways and continualh' going on between 
these kindred people, as was done by Cass- 
wallon in the times of the Venetians, and 
in the then very recent times b}' Uther. 
Arthur being satisfied as to the check and 
limits that had been put on the progress 
of Cerdic, deemed that a favorable moment 
to perform his promise to aid his friends, 
the Armoricans, in return for the aid he 
had received from them. He accordingly 
passed over to the continent, and was there 



THE SAXON PERIOD. 



engaged in the wars against the barbarians. 
It is said that while there he rendered great 
military service, and formed a confederacy 
of Armoricans and other Gauls in an ex- 
pedition against the barbarians of the 
north, and checking the Saxons by carry- 
ing the war into their own home and coun- 
try. The northern historian* alludes to a 
transaction of this kind, which may form 
a particle of truth for the romantic account 
of his great northern conquest. After an 
absence of about fi\e years he returned to 
Britain, where he found his affairs in a 
most distracted condition. When he left 
Britain he had confided the management of 
his affairs at home and with his people with 
his nephew, Modred, who was an artful, 
plausible and popular man, especially' with 
the Loegrians and the Roman party. He 
had betrayed his duty to Arthur, had se- 
duced a portion of the people into his fa- 
vor, and set up his political interest against 
that of his principal. But what was still 
more unprincipled, it is said he had stolen 
the affections of Gwenhyfar, the wife of 
his distinguished uncle.^ His treason is 
denounced by the Cymry, and his name 
consigned to intamy in the triads, as "the 
third arch-traitor of the Isle of Britain." 
Partisans became arrayed against each 
other, and these lamentable and untoward 
events, made war inevitable. After \arious 
conflicts the parties came to a final battle 
at Camian (Camelford) in Cornwall. It is 
reported as a most terrific battle, in which 
a great number of men were slain on both 
sides, and in which both Arthur and Mo- 
dred fell mortally wounded. The former 
was carried by his friends to the monastery 
of Avallon, Glastonbury, where he was 
tenderly cared for, but nothing could save 
him trom death. 

This unfortunate e\ent produced among 
the Britons great lamentation, and thev 
could not be comforted. They execrated 
everything and everybody wlio were the 
cause of it, and particularly Modred as the 
special cause. It was an untoward nation- 
al calamity, and it is probable that it was 

S SaxoCiiainmalicus, Hie historian of Denmark. 
9 Turner, ut supra. 



[Book III. 

this which induced Gildas' scurrility as to 
the partisan and distracted character of the 
people. But it is difficult to see how it is 
to be charged to the people, any more than 
that of Absolom against David or that of 
Brutus against Caesar. Such unfortunate 
dissensions have happened among all peo- 
ple; but certain it is, it is not in the mouths 
of Saxons of the Heptarchy, after their 
war and treachery upon each other, to 
charge it upon the Cymry. Notwithstand- 
ing the bitter reproaches with which Mod- 
red is branded by the Cambrians, because 
their favorite Arthur was slain in a war 
which his treason had produced, still in 
their record they admit his gentleness, 
good nature, his affability and engaging 
conversation, and declare that it was difli- 
cult to deny him any request. But it is of 
such material that traitors are formed; for 
a patriot it requires the further qualities of 
a good heart and sound principles. 

The death of Arthur was long conceal- 
ed ; it was reported, and their great poet, 
Taliesin, industrously sung that he had 
withdrawn from the world to some magical 
region, from whence, at a proper time, he 
would return to lead the Cymry in triumph 
throughout the island. "The Ancient 
Britons lived and breathed in poetry," says 
Thierry ;io but it was a poetic idea to ex- 
press a hope that yet some one would ap- 
pear, imbued with the spirit and genius of 
Arthur, to redress their wrongs and re- 
trieve their country — a conviction that 
God was just, and would not permit them 
to be robbed of their country and property 
with impunity. But upon all occasions 
and under every circumstance did the Cym- 
ry, as Britons, bravely and perseveringly 
defend the right and maintain their free- 
dom; that even after Saxons had given it 
up, the Normans in the time of Henry II 
(A. D. 11S9) conceived it as an easy way 
to conquer to convince the Cymr_\- that 
Arthur was really dead and buried. Upon 
some occasion when that monarch visited 
Wales, an aged bard disclosed to him 
where, in the cemetery at Glastonbury, the 
grave of Arthur was to be found. The 



to riic Xorman Conquest, B. i, p. 55. 



Chap. I.] 



THE SAXON CONQUEST. 



king took an occasion in a very open man- 
ner, with a number of persons, among 
whom was Giraldus Cambrensis, to resort 
to Glastonbury to test the truth of his in- 
formation. He communicated to the abbot 
and monks of the monastery tlie informa- 
tion he had received, and also that the body 
had been buried very deep to keep it from 
the Saxons, — that it would be found not in 
a stone tomb, but in a hollowed oak. They 
dug at the designated place till they came 
to a leaden cross lying under a stone, 
which had this inscription, and Avhich Gir- 
aldus says he saw and handled: '■'■Hie jacct 
scpiilius Rex ArtJi/ints in insula Avallo- 
niay^^ Some distance below this, a coffin 
of hollow oak was found, containing bones 
of an unusual size. The skull was large, 
and showed the marks of ten wounds. 
Nine of these had concreted into bony 
mass, but one had a cleft in it, and the 
opening still remained, apparently the mor- 
tal blow. 

The bones were removed into the great 
church at Glastonbury, and deposited in a 
magnificent shrine, which was afterwards 
placed by order of Edward I, before the 
high altar. He visited there with his queen, 
in 1276, and had the shrine of Arthur opened 
to contemplate his remains, which they 
both did with great interest, and then had 
them reverently returned to the shrine. 
These are the actual facts in relation to 
Arthur's life, as near as they can be gather- 
ed from actual history, but which ha\'e 
been buried up in other writings of ro- 
mance, stories and legends, which has in- 
duced those inimical to iiis niemoi\y to 
deny iiis existence, and claim he \vas a 
mere myth. But one can hardly belie\e 
that this story about tlie bones is a mere 
hoax to deceive and mollify the Cymry, 
for there are too man\- facts to prove the 
sincerity of the transaction; but howe\'er 
that may be, the actual existence of Arthur 



u This Latin inscription on tlic leaden cro.st; has 
caused suspicion and examination; but it was found 
that Latin was commonly taus^Iit in the schools, and 
that the letters corresponded with those of Arthur's 
day. If the transaction had been an imposition the 
inscription would, unquestionably, have been in the 
lanjfuaae of the Cvmry — Cyniraeg-. See Turner's 
Hist., ut supra, p. 201, n...^"'; also, Whitaker's Man- 
chester. 



211 

can be no more doubted than that of Cer- 
dic and Edward I. But the transaction had 
no etVect on the Cymry, for whether he 
was buried or not, the poetic idea remained 
vi\id in the hearts of bra\e and patriotic 
men. 

^T,.— 71ic Estahlishmcnt of the Saxon States 
Norllt of the TItames. A. D. 530 to 600. 

During the latter part of the time jxist 
passed over, while the Saxons in the west 
were quiet, restrained from further progress 
west after the battle of Badon, another 
body of Saxons arrived in Britain under 
Erkenwin, and settled east of London and 
north of the Thames, laying the founda- 
tion for the kingdom of Essex. This tide 
of emigration, a few years later, brought 
another body ot inen, who were said to 
belong to the tribe called Angles, who set- 
tled in what is now Norfolk and Suffolk, 
and established the kingdom of East An- 
glia. And a few years still later came the 
most formidable force that ever arrived in 
Britain, since the time of the Romans, 
under Ida and his twelve sons, and laid the 
foundation of another kingdom, known as 
Northumberland, between the Humber 
and the Firth of Forth. These came in 
forty ships, and consisted of Angles and 
Saxons proper, and their settlement became 
otie of the most formidable states of the 
Saxon conquest. These states were form- 
ed between A. D. 535 and 550; so that at 
the latter date there had such partial settle- 
ment been formed by this Saxon fraternity 
along the eastern and southern coasts of 
Britain, ail the \\'a\ from the mouth of the 
Tweed to that of the A\on. The king- 
dom of Nortlunnberland was sometimes 
divided into two kingdoms, — that of Ber- 
nicia on the north, between the Tweed and 
the Tyne, and that of Deira on the south 
and north of the Humber. Thus we per- 
ceive that until after A. D. 550, a hundred 
years after the first Saxon settlement by 
Hengist and Horsa, the Saxon acquisitions 
were limited to the sea shore, leaving the 
great body of the interior of what is now 
England untouclied by them. This great 
body of the territory of Britain, afterwards. 



THE SAXON PERIOD. 



known as Mercia, may be said to be then 
bounded on the east by these Saxon states, 
south hy the Thames, west by the central 
ridge,. or the British Apennines, and nortii 
unlimited. It included London in its 
south-eastern angle. Besides North and 
West Britain, this great territory was still 
entirely in the possession of the Britons, 
entirely under their laws and government. 
All Britain was then divided up into small 
local states, kingdoms and principalities, 
probably corresponding with those of an- 
cient times, at the advent of the Romans; 
and these were united in a confederacy, 
with a common head as a sovereign, called 
the pendragon or penteyrn. He was sov- 
ereign of the confederacy, and commander- 
in-chief of its forces. He was frequently 
a sovereign of one of the minor states, 
but without regard to that, he was elect- 
ed to the position by a general assembly 
of delegates from the several states, but 
his jurisdiction and authority was confined 
to matters which interested the confeder- 
acy, and not those which were confined 
specially to the interest of a minor state. 
It was an office subject to the control of 
the general assembly, which might remove 
him, as was done in the case of Vortigern. 
He was elected on account of his supposed 
abilities and fitness for the position, as for 
instance, Nennius says: "Then it was that 
the magnanimous Arthur, with all the 
kings and military force of Britain, lought 
against the Saxons. And though there 
were many more nobler than himself, yet 
he was twelve times chosen their com- 
mander, and was often conqueror." (J549) 
This undovibtedly means, that there were 
others who on account of their hereditary 
estates and rank in society were his super- 
iors, but he was elected on account of his 
great abilities and fitness for the position. 
Possibly that in these respects Modred 
was his superior. Just what Nennius has 
said of Arthur, might be said of our 
Washington when first appointed. 

After the Saxons have now formed and 
established their several settlements and 
states along the sea border, it is well, before 
they move out for the acquisition of more 
territory, that we should look over the 



[Book iir. 

whole ground and see how the affairs of 
each party actually stand. It is probable 
that it was a long time after Hengist first 
made his appearance, and oftered his feeble 
force of a few hundred men as auxiliaries 
to the British forces, before the Britons 
dreamed there was danger of a conquest,, 
or of their being overrun by a foreign im- 
migratioi;!. They probably held such an 
idea in contempt; and so they might, if it 
had not been for the rapid and continued 
re-enforcements that came to them from 
Germany for about one hundred years, and 
until they had at least three generations of 
Saxon Britons born upon the soil. They 
would say that it took all the skill and 
power of the Roman empire forty-two 
years of constant eftbrt and fighting to 
conquer us, and now is it to be done by 
these desultory pirates.? Impossible! Hen- 
gist only asks for land enough for him and 
his men to settle upon, and for which they 
promise loyal service. Fovu- or five years 
passed before it was discovered that they 
were greatly increasing in nunibers, and in- 
creasing their demands still faster. Anrf. 
when Vortimer drove and expelled them 
from the land, it was not on account of the 
fear of any conquest, but on account of the 
outrageous impudence of their demands. 
When they returned it was under the 
specious garb of friendship and the propo- 
sition to settle down as friends And Ilen- 
gist and his people were confined to the 
lower part of Kent, until now every Kentish 
man of a Saxon origin were natives of the 
soil, and many of whose mothers were na- 
tive Britons; and to drive them from the 
land into the sea would have been such an 
act of cruelty as to require the hard heart 
of a Saxon pirate to accomplish. 

Besides these considerations which aided 
the Sa.xon conquest, there were others that 
more essentially contributed to the same 
end, in the difference of population between 
the east and the west side of Britain. The 
population of all Britain except the ex- 
treme northwest, was essentially Cymry — 
originating from the same ethnic family, 
speaking the same language, differing only 
in dialect, perhaps not so much as the 
English of Lancashire differs from that of 



Chap. I.] THE SAXON 

Kent. Still there was a distinction — those 
of the west were known as Cambrians, and 
the east as Loegrians; there were later im- 
migrants from the original family in Gaul, 
and received here as friends and brethren ; 
and though they were the same people, yet 
the latter were looked upon as new comers. 
They were much mixed, readily associated 
with each other, still there was a line of 
distinction between them, probably as we 
now find a line of distinction between the 
Pennsyhanians and the Virginians. Con- 
ventionally that line was found running 
south with the British Apennines towards 
the Isle of Wight, in the vicinity of the 
Avon. The only exception to this homo- 
geneousness of population, was that an- 
cient settlement south of the H umber, 
known as the Coranians,i and that other 
colony established by Probus in the neigh- 
borhood of Cambridge. Though these had 
assimilated in the long course of the many 
generations of their stay, and had become 
Britons, still there was an indefinite dis- 
tinction that the Saxons appreciated and 
courted to their advantage. These readily 
coalesced with the Saxons, and who, incon- 
sequence of it, showed them much favor. 
As the most decided opposition and hostil- 
ity to the Saxons came from the Cambrians, 
the iormer showed more favor also to the 
Loegrians, w^ho in a great measure united 
with the Saxons, and were swallowed up 
by them as they advanced. Against that 
advancement the Britons exerted, with 
great patriotism and bravery, all their 
available means, but in consequence of the 
numerous enemies by whom they were 
surrounded on all sides, each localit}' being 
compelled to care for themselves, it was 
impossible to bring the force of the nation 
to defend any particular place chosen by 
the Saxons as their point of attack. Those 
of the north even united with the Picts, in 
making a common cause against the Brit- 
ons. The threatening hostilities of Ida at 
the north and that of Cerdic at the south, 



CONQUEST. • 213 

would prevent the Britons of those distant 
points in uniting, while the Saxons would 
increase at any desirable point by immigra- 
tion from abroad. 2 

Soon after Ida became firmly settled in 
Deira, he began to extend his dominion west. 
The west side of Britain from the mouth 
of the Clj'de to Cambria was occupied by 
two larger political divisions, — the northern 
one called the Strath Clyde — y-strad-Clyde, 
/. e., the valley of the Clyde, and the south- 
ern Cumbria, and the people were as decided 
Cymry as those of Cambria itself. These 
were divided, as all the rest of Britain, in- 
to smaller states and principalities. Among 
them was that of Reged, and this was- 
the proper dominion of Urien, who was 
the distinguished hero of that time and 
was made pendragon or wledig of the 
whole confederac}'. After the departure of 
the Romans the Cj'mry paid great atten- 
tion to literary improvements, as such 
schools as those of Caerleon and Bangor, 
and such scholars as Pelagius, St. David, 
Gildas,Nennius, the numerousWelsh poets, 
and Asser, the friend and companion of Al- 
fred, pro\e. No less in these respects were 
the northern dominions, until their course of 
improvement was annihilated by the wars 
of their enemies. These countries pro- 
duced those great poets, Llywarch Hen, 
Taliesin and Aneurin. But these matters 
did not in the least restrain the destroying- 
hands of the Saxons. Ida soon made his 
invasion upon them, and his terrific course 
was witnessed by wild destruction — in the 
flames of burning buildings, that they de- 
nounced him by no other name than as the 
Flamdduvn, the fiame-bearer. But he is 
met by the heroic Urien and his people, 
who are celebrated by their poets in epic 
poetry; who sung, that when their bar- 
barous enemy demanded hostages, replied, 
"No, we will give thee no hostages;" and 



I Thicnv, that iinpartia! French historian of the 
Xornian conquest, says (B. i, p. 14): "The ancient 
population of the Coranians, estabhshed for several 
centuries south of the Humber, and whom so long a 
sojourn among; the Britons had >iot reconciled with 
them, readily joined the Ansjlo-Saxon invaders as 
they formerly joined the Romans." 



2 "'!'he twelfth battle was a most severe contest, 
when Arthur penetrated to the hill of Badon," * * 
* * "in all these eng-ai^ements the Britons were 
successful." * * =f ""i'he more the Saxons were 
vanquished, the more they souirhl for new supplies 
of Saxons from Germany; so that kinos, command- 
ers and military bands wcie invited over from almost 
everv province. And this practice they continued 
till tfie reign of Ida, who was the son of Eoppa, he, 
of the Saxon race, was tlie first king; in fjcrnicia, 
and in Cair Ebrauc (York;." (Xennius, §49.) 



314 



THE SAXON PERIOD. 



Urien, the chief of the land then ci-ied : 
"Children of one race, united by one cause, 
let us, having raised our standard on the 
mountains, rush into the plain ; let us throw 
ourselves upon the flame-man, and com- 
bine in the same slaughter, him, his army, 
and his auxiliaries.'" 

It would seem that Urien, at the head of 
his patriotic northern Britons, gained sev- 
eral victories over the confederate Saxons 
and Picts, and that the chief of the Ger- 
mans perished on the banks of the Clyde.^ 
But in the great final battle of Cottraeth, 
in wliich a large number of noble men 
wearing the golden collar were slain, the 
cause of the Britons was lost.-' This fixed 
the Saxons in the north, and enabled them 
to unite the two stales of Bernicia and 
Deira into one kingdom of Northumbria.'' 

Cerdic and his son Cenric after the battle 
of Badon refi-ained from pressing west- 
ward, but in the meantime, by a considera- 
ble battle and much slaughter, subdued the 
Isle of Wight to his command. But now, 
{A. D. 55J,) Arthur being dead, and Ida 
having his demonstrations at the north, 
Cenric, who had succeeded his father, Cer- 
dic, now began to luanifest his intention to 
take what territory he could, met the Brit- 
ons in battle near where Salisbury has since 
been built, or perhaps at Old Sarum, where 
a very severe contest was had, which, after 
many lives lost on both sides, resulted in 
favor of tlie Saxons. 

That result, however, was such as to 
keep Cenric t]uiel for another space, of 
four years, when he advanced again to 
meet the Britons at Banbury. The Brit- 
ons here to meet him were in considerable 
numbei-, and formed with great militarv 



,^ Sec ThioiTv. ut suj)ni, p. 1,5, wlio cites 'ialiu.^in; 
Arcli:iio!oj^y of Wales. .See, a Iso, Turner. 

4 See, :is iilmve, Turner, ]>. 209, n. ?•. Thierry as 
above. 

5 Tlii.s is tlie subjeel ol tlie yreat poem o!' Aneurin 
■ — the (iododin. 

Fajtrras-e, in his Anm-lo-.Saxon ( B. n), says: ''Ida's 
dominions were intersected l)y tracts still inlenscctcd 
:ind helon<ring- to the Britoiis.'wiio ultimately yielded 
to the invaders. In Deir.i the pros^ress of llie Ansrles 
was slow; York, it is true, had been plundered bv 
the Sa.vons, (A. D. joO, ;ind archbishop Sampson 
compelled to take reTufje in Armorica or Brillanv; 
but until the accession of Ella (A. D. S.i9— i;'-*) Deira 
is not known to have been subject to any English 
kinir. Ella wa.s not ol the family of Ida; both were 
children of Woden." 



[Book III. 

skill ; and "their battle array," says Henry 
of Hitntingdon, "was formed in nine bat- 
talions, — a convenient number for military 
tactics, — three being posted in the van, 
three in the centre, aiid three in the rear, 
with a chosen commander to each, while 
the archers and slingers and cavalry were 
disposed of after the Roman order. But 
the Saxons advanced to the attack in one 
compact" body with such furv, that the 
standards being dashed together and borne 
down, and the spears being broken, it be- 
came a hand-to-hand fight with the sword. 
The battle lasted till nightfi\ll, without 
either party being able to claim the \ ic- 
tory." This description of the battle, given 
by Henry, will well suflice for those of in- 
numerable others fought along the whole 
line of the Saxon frontier, or Mark or 
Alaix/t, as the border limits between the 
two nationalities were always called by the 
Saxons, from the mouth of the Southern 
Avon to that of the Tweed. Every division 
of territory was made a battle field, which 
was not to be gi\en up without a heroic 
coiitest for the right. For seventy years 
after the last date (A. D. 55J) the like bat- 
tles and conflicts were renewed, until thou- 
sands upon thousands of inen were slaugh- 
tered, towns and houses burnt, and the 
country, in many instances, rendered a 
desolate waste. But still constant immi- 
gration came into Britain from the neigh- 
borhood of the Elbe, to recruit and fill up 
the gaps made in the army of the Saxon 
in\-aders. This enabled them to progress 
at one point or another, and whatever they 
once acquired the\ were thus able to hold. 

It was long before Wessex was able to 
extend their dominion west of the A\on; 
that river long remained the limits between 
the Saxons and the Cymry," as it had been 
between the latter and the Loegrians. 
Stonehenge and A\ ei)ury, and the great 
monuments of their ancesti^rs, were still 
within their territor\- and iurisdiction. 

Dining the peri(>d we are now consider- 
ing two events transpired which dematid 
oin- notice before passing to another: the 
^stablishtnent of Mercia as a separate state 
or kingdom; and next, the introduction of 

7 l'al<i-ra\ c's Anu-|o-Saxons, 15. ii, j). 33. 



Chap. I.] THE SAXON 

Christianity among the Saxons. 

We have already pointed out that great 
interior territory ot" Britain lying between 
the Cymry on the west, and the narrow 
border occupied by the Saxons on the east 
and south. This territory was almost as 
large as all the rest of England. It had a 
large population scattered through it, and 
many towns and cities. Its people were 
more diversified in origin and character 
than any other part of Southern Britain at 
the advent of Hengist. The larger part of 
them were Loegrian'^ Cymry, some the 
Cymry proper, the Coranians, the colony 
established by Probus, some more or less 
of the mixture of the Roman blood were 
left here; and occasionally, in the mean- 
time, a Saxon one after another would en- 
ter as a peaceful citizen, form his family 
connection and raise his offspring, which 
they would think to be much more agree- 
able than to be slaughtered in Saxon ser- 
vice in order that a Hengist, or a Cerdic, 
or an Ida might rule under pretense of 
divine right. For many years this large 
district of England so progressed, while the 
country remained under the old British 
local, state and city government; and Lon- 
don9 was one of these, at its very south- 
eastern angle. London was never taken 
by the Saxons, for the reason that their 
strong walls gave them some protection, 
and might, by its capacity to manufacture 
and administer to the wants of the Saxons, 
induce them to take a tribute rather than 
burn it down, as was done with many oth- 
er cities. It was, long afterwards, for a 
short time tributary to Essex ; but was soon 
relieved of such annoyances, and was part 
of Mercia, and finally part of Middlesex 
without ever being robbed, plundered or 
burnt by the Saxons, as many other places 
were. It possessed a large population at 
the time the Romans left, and since then 
many others sought its protection as a 
place of safety. Its popvilation was quite 



S Palo-iave's Ang^lo-Saxons, ch. ii, who says: 
"The Britons of Loegria appear to have united 
more readily to their invaders; they appeared to 
have less nationality." 

9 Palgrave, same as above, who says: "I doubt 
much wtiether London was ever incorporated in any 
Anglo-Saxon king-doni; and think we must view it 
as a weak tributary, vassal state." 



CONQUEST. 215 

heterogeneous, mostly Cymry and Loe- 
grians, with many natives of a Roman 
descent, and many foreign adventurers. 
These and their descendants became En- 
glish without their being aware of the 
transition. 

This central territory called Mercia, from 
the -Saxon word Mark or M.axh — the 
boundary — was from time to time entered 
by Saxon adventurers, generally seeking to 
settle among the Britons as peaceable citi- 
zens; but at length (A. D. 585—593) there 
appeared among them a Saxon, who claim- 
ed to be a prince, and Crida by name, and 
like most of them desirous to obtain some 
political position. What he had been was 
uncertain ; but it is generally supposed he 
was a \'assal under the supremacy of 
North imibria. He obtained some retain- 
ers and set up some dominion of his own. 
War and battles ensued; but the conflict 
was peaceably settled by a treaty, that 
Crida should exercise his claim of sover- 
eignty, and that the people of both, or all, 
nationalities might settle down in peace — 
all enjoying equal rights. Crida at his- 
death left his possessions, of uncei-tain ex- 
tent, to his son, Pida or Wippa, who in the 
due course of nature in the same manner 
left it to his son, Penda, (A. D. 626,) a mart 
of great ambition and ''energy, but entirely 
destitute of any righteous principles. He 
was of the age of, at least, fifty years wheri 
he assumed the government of Mercia, and 
for thirty years with uncommon activity 
and vigor kept the surrounding states lit 
continual warfare. That the prince and 
people of any of the neighboring states- 
were inclined to be peaceable, was suflicient 
cause for him to attack them, illustrating- 
by his practice, his pagan principles of 
Woden, that man's true existence was only- 
war, and his only acceptable destiny was 
the death of a soldier. At the age of eighty 
he fell in battle with Oswy of Bernicia, in- 
to which he rushed with the fury of a mad- 
man, and which his opponent could not 
avoid by earnest prayer for peace.'" 



TO I Turner's Anglo-Sax., B. iii, ch viii, p. iff-S, 
who savs; "We ma'v inter from an intimation of 
Nennius that Penda" first separated Mercia from the 
kingdom of the Northern Ang-lcs, it must have been 
in subordination to the kingdom of Deira, which 



2l6 



THE SAXON PERIOD 



§4.- - The Iniroduction of Christianity Among 
the Saxons. 

The Saxons who settled and established 
the Heptarchy in Britain were frequently 
distinguished and divided into three fami- 
lies or branches— the Jutes, Angles and 
Saxons. But thej were generally called 
by the latter name, as the general name for 
iill. They were known and called by the 
Britons by no other than the general name 
of Saxons. They were all of the same 
race — the Teutonic — the same manners, 
habits and customs, of the same religion, 
and differed only in dialect as to language. 
All their chiefs and leaders claimed to be 
the immediate descendants of their god 
Woden, who was claimed to be the divine 
author and head of their religion; and 
these chiefs claimed their sovereignty by 
divine right to rule, and there was no other 
test of right. Their religion was unmiti- 
gated paganism, and so far as humanity 
was concerned, of the very worst stamp. 
War and slaughter, blood and carnage, 
■were among the first elements of their re- 
ligion. Their hopes of heaven and a life 
of future reward was founded upon it. It 
■was, therefore, a great boon to them, so 
far as humanity was concerned, to have of- 
fered to them the doctrines and jirinciples 
of Christianity. On the other hand the 
Britons were Christians, w^ell taught in its 
*iOundest principles according to the learn- 
ing of the day. Their clergy had attended 
the various great Christian councils, and 
•were well informed as to what was ortho- 
dox doctrines of the Church. The people 
had li:^tened to the great polemic discussion 
iipon the great subjects of philosophy and 
anetaphysic involved in the doctrines of 
Pelagius, as well as its theologj'. They 
were a people fond of literature and its 
cultivation, as is evident from their culture 
of what came to them from the ancient 
Druids, as well as their own literature, 
produced in the sixth and twelfth centuries, 
in the midst of all the difficulties with 



tbrincd its northern frontier." Up to the time of 
•Crida, Mercia remained untouched by the Saxons in 
possession of the Britons, and it is probable that he 
rvent into it as an emigrant and colonist from Deira, 
and made a settlement in the midst of the Britons. 



[Book III. 

which they were surrounded. And as evi- 
denced also by the great schools they had 
at Winchester, Ca-rleon, Bangor and Ca?r- 
lisle. 

It is sometimes queried why the Britons 
did not teach Christianitv to the pagan 
Saxons. The reason whv is perfectly 
manifest. They met in too se\ere a hostili- 
tv and conflict for such a thing to be possi- 
ble; and^then the Saxons were too rude 
and illiterate pagans, and the principles of 
their paganism too deeply rooted in the 
very cause and business that brought theni 
to Britain and kept them there. It requir- 
ed them first to be educated and improved 
by what they found and received in Kent, 
and the long peace of a hundred and fifty 
years which they enjoyed there, so differ- 
ent from the rest of their countrymen, in 
order to prepare them for the change, 
which was adopted but very gradually. 
These reasons, with the unjust war and 
hostilities that they brought w-ith them up- 
on Britain, are obvious answers to the in- 
quiry. But in the progress of Providence 
the great change was wrought upon them, 
through the instrumentality of Pope Greg- 
ory, who then (about A. D. 596) occupied 
the "Chair of St. Peter," at Rome. It is 
said that Gregory, at an early period in his 
life, in going through the market on one 
occasion, observed some children there, of 
great beauty and fair complexion, offered 
in the market for sale as slaves, which in- 
duced him to inquire where they were from, 
and was informed they were from Deira in 
Britain. Upon hearing the name of the 
country, he made a play on words and said 
in his Latin language: "Z?e ira Dei liber- 
andi sunt," — from the wrath of God they 
are to be delivered. And upon making 
further inquiry, he took great interest in 
the island, and the spiritual welfare of its 
people. But these poor beautiful children 
whose interesting appearance was leading 
to so great results, Avho were they .'' We 
are not exactly informed — if they w^ere of 
a fair complexion they Avere as likely to be 
the children of British Celts as Saxon Teu- 
tons. If the former, then thev were sell- 
ing the children of their conquered ene- 
mies; but if of the latter then they were 



Chap. I.] THE SAXON 

selling their own children, or that of their 
own people — we are not informed which. 

But however that may be, Gregory nev- 
er rested easy until he accomplished his 
humane and benevolent object, of Chris- 
tianizing the people. Of the people he 
knew little or nothing, except what he saw 
and heard there in the slave market. Being 
.a scholar, though of that rude and ignorant 
age, he may have read Ctesar and Tacitus, 
■about the Britons, but that was uncertain. 
But, as I have alrcad_v said, Britain had be- 
come an unknown land to Italy and the 
east, in consequence of the destruction and 
desolation brought upon Western Europe 
by the savage barbarity, with whicli the 
country, had been desolated by the liarba- 
rians of the noi'th, who had o\errun it. 
The Roman roads iiad gone to decay ; the 
former civilization had disappeared before 
the savage ferocity of those who were 
plundering and desolating the land. Ac- 
commodations for travelers had disappear- 
ed, and robbers and pirates had become so 
numerous as to render it dangerous to 
travel. By these means Britain had be- 
come a distant and an unknown land at 
Rome, and it Avas considered dangerous to 
go there. Gregory then had no knowledge 
or idea that at that time there was a Chris- 
tian community in Britain, with their bish- 
ops and priests, and well organized church, 
imbued with the sound, primitive doctrines 
of Christianity as in any part of the world; 
and with such scholars as Gildas, and oth- 
ers, who weve able to read and quote 
•"Virgil, the Ecclesiastical Fathers, and the 
Holy Scriptures of both Testaments"; and 
all this taught in their schools and prac- 
ticed in their churches. If Gregory had 
been told all this it would have been en- 
tirely new to him. However, he was bent 
upon the project of carrying the tidings of 
great joy to the pagan and heathen ; and 
for that purpose he selected Augustin and 
forty other monks to accompany him, and 
commissioned them on a mission to Brit- 
ain. They started on their journey, and 
were commended b}' the Pope to several 
persons and places on their way, invoking 
their aid in their laudable and Christian 
undertaking. But after proceeding some 



CONQUEST. 217 

considerable distance on their way, they 
became so discouraged by the dangers and 
difficulties «f the way, that they sent back 
some of their numbers to represent matters 
to Gregory, and beg of him to recall them 
and excuse them from their hard and dan- 
gerous task. 

But the Pope was not to be turned away 
from the great object of his hopes and as- 
piration. He told them that now to turn 
back from their mission was a greater dis- 
grace and shrinking from duty, than to 
have refused it in the first instance. He 
commanded them in God's nanie to proceed, 
and for Christ's sake to accomplish their 
mission. They accordingly proceeded, and 
after a time landed in the Isle of Thanet, 
and sent a messenger to the sovereign of 
Kent soliciting an interview. The king of 
Kent at that time (A. D. 597) was Ethel- 
bert, the fourth in succession from Hengist. 
His kingdom for many 3'ears had enjoyed 
peace, and had made greater progress in 
peaceful improvements than any of the 
Saxon states. On this account, and also 
that his queen, Bertha, was a Prankish 
princes, who had received her education in 
the Christian faith, the way appeared to be 
open for the reception of these missiona- 
ries. Augustin's application was, there- 
fore, at a propitious moment, for the 
conversion of these people from their es- 
tablished paganism to Christianity. Eth- 
elbert received his proposition with a good 
deal of suspicion, but the missionaries were 
received by the sovereign with much favor. 
The king at first excused himself on ac- 
count of his want of interest and attention 
in his exhortations; but he received them 
kindly, and gave free liberty to preach to 
the people. Ethelbert soon became a list- 
ener, and then a convert. 

In a short time the people of Kent re- 
ceived with favor the doctrines of Augus- 
tin and were generally baptized; of which 
the pope received tidings of great joy. 
The king became much interested in the 
new religion, and convinced not only of its 
truth but of its superiority over their pa- 
ganism and the worship of Woden, the idol 
of their ancestors. He erected a church 
and endowed it with means to support its 



2lS 



THE SAXON PERIOD. 



future clergy, which was erected on the 
foundation of an ancient British churcli 
destroyed by the pagans, and which has 
since become the cathedral church of Can- 
terbury. 

While the Christian religion was thus 
prospering among the Saxons of Kent, 
Augustin was desirous to have an interview 
witli the heads and representatives of the 
church in Britain among the Cymry. Ac- 
cordingly a conference was proposed to be 
held between the Kentish and the Cymric 
clergy, which was readily accepted by the 
latter and which was so held A. D. 603, 
at Aust on the banks of the Severn. Au- 
gustin, \vho for his success in Britain had 
been created archbishop by the pope, now 
appeared at this conference with his clergy 
in great state, clothed with all the impor- 
tance and dignity conferred upon him by 
the pope. He addressed the British clergy, 
admonished them that they had departed in 
their practices in keeping Easter and some 
other' matters of equal importance from 
that of the Christian church, and proposed 
that they should join with him in preach- 
ing the gospel to the heathen. Upon con- 
sideration of the matter, the British clergy 
declared, in spite of the admonition they 
had received, that they preferred their own 
tradition to the opinions of other churches. 
To enforce upon them the firm belief of 
his power and heavenly mission, he there, 
in their presence, pretended to perform the 
miracle of restoring a blind person to his 
sight. Still the British clergy declared 
they had no power to abrogate or alter 
their ancient customs without the national 
consent, and desired that another confer- 
ence inight be held, at which their church 
might be more authentically represented. 
This was agreed upon, and the time and 
place for its being held duly fixed. In the 
meantime the Cymric clergy were greatly 
perplexed as to the conduct they should 
pursue and what they should do. They 
resorted for advice to a nameless sage and 
holy hermit, saying: — "Tell us whether 



I The principiU objection to the practice of the 
British clergy was these two: That they did not 
keep Easter on the jjroper day, and did not observe 
the proper tonsure in trimming- the hair of their 
head. 



[Book III. 

we ought or ought not, at the bidding ot' 
Augustin, forsake our old traditions." 
The hermit answered, "Follow him if he is 
a man of God." "How shall we ascertain 
that.'" they then asked, and were told that 
they might test that by his meek and lowly 
or by his stern and haughty demeanor. On 
further inquiry as to the means they might 
use to ascertain the character of Augustin, 
he advised them to allow him to arrive be- 
fore them at the appointed place of assem- 
bly, so that his manner of receiving them 
might sufficiently assure them either of his 
pride or humility and decide at once 
whether they should hear his words sub- 
missively or not. 

At the conference there were assembled 
a very large assembly of learned and dis- 
tinguished men, several bishops of the an- 
cient British church, learned monks with 
their abbots, and the learned heads of their 
several schools. These venerable repre- 
sentatives of the clergy and learned men of 
Britain were more numerous than the for- 
eigners whom Augustin had brought with 
him on this occasion ; yet he kept his seat 
on their arrival, with lordly appearance of 
superiority, little thinking that his doing so 
insured the disappointment of his lambi- 
tious project, as is often the case in such 
matters. Provoked by this evident preju- 
dice against him, Augustin made a summa- 
ry proposition that the British clergy 
should conform with the Roman church in 
keeping Easter, in the tonsure ot the 
clergy, and in the administration of bap- 
tism; and that they should join with the 
ordinary clergy of the church in preaching 
the Gospel to the heathen Jutes, Angles, 
and Saxons. On these conditions he offered 
to tolerate all other customs of theirs which 
differed from those of his own church. 

The British clergy declined all these 
propositions and refused to acknowledge 
the supremacy of any other church than 
their own; nor would they receive him as 
their primate. They said that in the bonds 
of love and charity they were all willing to 
be the servants of the church of God, and 
of every good Christian, and even of the 
pope of Rome, helping them forward by 
word and deed to be the true children of 



Chap. I.] 

God. Other obedience they disclaimed, 
being governed, under their heavenly Loid, 
by the bishop of Caerleon. They determ- 
ined to submit to neither the pretension of 
the Roman church nor the usiu^pation of 
the Saxons. 

Provoked by these refusals, Augustin 
threatened, that as they refused to unite as 
brethren, they should be made war upon 
by enemies; and since they would not 
preach the word of life to the Angles, they 
should suffer from that nation's deadly 
vengeance.2 The object of Augustin was 
to bring the British church into the juris- 
diction of the church of Rome; but his 
haughty and supercilious course defeated 
it, and the British church continued separ- 
ated from the Roman church many years 
longer. 

Augustin's mission in Kent was attend- 
ed, for some time, with great success. 
Ethelbert became zealous in the cause of 
Christianity. The people of Kent, in the 
lapse of a hundred and fifty years from the 
time when the Saxons under Hengist had 
settled there, had greatly improved, by 
mixture with the original British inhabit- 
ants and adoption of their civilization. 
They were, therefore, prepared to appre- 
ciate the superiority of Christianity over 
their paganism, and their habits and cus- 
toms arising out of it. An ancient British 
church^ in Canterbury, which had been 
destroyed by the Saxons, was now rebuilt 
by the king for Augustin and his proselytes, 
who had become numerous. Tiiere was an 
intimate connection between the people of 
Kent and those of London, who continued 
to be made up of the original people there 
when the Saxons first came. They con- 
tinued their manufactures and trade as an 
independent people and retained their 
habits and customs, as when they were a 
part of the Roman empire. They proba- 
bly retained much of their Christian no- 
tions which they had before they became 
surrounded by the Saxon population. They 



■fllE SAXON CONQUEST. 



219 



2, See Miss Jane Williams' History of Wales; see 
Bede, B. ii, ch. ii; see the eloquent account given of 
this tran.saction and that of the burninsJ: of the mon- 
a.stery at Bangor, in Thierry's Norman Conquest, B. 
i. Ji- 38-39- 

3 Bede, ch. xxxiii. 



readily received Augustin and his priests, 
and immediately built a church for them, 
which was the beginning of the erection of 
St. Paul's church in London. That city 
continued to grow and extend its intluence 
as a manufacturing and commercial me- 
tropolis, so that it may be truly said, that it 
is London and the people of Kent, and 
those of its vicinity who have molded and 
made the English people what they are.* 
At that time the king of Essex was Sabert, 
a son of Ethelbert's sister, and their favor- 
able influence enabled Augustin to extend 
his mission to the Saxons of that kingdom 
with success, and to consecrate two Ro- 
mans as bishops — one as the bishop of 
London, and the other as bishop of Roch- 
ester in Kent. 

Augustin soon after this departed this 
life; still while Ethelbert lived, who sur- 
vived him eleven years, the Christian re- 
ligion continued to prosper. But after his 
death his son and successor, Eadbald, re- 
stored paganism in Kent and expelled the 
Christian clergy. And the sons of Sabert 
tbllowed the example, and did the same in 
Essex ; and for a while it seemed as though 
Christianity was to be expelled from the 
land, and that it would be again restored to 
Saxon paganism. 

But fortunately this unpropitious appear- 
ance did not last long. The tide was turn- 
ed by a pious fraud, perpetrated upon the 
weak Eadbald, by a priest who showed him 
a terrible lacerated and bleeding back, say- 
ing it had been done the night before by St. 
Peter, because he meditated his departure 
from the island. The story accorded with 
the superstition and intellectual weakness 
of the king, who imtnediately ordered the 
Christian religion to be restored to the po- 
sition in which his father had left it. Froin 
that time (A. D. 616) Christianity contin- 
ued to make its way and spread through- 
out Saxon Britain, btit its progress was 



4 Palg-rave's Anglo-Saxon, ch. iii, p. 50, where he 
says: "London was still noted for its opulence; its 
fame was diftiised far and wide, and the city was the 
resort of merchants from all parts of the world. I 
say stiU, because ii had been equally pre-eminent in 
the Roman times. And the great confusion conse- 
quent upon the Saxon conquest had scarcely injured 
the prosperity of London, which had continued in- 
creasing fron'i Iho times of the Romans till the pres- 
ent day." 



THE SAXON PERIOD 



slow. It was adopted by Edwin, the king 
of Northumbria, in 62S, after muchconsid- 
iition among the leading men of his people; 
and four years afterwards he prevailed up- 
on Eorpwald, the king of East Anglia, to 
follow his example. About A. D.640, the 
Christian religion came to be pretty gener- 
ally adopted in Wessex, a period of very 
nearly two hundred years after Hengist's 
first landing in Britain, during which time 
in the Saxon dominion the paganism of 
Woden prevailed. 

«$5. TIic Sequel of the Period. A. D. ^']G to 
626. 

The fifty years that transpired previous 
to A. D. 626 have in them important his- 
torical events besides those already related ; 
the commencement ot the settlement of 
Mercia, and the introduction of Christiani- 
ty among the Saxons. At the commence- 
ment of this time (A. D. 576) the acquisi- 
tions of the Saxons were confined to quite 
a limited space from the sea shore. But 
the sovereigns of Wessex on the west and 
those of Northumbria on the north, had 
eacli of them had severe hostilities and 
several bloody battles with the Britons, 
without much extending their limits. The 
time now, however, had arrived when at 
both ends of this line they were prepared 
and determined to make a more strenuous 
effort to grasp more territory, and extend 
their power. These jiowers were acting 
independent of each other, but it had the 
same eftect to distract and divide the ef- 
forts of the Britons, as though the former 
acted in concert. 

In this career of conquest Wessex moved 
first. In the year 577' Cuthwine and Ceaw- 
lin went forth to extend their dominion to- 
wards the Severn and the Bristol Channel. 
A number of the British sovereigns had 
confederated to oppose them ; and these 
met them in battle at Derham in Glouces- 
tershire, where a severe battle was had, in 
which three of the British sovereigns were 
slain, some of whom are the princes la- 
mented by Llywarch Hen in one of his 
elegies. We are not informed as to the par- 

1 S.axon chronicle, p. 314. 



[Book III. 

ticulars of the battle, except that it resulted 
in the capture of three noted cities, Glou- 
cester, Cirencester and Bath, which were 
annexed to Wessex. 

Seven years passes by and Ceawlin again 
pursues his hostilities against the Britons 
on the Severn ; and a bloody battle ensues 
at Frithern. Here the Britons fought with 
earnest resolution for their rights, and for 
some time^with great success. The broth- 
er of the Saxon king was slain, and his 
part of their forces gave way ; But Ceaw- 
lin rallied his men, and after an obstinate 
and bloody conflict secured a victory. The 
issue here again, though long, obstinate 
and doubtful, enabled the grasping king to 
take a number of towns, annex more terri- 
tory, rob the people of a vast amount ol 
pro2ierty, which as booty was divided 
among the conquerors. Notwithstanding 
these defeats and losses, the Britons still 
stood manfully in defense of their rights, 
and with a patriotic perseverance deter- 
mined that if they were to be robbed, it 
should be after a conflict. In a few years 
they were again compelled to meet their 
enemies upon another raid at Wanborrow, 
where a terrible battle and slaughter took 
place ; and the Saxon chronicle says : "There 
was great slaughter in this battle, and 
Ceawlin was expelled." The same chron- 
icles records (two years afterwards, A. D. 
593) : "This year Ceawlin, Cwichelm and 
Crida perished, and Ethelfrith succeeded 
to the kingdom of the Northumbrians; he 
was the son of ^-Ethelric, and grandson of 
Ida." 

The end of Ceawlin thus noticed is wor- 
thy of a further remark. He was one of 
those men upon whom the progress of the 
Saxon conquest depended ; who, in the 
true spirit of Wodenism, was ambitious, 
grasping and heartless ; and was as odious 
to his peaceable Saxon neighbors as to the 
Britons. At that time Ethelbert was king 
of Kent, whose people had long been in a 
peaceable and improving condition to- 
wards civilization. This sovereign had 
come to the throne At the youthful age of 
sixteen, and inspired with ambition as the 
direct descendant of Hengist, he was tempt- 
ed to teach the overbearing and hateful 



Cliap. I.] 

Ceawlin a lesson, which might teach mod- 
oration and justice. But the war was as 
imprudent as it was in itself unjust. The 
king oi" Wessex soon drove his youthful 
opponent back into Kent, and was di\ert- 
ed, for the present, from making it a con- 
quest, bv being tempted first to conquer 
Sussex. In that he was successful to the 
great relief of Kent. 

By this time Ceawlin had fully stirred up 
the jealousy and hatred of his neighboring 
Saxon monarchs; and they were deter- 
mined to curb him. They dreaded his 
energy and ambition, as they did his cruel- 
ty and injustice. It was thought prudent 
in the first place to secure sufficient force. 
The most active enemy against him ^^•:ls 
Coalric, his nephew, who first allied him- 
self with the Cymry and had reason and 
cause enough for doing so. Ceawlin was 
compelled to meet this new combination 
of races in battle, and all his energy and 
conduct could not save him from a defeat and 
death; while his unnatural kinsman as- 
sumed the sovereignty of his uncle's 
kingdom. 

This was the commencement of a long 
series of war between the Saxon kings of 
the Heptarchy, frequently carried on into 
each other's dominions, with a most relent- 
less cruelty, which did not cease while 
there were two kingdoms left in the Hep- 
tarchy. If the evils of these wars fell on 
the so\ereigns themselves we might not 
lament its justice, but its dire consequences 
fell upon the innocent people, who were 
compelled to suffer for the ungovernable 
ambition and wickedness of their rulers. 
In the course of these wars we frequently 
witness civil war in its most terrible aspect, 
accompanied with revolting treason, the 
violation ot the rights of kindred and hos- 
pitality, and charges of poisonings and as- 
sa.-sinations. Charges of this kind have 
been made by the querulous Gildas upon 
his unfortunate countrymen, and some- 
times repeated by way of comparison by 
others Too true it is, that such diai-ges 
may be made against all nationalities — the 
Greeks, Romans, Celts and Teutons, with 
lamentable justice; but for the sake of hu- 
manitv I would recommend that no com- 



THE SAXON CONQUEST. 



parison be made between them. 

Ethelbert reigned over Kent fifty-six 
years,2 with less of the difficulties of war 
than any of the Saxon States ; the only 
exception being that which he had with 
Ceawlin. He has the honor of being the 
prince bv whom Christianity was first in- 
troduced to the Saxons, and of continuing 
the peace and progress enjo3'ed by the peo- 
ple of Kent after the death of Hengist and 
his son ^^2se, for the period of more than 
one hundred and fifty years, of which his 
reign was fifty-six. But an entirely difter- 
ent state of things existed at the north end 
of the Saxon dominion. There existed the 
same state of war and turmoil as had been 
experienced in Wessex, at the other ex- 
tremity. 

The great north from Humber to the 
Tweed has generally received the name of 
Northumbria; but for a limited and uncer- 
tain period of time it has been divided into 
Bernicia at the north, and Deira at the 
south. Ida, whom we have noticed in his 
wars with Urien, first took possession of 
Bernicia, and who was now succeeded by 
Ethelfrith, his grandson, who claimed all 
Northumbria. Deira was first taken by 
Ella; but he was no sooner dead and suc- 
ceeded in his rights by his infant child Ed- 
win, than Ethelfrith took possession of the 
whole of Northumbria, and claimed it as 
his own. Ethelfrith at the time appeared 
to be the most powerful of all the Saxon 
monarchs ; and no one of them was bold 
enough, or dared, to draw a sword in de- 
fense of the iniant Edwin. The child, how- 
ever, was cared for by some of the noble 
hearted people, and carried into Cambria, 
and there entrusted to the care of Cadvan, 
who was one of the British kings who 
were now being robbed of the patrimony 
and the territory over which his fathers 
had tor ages ruled. It is romantic to think 
that the infant son of a Saxon king should 
be compelled to flee from his own kindred 
to a Briton for protection, whom his own 
people were about to deprive of his coun- 
try and home. Perhaps they knew then, 
as thev know now, that a trust of that kind 



2 Henry of Huntingdon, p. S3. 



THE SAXON PERIOD 



is never betrayed by a Celt; nor that good 
faith or hospitality is ever to be forfeited in 
the hands of a Cymric people of Armorica, 
or Britain, or Scotland, or Ireland. The 
greatest guaranty that General Drucot 
could give to the Empi-ess Eugenia, that 
she might rely upon his honor and fidelity, 
was a pledge given upon the faith of a 
Breton. 

Ethelfrith had warred against the Cym- 
ry and desolated more of their territory 
than any of his predecessoi-s ; yet the in- 
fant Edwin was to be reai-ed and educated 
among them. He was cared for, though 
they knewnot whether they were cherishing 
a friend, or a viper who would yet sting and 
kill them. Ethelfrith was even in pursuit 
of Edwin, whom he considered to stand in 
the way of his holding Deira. The young 
king was compelled to keep his name and 
rank a secret, and even in fear that his 
great enemy would be after him, and cap- 
ture him. In the meantime Ethelfrith was 
actively engaged in the conquest of the 
Northern Cymry, and the extension of his 
dominion. He was a man of blood and 
cruelty, and was accomplishing his object 
in the most heartless manner — some of the 
people he reduced to slavery, and others 
he would compel to pay heavy tribute. A 
confederacy was formed against him by 
the Cymry of the kingdom of Strath Clyde, 
and those of Cumbria, uniting with the 
free tribes of Scotland. This formidable 
coalition encountered EtheHrith in battle 
at Dagratan A. D. 603. This became a 
deadly conflict, and was fought with des- 
paration on both sides. The Britons con- 
ducted the battle with skill and courage, in 
which the brother of Ethelfrith was slain, 
with all his followers. At length the 
Northern Britons were compelled to give 
way, and were followed with a deadly- 
slaughter, from which only their king and 
a few attendants escaped.^ 

Ethelfrith was now, in the course of vic- 
tory, at liberty to turn his attention towards 
Edwin in Cambria; and with a view of re- 
claiming him and carrying on his hostili 
ties against the Britons, he proceeded with 



3 Turner's Anglo-Saxon, B. iii, ch. v, p. 224. 



[Book III. 

a large army to Chester. There he was 
met by Brochwel, the prince of Powys, 
which then included Cheshire, Shropshire, 
and its capital cities were Pengwern 
(Shrewsbury) and Chester. In the en- 
counter with Brochwel, he observed stand- 
ing at a distance a venerable body of un- 
armed men, and upon inquiry was in- 
formed that they were the monks of Bangor, 
twelve hundred in number, oftering pray- 
ers for the success of their countrymen. 
"If they are praying against us," he ex- 
claimed, "they are fighting against us;" 
and he ordered their immediate attack, in 
which they were principally destroved. 
Brochwel, appalled by their fate, wavered, 
and fled with his little army. This gave 
Ethelfrith a decided victory, which he pro- 
ceeded to improve, in his usual manner, with 
fire and the s\vord. He proceeded to Old 
Bangor Iscoed, there massacred the monks 
and students who had not fled at his ap- 
proach, and demolished the citv. The 
walls of the noble Monastery and Univer- 
sity were leveled to the ground; its large 
library, the collection of ages, and the re- 
pository of the most precious monuments 
of the literature and science of the Ancient 
Britons, was consumed; and all those 
magnificent buildings, with their records 
and other objects of national interest to 
the Britons and mankind, were reduced to 
dust. Thus, it was said, was fulfilled the 
threat and prophesy of Augiistin as to 
what should befall the Cvmi^-. 

This calamity aroused the Cambrians to 
the utmost ot their exertion, with the force 
they were able to raise. Cadfan, the pro- 
tector of Edwin, joined Brochwel, and they 
pursued Ethelfrith in his retreat out of the 
country, and succeeded in inflicting upon 
him teiTible defeat and disaster. This vic- 
tory against Ethelfrith of Northumberland 
was gained about A. D. 610, and was fol- 
lowed by another in tavor of the Cambri- 
ans, upon their own soil, against Ceolwulph 
of Wessex,'* who were constantly oper- 
ating in aid of each other. The latter 
monarch, with a very large force of his 
people, was ravaging the country occupied 



4 Turner, B. ii, ch. v, p. 225, 



Chap II. J THE SAXON 

bv the Britons on the Severn, and had 
aetually crossed it into Cambria, proceed- 
ing into Glamorgan. Tiie people there, in 
liieir distress, lieroicallv rallied in detensc 
of their countrs', and ivv aid anvi counsel 
re))aiieil to Tewdric, their former king, 
wht) had abdicated in favoi- of his son 
Mowric, to pursue a solitary life of piety 
amidst the beautiful environs of Tintern 
Ai)hy. lie was solicited to assume the 
"Command of tiieir military foi'ces, in which 
capacity lie had had great reputation, and 
had ne-> er sustained a defeat. The dread- 
ed Saxons were on the Wye; but the re- 
membrance of liis own achie\ements in- 
sjiiretl !iim with iiopes, and tiie welfare of 
his son and people induced his consent. 
He assumed his wonted armor, conducted 
the tumult of the battle with his former 
skill, and drove the invaders over the Sev- 
ern. A mortal woimd recei\ed in the 
midst of his triumj)h piroduced his death, 
and he lireathed his last on the banks of 
tlie beautil'ul Wye, in pra_\ ers tor tiie res- 
cue of his country and people li-om the 
devastation of thei)- sa\'age enemies. 

During the late difhculties in Cambria, Ed- 
win was taken for greater safety at the time, 
to Redwald, king of tlie East Angles, wiio 
was then the Bretwalda among the Saxon 
sovereigns A. D. 616. This transferred 
the war of Ethelfrith to East Anglia, and 
resulted in a terril)!e battle bet\\een these 
two ,Sa\on people, on tlie banks of the Jd- 
del, \vliich caused it, it is said, to tiow in 
blood; in which EtheltVilh lost his life and 
the victory, and b_\- which Edwin was re- 
stored to his people, as so\ ereign of North- 
imibria. This event, with the accession of 
Penda to the so\ ereignty of Mercia, and 
Cadwallawii as the jiendi'agon of theCvm- 
ry, briiigs us to a decided epoch in the- prc)- 
gress of our historv. 

The time had now arrived, ;V. \). 6j6, 
when the Saxon states in Britain were no 
longer in a state of formation, Init being 
actually formed, and collectively known as 
the Saxon Heptarchy. W'c must now, 
therefore, notice the He])tarcli\, in oui' his- 
tory, as a power gradually consolidating 
itself, until it becomes England on the one 
hand, and Cambria on the other, as tlie 



HEPTARCHY. 



223 



principal persons and powers constituting 
the subject of our history in the next chap- 
ter. 

CHAPTER II. 

THE SAXOX HEPTARCHY. FROM THE AC- 
CESSIOX OF PENDA TO THE DEATH OF 
K(,1JERT. A. D. 626 TO S36. 

Thus far we have been considering the 
history of the Saxon immigration and set- 
tlements in Britain, and the formation of 
those settlements into separate States; the 
time has now arrived wiien they may be 
properly considered as having been formed, 
and knowui as a confederacy under the 
name of the Saxon Heptarchy. The year 
6261 is stated as a convenient epoch, wlien 
Mercia, the last of those States, had as 
sumed, and was acknowledged to be 
one of the confederacy; and when 
Penda assumes the sovereignty of that 
kingdom. Mercia up to this time existed 
within a vast territoiy without any fixed 
boundary, and tiie extent of the stale un- 
known. It is very doubtful whether any 
of those states had any fixed and acknow- 
ledged boundaries, except where some na- 
tin-al object made it convenient to be re- 
cognized as such. When Crida and his 
adventurers (A. D. SS4) assumed to govern 
some portion of this territory he lound it 
convenient and politic to acknow ledge the 
numerous Britons residing within it as his 
rigiitful subjects. After about twelve vears 
Crida departed to his tathers, and left his 
dominions, whatever thev were, to his son 
Wippa, in the same condition, who, after a 
reign of thirty years, left it to his son Pen- 
da. Tills man was a person .of extraordi- 
I nary lorce and vigor, to be clas.-ed with 
Ceawlin of Wessex, and EthellVilh of 
Northumbria; men who neither t'eared 
retribution, or regarded right or justice; 
w hatever tlie_\- had the power to take, they 
deemed that evidence of their right to do 
so. They neither legarded tlie home or 
cioniinion ol' otliers; nor their property or 
life itsell", wiieii it stooti in the wav of their 
ambition or selfish desires. 



I .As to tliis d;Ltf see The Ang^lo-S;ixon Cliionicl' 
annexed to Bcde's liist., p. 317. 



224 



At this time we may look upon that 
portion of Britain whicli was formerly un- 
der the dominion of the Romans, south of 
the northern wall from the Firth of Forth 
to the Clyde, as being divided into two 
dominions, that of the Saxons on the east, 
and that of the Cambrians on the west. 
The Saxons possessed what was known as 
the Heptarchy, which included these seven 
states: — i. Wessex; 2. Sussex; 3. Kent; 
and these three were east of the southern 
Avon and south of the Thames ; those 
north of the Thames w^ere : — 4. Essex ; and 
5. East Anglia; and north of the Humber 
was, 6. Northumbria, w'hich included Ber- 
nicia and Deira; and lastly, 7. Mercia, in 
the interior with an miknown or uncertain 
boundary. Then Cambria would include, 
beginning on the north, these countries; — 
I. Strath Clyde, north of the Sol way Firth, 
and west of a line drawn from the Solway 
Firth to that of the Forth; then, 2. Cum- 
bria, south of the Solway, west of the Cen- 
tral Ridge, and north of the Dee; 3. Cam- 
bria, west of the Severn and the Dee ; and 
4. Cornwall,2 which included the country 
south of the Bristol Channel and 'west of 
the Avon. 

Thus Southern Britain was divided into 
two great nationalities: The Saxons — the 
Teutonic race, and the Cambrian or C^'m- 
ry — the Celtic race. The Teutons called 
all people who were not themselves Welsh 
— JVelsc//, or Wcallias — which term was 
by them indiscriminatelj' applied to all 
strangers and foreigners. Even the Ital- 
ians were called Welsh, and the Gauls 
were by them usually denominated Wclsc/i- 
er. From the time the Saxons acquired a 
permanent foothold in Britain they called 
all the people and territory outside of them- 
selves respectively Welsh and Wales; so 
that whatever of Britain 01- the Britons 
remained unsubdued to their dominion 
was called bv the Saxons bv these names 



THE SAXON PERIOD. [Book iii. 

Thus the Ancient Britons became to be 



i Sec Palgravr-'s Ang^lo-Saxons, ch. 11, p. ,^9, 
where he says: "Pail of the Britons retained pos- 
session of Stralh Clyde and Cambria extendinja; tVoni 
Alcluyd, now called Dunbarton South. * * * * 
Another s^roatmass of British population continued 
in possession of Daninonia or Devonshire with its 
dependences, Cenaw or Cornwall, which countries 
the Saxons called West M'ales (about A. D. 03S1." 
* * *■ * "Lastlv, the noblest of the Britons main- 
tained themselves in Cambria." 



known by a name entirely foreign to them- 
selves, who only acknowledged that of 
Cymr}', or its Latinized equivalent, Cam- 
bi-ians. On the other hand, the Britons 
called all the Teutonic settlers in Britain 
Saxons, whether Jutes, Angles, or Saxons- 
proper; and that part of the island which 
had been brought under their subjection 
Saxondom, or Saxon dominions. 

At this time all that part of the island 
known as Cambria proper, and by the Ro- 
mans as Britannia Secunda, and then called 
by the Saxons Wales, was divided into- 
three divisions — Gwynedd, or North 
Wales; Dehenbarth, or South Wales; and 
Powys on the East, including what is now 
Shropshire, Herefordshire and a part of 
Radnorshire. Thus we find that part of 
Britain under the Saxons, divided into 
seven or eight kingdoms, with each a king, 
and that under the Cymry divided into 
about the same number, or possibly a few- 
more. 

The Cymry, since the time of Ctesar at 
least, had been in the habit of considering 
their country a confederacy, and electing 
one of their prominent and most worthy 
sovereigns as pendragon or Wledig; /. c. 
head chief or emperor, to manage and dis- 
charge the duties of their national aftairs. 
This had been s,o done for more than seven 
hundred years, except when it was super- 
ceded by the Roman government. This 
officer, and the mode and manner of his 
election, as well as his powers and duties, 
had existed and so long exercised, that it 
was all looked upon as constitutionally es- 
tablished. It liad been held and exercised 
by men as able and renowned as any that 
Britain has ever produced. Thev were 
elected by what was supposetl to be the 
general voice of the nation; and this was 
obtained by a general assembly of the rep- 
resentatives of the several states, which 
had not only the power to elect him, but 
also, for cause, to depose him, and elect 
another. He was not an arbitrary mon- 
arch, but a constitutional so\ereign ; and 
the kings of the several states were looked 
upon as mere chiefs of their respective do- 
minions. 



Chap. II.] THE SAXON 

The several states or kingdoms of the 
Sa.xon Heptarchy were entirely independ- 
ent of each other; there was no established 
confederacy or political union between 
them ; whatever union took place was the 
result of conquest upon one another. 
There Avas sometimes, however, acknow- 
ledged among these sovereigns a leader or 
supreme king, called the Bretwalda;'' but 
by what authority appointed, or what his 
powers and authority constitutionally were, 
are equally unknown to history. It is sup- 
posed that he was acknowledged to be the 
Bretwalda, who, from his power and au- 
thority, was acknowledged to be of superi- 
or dignity to the rest; and whose position 
b}- common consent was not to be ques- 
tioned. It passed from one king and king- 
dom to another without any account of an 
election, and always remaining in the 
hands of him who had apparently the 
greatest power and dignity. "All these 
Saxon kings claimed and were admitted 
to be descendants of Woden ; and all eal- 
dermen claimed to be connected with the 
same descent, before they were admitted as 
such. It would seem, therefore, that the 
Saxon government in Britain was an Oli- 
garchy, as descendants from their pagan 
gods, in which the people would have but 
little to do; being confined to those who 
claimed to some divine right."* 

Cadvan, the king of Gwynedd, who had 
been the fosterer and protector of Edwin, 
and who had been the pendragon during a 
long reign, was now deceased and succeed- 
ed by his son, Cadwallawn, who was also 
elected pendragon. He was a man of great 
force, energy and enterprise. He seems to 
have had much intercourse with the Sax- 



HEPTARCHY. 225 

ons in both peace and war; and while Ed- 
win was under his father's protection they 
were schoolmates together. He had mar- 
ried for his first wife Penda's sister, the 
daughter of Webba of ISIercia; and for his 
second wife, a princess of Wessex of the 
house of Cerdic. 

About ten years before this, as already 
stated, Edwin, upon the death of Ethel- 
frith, the tyrant who had expelled him 
from his country, was restored to his peo- 
ple and sovereignty, and was now in the 
enjoyment of great possessions and power, 
and the acknowledged Bretwalda. These 
men, so distinguished for their fortune and 
marked tor their capacity and abilities, 
should have been friendly neighbors, as 
well as old acquaintances; but this their 
ambition and rivalrj' would not permit. 
Protection and gratitude were forgotten, 
and their fortunate prosperity and success 
was only a signal for hostility and war. 
EdwinS required of Cadwallawn that he 
should acknowledge him as his superior 
sovereign and pay tribute. This the Cym- 
ro refused to do, and asserted his rights 
and independence. This resulted in a con- 
flict between these two sovereigns, and 
dragged their respective people into a war. 
The armies of the two powers met in bat- 
tle near Mospeth, in which Cadwallawn 
was defeated, and most vigorously pursued. 
Edwin succeeded to reduce to his com- 
mand, temporarily, the hereditary dominion 
of Cadwallawn, with the isles of Anglesey 
and Man ; and the pendragon sought his 
safety by passing over to Ireland, and from 
thence to his kindred friends in Armorica.'' 
In the meantime Penda, who had just 



3 See Tm-nerV Anijlo-Saxons, B. iii, ch. 7, p. 235, 
where it is said: "Redwald ascended to the national 
pre-eminence which Ella, Ceawlin and Ethelbert 
had j)Ossessed under the title of the Bretwalda. and 
on his death it was assumed by Edwin;" and on p. 
253 it is said: "Perhaps the conjecture on this digni- 
ty which would come nearest tlie truth, would be, 
that it was the Walda or ruler of the Saxon king'- 
doms against tlie Britons, while tlie latter maintained 
their struggle for the possession of the country. See 
also Palg-rave ut supra, p. 63; i Pictorial History of 
England, B. ii, ch. i, p. 137. As the title has no 
continental origin, it is rational to conclude it \\'as 
borrowed as an affair in imitation of the pendragon, 
as many other things have been borrowed in their 
institutions from the Britons. 

4 Palgrave's Anglo-Sax., p. 42 and 62. 



5 Edwin's power at this time was very great, but 
greatly and extravagantly magnified by some histor- 
ians; thus Palgrave, p. 64, says : "Edwin's, of Xorth- 
umbria, power and authority extended over every 
part of Britain which was inhabited, either by the 
Cymrv or by the English and Saxon natives." (A. 
D. 617 — 6;}T,.) This IS a very extravagant assumption 
made for Edwin by Palgrave and others. He was 
acknowledged bv some of the Saxon kings as the 
Bretwalda^ but doubtful if acknowledged by Penda 
of Mercia, or by Cwichlielm of Wessex. who had 
sent an emissary to assassinate him. But over the 
north of Scotland, Strath Clyde, South Wales and 
Cornwall he had no power 'or autliority. At this 
time the Pope, in an address to Edwin, he is styled 
"Rex Anglorum," king of the English, not king of 
Britain, i Pictorial Engi Hist. B. li, ch. i, p. 13S. 

6 Palgrave's Anglo-.Sax., ch. iii, p. 42. 



226 



THE SAXON PERIOD. 



come to the throne of Mercia, with great 
vigor, was forming for himself a distin- 
guislied position among the sovereigns of 
the Heptarchy, and placing his countr\' at 
the head of the states. This was done, 
without, on his part, the least regard for 
the demands of peace, or the rights of oth- 
ers." During these times all manner of 
violence and war, treachery and assassina- 
tion were common among these Saxon 
kings. At this time Kinigils was king of 
Wessex, and had associated with himself 
his brother Kichelm. They had employed 
an assassin, under tlie pretense of a mis- 
sion, to assassinate* Edwin of Northum- 
bria. In the attempt to accomplish this 
act the assassin, with a poisoned dagger, 
wounded Edwin and killed the man who 
attenipted to defend him. This wound, 
and heiiious attempt on liis life, brought 
upon him very serious contemplation, 
which with the influence of his Christian 
wife, may have been the means that 
eventually brought him over to Christiani- 
ty. These kings of Wessex about the 
same time had a great battle \\ ith the two 
kings of Essex, in which the latter were 
slain, and ot "their entire army scarcely a 
inan effected his escape over the masses of 
the slain and the torrents of tiieir blood. "^ 
Soon after this we find the two kings of 
Wessex engaged in a battle with Penda at 
Cirencester on the head wateis of the 
Thames. Whether this place was then with- 
in Mercia or Wessex is doubtful; but that 
made no difterence with these so\ereigns. 
It is represented that the armies on both 
sides were powerful; each "liaving vowed 
not to turn their backs to their enemies, 
each firmly maintained its ground until 
they were happily separated by the setting 
of the sun. In the morning, as they were 
sensible that, if they renewed the conflict, 
the destruction of both armies must ensue, 
they listened to moderate counsels, and 
concluded a treaty of peace."'" 

After this Edwin, for some cause, or per- 
haps for none at all, or maybe on account 



7 Sei- ante, B. iii, ch. i. 
S Tiiinei's AnifloSaxons, B. iii, cli. 
9 Heniv of" IlimliniJfdon, B. ii, p. 37. 
JO Ut supiii. 



p. z^e. 



[Book III. 

of the attempted assassination, was en- 
gaged in a war with Wessex ; and Penda, 
as his ally, was besieging Exeter. Cad- 
wallawn, atlter his defeat at Mospeth, ha\- 
ing fled to Ireland and after that to Armo- 
rica, had now landed on the north coast 
of Britain, with a large army he had gath- 
ered up, after an absence of" five years, and 
proceeded to relieve Exeter against Penda. 
The siege^ was raised, and Penda routed 
and taken prisoner by Cadwallawn. At 
the instance of Penda's sister, the wife of 
the pendragon, a reconciliation and coali- 
tion was brought about between these two 
noted sovereigns; Penda was liberated and 
swore allegiance to the pendragon, which 
was religiously observed by him during 
his life. Cadwallawn and Penda now act- 
ed in concert. The former was embittered 
against Edwin, on accovmt of the ingrati- 
tude manifested in his entire forgetfulness 
of the hospitality and protection shown 
him by Cad van, the father of the pendra- 
gon, and of their association as school-fel- 
lows; nor could he well forgive, under the 
circumstances, the attack and defeat at 
Mospeth, and its consequent severity. 
Cadwallawn conceived.that there was neith- 
er faith nor gratitude to be found in a Sax- 
on. He, therefore, took a vow, as solemn 
as that of Hannibal against the Romans, to 
wage eternal war against the faithless Sa.x- 
ons. A terrific war was now ^vaged by 
him and Penda against Edwin. This was 
not the first time that the Cymry and a 
portion of the Saxons had united against 
another. A great battle was now fought 
hy Cadwallawn with his Cymry and Mer- 
cian allies against the Saxons at Hatfield,' 1 
in Yorkshire, (A. D. 633) in which Edwin 
and the flower of the Saxon nobility 
fell, and whicli was long the subject of a 
national lamentation by their poets and 
historians. 

The confederate armies, it is said, com- 
mitted horrible slaughter and cruelties 
among the people who opposed or wcve 
obnoxious to them. It seems that the 
reigning famil}- of Northumbria were prin- 



II Tlie Anglo-.Saxon Chronicle, p. 31S, A. 651; 



Bedc, B. ii, cli. .w, | 
ch. i, p. i,^^ 



106; I Pictorial liist., B. ii. 



Chap II.] 

cipallj extirpated, except Oswald, the 
nephew of Edwin. Cadwallawn remained 
at York governing Northumbria, and 
Penda went into East Anglia witli equal 
success. But it may still be questioned, 
notwithstanding this complaint of cruelty, 
if it was not in accordance with the customs 
and practices of the Saxon leaders and 
chiefs from the time of Hengist until they 
Avere taught better by adversit}' and the hu- 
mane principles of Christianity. When Ed- 
win was restored to his government, upon 
the death of Ethelfrith the Fierce, he ex- 
pelled from the kingdom of Northumbria 
all who could set up any claim against him, 
as his cousin Osric the grandson of Ella, 
and Eanfried, and other sons of Ethelfrith. 
These were, on the death of Edwin, restored, 
and Northumbria again di\ided — Osric to 
Deira and Eanfried to Bernicia, who in the 
meantime had found an asylum among the 
Scots, where they had been educated as 
Christians, but upon being restored to their 
respective kingdoms, relapsed to paganism. 
"But," says the venerable Bede,i2 "soon af- 
ter, the king of the Britons, Cadwallawn, 
slew them both, through the rightful ven- 
geance of Heaven." Thus it would seem 
that then it would depend upon which side 
such acts were committed, in order to their 
being the rightful vengeance of Heaven. 
There were times of terrible uncertaintv as 
to either focts, dates or principles. The 
times were "unhappy and hateful," savs 
Bede. "Hence it has been agreed, by all 
who have written about those perfidious 
monarchs, to abolish their memory, and as- 
sign that year to the reign of the following 
king: Oswald, a man beloved by God." 

Oswald of Bernicia was now (634) the 
Saxon ruler of Northumbria, and must 
soon come in contiict with Cadwallawn. 
Oswald, for his day and generation, was a 
very exemplary and reputable man, and, be- 
ing a professed Christian, he receives high 
commendation from his historian, Bede. 



THE SAXON HEPTARCHY. 



227 



12 B. iii, ch. I, p. 109. It is said by Henry of Hunt- 
insfdon, B. iii, [A. D. 635] p. go, says thit these two 
princes were put to death at ditlerent times and for 
different causes. Cadwailon, "Cedwall slew Osric; 
for, being- besieg-ed by him in a free to.wn, Cedwall 
made .a sudden sally, and, taking- him by surprise, 
destroyed him and his whole army." N. B. — This 
expression "free town," is worthy of note to the 
•Student. 

15 



Cadwallawn was energetic and fierce, hav- 
ing spent his whole life in war, in endeavor- 
ing to save his coimtry from Saxon con- 
quest. Elated with success, and triumph- 
ant with the fame of fourteen great battles, 
sixty skirmishes,'^ lie despises Oswald, and 
with too eager confidence rushed into the 
conflict. In a battle with his competitor, on 
the banks of a rivulet of the'-Tine in North- 
umbria, he lost his life with the destruction 
of his army. 

Penda was now left alone to sustain the 
war. He had brought Mercia to an extent 
of territory and position as a kingdom, 
which placed it prominently in the Heptar- 
chy; and was now apparently desirotis to 
be the acknowledged bretwalda. Oswald 
had departed this life,'! and left to Oswy 
his brother the conflict with Penda. Treach- 
ery and assassinations were common in 
those da\'s among these belligerent and 
blood-stained men. Oswy had become jeal- 
ous of Oswin, a kinsman of the lamented 
Edwin, whom he had set up as prince over 
Deira. He was a young inan of a fine fig- 
ure and comely appearance, but this did not 
save him from Oswy's determination to de- 
stroy him. Oswin was probably too good 
a man for his day, and desired to avoid the 
conflict of arms, took refuge, and concealed 
himself in the home of a noblemaii whom 
he had aided and set up. This obligation 
to his patron did not restrain him from the 
betrayal. He lead the soldiers of Oswy to 
their victim, who was defended by a friend, 
whose only consolation was to die with 
honor in the midst of perfidious deeds, in 
saving his friend and patron. 

In the meantime Penda had, on various 
pretexts, or perhaps on none at all, carried 
war into all his neighboring states — against 
Celwalh of Wessex, because l.e had repu- 
diated his sister, and expelled her from his 
kingdom. Then he turned against Sigebert, 
the son of Redwald of East Anglia, where 



13 Turner's Ang-lo-Saxon, B. iii, ch. vii, p. 24;;. 

\\ Turner represents Oswald as extremely an.xious 
to avoid war with Penda, yet slates his death as 
having laken place in battle with Penda in Shrop- 
shire at Oswartry. This places him, instead of 
avoiding- the war, an invader of the territory of both 
Penda and the Cymry; for Mercia was between 
Northumbria and Shropshire. See, also, Palg^rave's 
Anglo-Saxon, ch. iv, p. 65. 



228 THE SAXON PERIOD 

they had made much progress in improve- 
ment and civilization, and apparently for 
this reason was carrying war against them, 
and in a disastrous battle conquered them. 
But in that warlike age there was nothing 
that was safe from violence and wrong — 
neither kingdom nor property, and Penda 
himself was soon to experience the truth of 
this. Oswy, though no very righteous in- 
sb-ument, was to be the means of freeing 
the country of this odious tyrant and op- 
pressor. At the age of eighty years he re- 
joiced at the chance of engaging in another 
conflict and the tumult of battle. He reject- 
ed every negotiation for peace, and hastened 
with his veterans, whom he trained to war, 
and like himself delighted in scenes of blood 
and carnage, to number Oswy with the five 
sovereigns he had already sent to the world 
to come. He rushed into the battle with 
Oswy confident of victory, but unexpected- 
ly the issue turned disastrously towards 
him. This battle (A. D. 655) was fought 
on the plains of Yorkshire, and at first Pen- 
da, with a blind confidence, carried every 
thing before him, until some unforseen event 
turned the tide, and the detestable tyrant 
was left slain upon the field, with the most 
of his principal men, and a large portion of 
his army ; many of those who escaped the 
sword met death in a disastrous retreat 
amidst the unusual floods of the rivers. 

This disaster relieved the Saxons of the 
Heptarchy from the wicked ambition of a 
man who was determined to conquer them, 
and annihilated the unjust aspirations of 
Mercia. 

Penda's death relieved the Mercians ibr 
a while from a tyrant of his character, but 
not from war and its incidental turmoil and 
wretchedness to its people. Oswy now ran 
over the country and brought it to his siib- 
jection. Peada, a son of the deceased mon- 
arch, who had ruled as his father's viceroy 
over a portion of the country for some years, 
and had received a daughter of Oswy as 
his wife upon the condition of his becoming 
a Christian, was now in the way of his fath. 
er-in-law; and in the spring after his father's 
death Peada was assassinated at his Easter 
festival; and, as reported by their chroni- 



[Book in 

clers, by the treachery of his wife.is Others- 
relieve her of this charge, by alleging that 
it was procured by the pagan party, because 
Peada had become a devoted Christian. But 
it is more generally attributed to the machi- 
nation of the house of Oswy — either that of 
Peada's wife or her mother. 

The Mercians submitted to the rule of 
the Northumbrian monarch with reluctance 
and detestation. They had taken care to 
keep Wolthere, the heir, another son of 
Penda, ovit of Oswy's grasp; and ere long 
fovmd an opportunity of placing him at their 
head, expelling the government of Oswy 
and his officers, and asserting their inde- 
pendence. 

But soon (A. D. 659) another enemy was 
to arise in conflict with Mercia; and it would 
seem that no event, either of victory or de- 
feat, was to bring to the people of the Hep- 
tarchy lessons of peace and its prosperity, 
and that the battle was the only honorable 
instrument, and war the normal condition 
of man. Wolfhere was soon to encounter 
an enemy in Cenw^alch of Wessex. The 
latter had met with some success in a recent 
conflict for more territory, with the Britons 
of Devonshire, and this success, with the 
disagreeable memory of his old scores with 
Penda, induced him to think this a fa\'ora- 
ble opportunity to make an attack upon 
Mercia, and make Wolfhere pay for the 
disgrace he had received from his father. 
But the event transpired different from 
what was expected, as it sometimes does. 
For a while Cenwalch and his army pros- 
pered, but reverses came, and the Mercians 
so far prevailed as to expel their enemies, 
and annex a considerable portion of Wessex 
to their own dominion. 

In A. D. 674 this hostility between Wes- 
sex and Mercia was repeated by ^^scuin, a 
nobleman descendant of Cerdic, in the ser- 
vice of Wessex. "He lead a powerful army 
against Wolfhere; a battle, in which mutual 
destruction was more conspicuous than any 
decision, ensued at Bedwin, in Wilts. It is 
worth our while," says the moralizing his- 
torian, "to observe how contemptible are 
the glorious wars andjnoble achievements 



15 Turner, B. jii, ch. vjii, p. 249. 



Chap. II.] 

of the great. Both of these contending 
kings, whose vanity and pomp hurled thou- 
sands of their fellow creatures to their 
graves, scarcely survived the battle a year. 
Within a few months Wolf here died of a 
natural disease, and in 676 .^-Escuin followed. 
Kentwin is denominated his successor; and 
Ethelred, the surviving son of Penda, ac- 
ceded to the crown of Mercia, and ravaged 
Kent.'-i" 

Such is the history of the Heptarchy 
which had now been over two hundred 
years in the course of formation, and such 
are the interesting wars of the three great 
states forming the western line along the 
boundary of the country still remaining in 
the possession of the Britons. These three 
states — Northumbria, Mercia and Wessex — 
extend irom the mouth of the Tweed to that 
of the Southern Avon. The continued bat- 
tles we have referred to of these three king- 
doms are only part of those which have 
transpired within them during that time. 
The other four kingdoms to the southeast 
of these were also subjects of the same kind 
of war and battles ; and to relate their events 
would only be repeating the same kind of 
Saxon names, and account of interesting 
battles distinguished for their blood and 
slaughter. But that was the necessary re- 
sult of that pagan and savage discipline 
taught and enforced by the people who fol- 
lowed and worshipped Woden. The three 
western kingdoms' continued much longer 
under its influence than the four eastern 
ones. The latter had been more under the 
influence of the civilization they met with 
in Britain, which prepared them the soon- 
er to receive the doctrines of Christianity ; 
and as Kent was the oldest, it was the eas- 
iest to accept the change, so beneficial to 
themselves and to Britain. 

Let us turn our attention to the people 
on the other side of this line, and see what 
history may record of them. It has been 
our theory that the first inhabitants of the 
British Islands of the Arian race, were the 
Gallic or Gaelic, who were the same people 
as that of Gaul, and originally came from 
thence. These are frequently called the 



THE SAXON HEPTARCHY. 



229 



\b Turner, as above, p. 253. 



Gaels, and by the Cymry, Gwyddy. Af- 
terwards came the Cymry, a large portion 
of whom remained in Gaul. The historic 
account we have of their coming, was that 
they came and settled among the Gael, 
peaceably and by mutual consent.17 They 
all belonged to one and the same family, 
originating in those who were called by 
the Greeks Cimmerians, and all classed in 
a common family and known as the Celts. 
When the Cymry came some of the Gaels 
withdrew to the north, while others re- 
mained and became assimilated with the 
Cymry. As the Cymry increased, the 
Gaels retired to the far north and to Ire- 
land — to the northwest highlands of Scot- 
land and to the south and west of Ireland. 
When the Romans came, many of the 
Cymry withdrew to the northeast, and 
were known as the Caledonians and event- 
tially the Picts. These became more and 
more hostile to the south, because of their 
opposition to the Romans, until they \"-pre 
the decided enemies of the South Britons. 
Others of the Cymry withdrew to the 
north and east of Ireland, and became 
known as the Scots. This emigration from 
South Britain has ever existed whenever 
it was disturbed by war or conquest.is The 
principal part of the Scots eventually 
passed o\er from Ireland to Western 
Scotland, and conferred upon it their 
name. The.se nationalities were being 
formed during the whole time that the 
Romans were in possession of South Brit- 
ain, and they were the cause of them and 
their distinctive denomination. Tims 
eventually the Scots, the Picts, awd the 



17 Thierry's Norman Conquest, p. 2; Triads, 
Ynvs Prvdvn, n. i ; Myvyri.an, Archaiology of Wales, 
ii. 57- 

iS We frequently have historical evidence of emi- 
jjration from Britain to Ireland. .See Richard of 
Cirenceister, B. i, ch. S, §9. "The Scots emiarated 
from Ireland to the Britons and Picts in Albion. 
But 1 cannot agree with Bede, who afliisms that the 
Scots were foreii^ners. For accordinjj to the testi- 
mony of other authors, I conceive thev derived their 
orig^in from Britain, situated at no considerable dis- 
tance, passed over from thence, and obtained a .set- 
tlement in this island. It is certain that the Damnii 
Voluntii, Brig-antes, Cangi, and other nations, were 
descendants from the Britons, and passed over thith- 
er after various generals had invaded ihtir origmal 
country. Lastly, the ancient language which re- 
sembles the old British and Gallic tongues afford an- 
other argument, as is well known to persons skilled 
in both lang^iages." See, also, Ibid , %\~,. 



THE SAXON PERIOD 



Gaels — the old Albanians, met in tiie north 
of Britain, as a people originating from the 
same source, — as brethren from the same 
family, and friends; and eventually formed 
one nationality — the Scots of Scotland. 
The great hostility with these people were 
ever their opposition to the conquering and 
oppressive Roman. Soon after the Ro- 
mans withdrew from the island, and es- 
pecially when they became Christians, 
these hostilities to the south ceased. 

About the time that the Romans departed 
from Britain, St. Patrick, the great apostle 
of the Irish and the Scots of Ireland, carried 
Christianity with extraordinary success to 
that people ; and soon after that the same 
was done by St. Columbia, in carrying 
Christianity to the Scots and Picts of Scot- 
land. i9 Columbia fixed his headquarters in 
the Isle of lona on the western coast of 
Scotland, near the eastern shore of the larger 
island of Mull, where arose a celebrated 
monastery, distinguished for religion and 
learning, and which became the holy sanctu- 
ary of Christianity to the North Britons. 
This success of Christianity under these 
holy men at once ameliorated the character 
and disposition of those people, which will 
account, in part, for their declining hostility 
in subsequent years against the Southern 
Britons, until it was revived as hostilities 
against the pagan Saxons. 

The people of Scotland — brave, hardv 
and intelligent — have the honor of having' 
successfully resisted every attempt to con- 
quer them, either by the Romans, Saxons or 
Southern Britons, and this under whatever 
name may have been given them — either 
Albanians, Caledonians, or Scots; and mav 
possibh- be admitted to he the only people 
who have never been conquered, or have 
had any other people rule over them, but 
themselves, except where an union was 
formed by mutual consent. 

At the period we are now in our history, 
the kingdom of Strath Clyde, which in- 
cluded the whole valley of the Clyde, was 
in a flourishinsi condition and had been so 



19 See Six OKI Eno^lish Chronicles in Bohn's Li- 
brary, pp. 4^09, 4.'o; N'enniu.s, §56; Henry ot Hunting- 
don, B. iii,*]!. 9S; sec, also, Thierry's Norman Con- 
quest, B. i, p. 1^. 



[Book III. 

for many ^ears. It was included within the 
great Cymric confederacy under the illus- 
ti'ious Arthur, which embraced all the yvest 
part of the island from the English channel 
to the Highlands of Scotland at least, and 
tradition makes Strath Clyde illustrious liy 
the exploits and doings of Arthur there. 
The capital of this kingdoni was the town 
of Alcluyd, since called Dumbarton, situated 
on an insulated and precipitous rock at the 
mouth of the Cl}de, being a natural fortress 
of itself 

West of the assumed dividing line between 
the Saxons and the Cymry the island was 
divided by natural boundaries into four sep- 
arate and distinct territories, being each a 
distinct lobe of the island, or peninsular pro- 
jection ; each a separate state, but frequent- 
ly, if not always, under one confederacy, 
and inhabited by one race — the Cymry. Of 
these four territories the first on the north 
was that of Strath Clyde, extending from 
the Firth of the Clyde to that of the Sol- 
way; then Cumbria, extending from the 
Solway to the estuary of the Dee; then 
Cambria, as called by the Latins, Wales by 
the Saxons, and Cymru by the people them- 
selves, which included all west of the Dee 
and the Severn ; and lastlj- the peninsula of 
Cornwall, including all south of the Bristol 
channel and west of the two Avons, and 
this by the Cymry was called Cern_\-w. 

At the death of Penda (A. D. 655) this 
division of Southern Britain between the 
Saxons on the east and the Cymry on the 
west, would appear to be pretty niuch fixed. 
It would seem that the Saxon Heptarchy, 
thus far, had cost a continual war and battle 
for a period of two hundred }ears from the 
final invasion of Hengist, m it'-; establish- 
ment. But now this line between the two 
nationalities remained without any perma- 
nent alteration for a period of a himdred 
\ears, to the time of the accession of Otfa. 
Whatever hostilities took place in the mean- 
time between them, partook more of tlie 
character of a raid than a conquest. But 
war and bloodshed were the normal condi- 
tion of the Saxons, and when that did not 
exist with their neighbors it generalh- exist- 
ed between themselves. It was a part of 
their Woden rfli 'ion, and it took Christiani- 



Chap. II.] 

tj and civilization a long time to retorin and 
cure its teachings. But this was gradually 
accomplished. 

After the death of Cadwallawn his son, 
Cadwaladvr, succeeded to his hereditary 
state, Gwynedd ; was afterwards elected, by 
the general assembly, to the pendragonate ; 
and it is said that he was the last native 
British sovereign elected to the dignity ot 
king of all Britain, (Brenhin Prydain Oil). 

At this time there was a singular subor- 
dinate state and nationality existing on the 
border between the Saxons and Cambrians, 
of which Worcester was its center and capi- 
tal, occupying both sides of the Severn but 
principally on the east. This state was 
called by the Saxons Hwiccas, or The Wic- 
cii, and was considered as subordinate to 
Mercia. In a great measure it was treated 
as an independent state, but subject to the 
sovereignty of Mercia. It w-as then made 
into a separate diocese, when Mercia became 
organized under the Christian church. 
These people were originally a powerful 
tribe of Britons (Ingantes) who were subju- 
gated by another tribe of Cymry, the Or- 
dovices from Salop and North Wales, who 
w^ere called Wiccii. This should be noted 
as another instance of the preservation ot 
the Ancient Britons among the Saxons. 

The precise date of Cadwaladyr's election 
to the pendragonate is uncertain, and when 
compared with various dates stated in his- 
tory in connection with the subject, it be- 
comes very contlicting and distracting. To 
take that which is the most probable, A. D. 
660 is selected. But then, if his father Cad- 
wallawn,20 was killed in the great battle with 
Oswald in 634, why the interregnum of 
twenty-six years between the death of the 
father and the election of the son.? It is 
difficult to answer; but some of the British 
historians state that he survived that battle, 
and withdrew from active life to London, 
where he died at the age of seventy-four, 
about the time that his son was elected. 
This would render the matter consistent 
with itself ; but which is the true version of 
the conflicting statements is uncertain. Then 
again it is stated by some ot these historians 



THE SAXON HEPTARCHY. 



20 1 Turner's History Anfflo-Sn.xons, B. iii, ch. S, 
254, and n. •:■; Bede," §64,''p. 415. 



that Cadwaladyr after a commendable reign 
of four years, became discouraged by the 
great calamity of his people, produced by a 
terrible pestilence which afflicted the whole 
of Britain and Ireland in 664, he emigrated 
with many others to their friends in Amori- 
ca, where they were very hospitably re- 
ceived, and in 6S6 went to Rome, where he 
died in 703. Others say he died of the pes- 
tilence before the emigration to. k place. 
However these conflicting statements may 
be, it is true that Cadwaladyr was the last 
sovereign elected to the pendragonate and 
paramount sovereign over the kings of 
Cambria. It is equally true that his mother 
— the wife and queen of his father, Cadwal- 
lawn — was the sister of Penda, and that his 
own daughter was the wife and queen of 
Cenbert, king of Wessex ; and the father 
and mother of Cadwalla, who also became 
the king of Wessex. So that between the 
royal families of Wessex and Cambria there 
was an intimate connection. But in those 
days of war and hostilities such relation 
made no difference. In those Saxon times 
war between brothers, and other near rela- 
tions, was no uncommon event. 

Although hostilities and war were fre- 
quent between the Cymry and the Saxons, 
if not almost constant, and the encroach- 
ment of the latter progressing, yet no great 
change of the boundary of territory between 
them took place during these times until the 
coming of Ofta. Frequent raids were 
made and battles fought, yet soon parties 
were restored to their former positions. 

After Cadwaladyr's death Alan, the king 
of Brittany, and his near relation, sent his 
son Ivor, and his nephew I nor, with a pow- 
erful fleet and army to regain the territory 
recently taken from Cadwaladyr in Devon 
and Somerset. Ivor at first was successful, 
and drove the Saxons to their' former posi- 
tion ; but Centwin, collecting the whole 
force of Wessex and his allies, was soon 
able to drive Ivor back to the sea; and 
again the Cymry were disappointed in their 
rights and hopes, while the wrong — as is of- 
ten the case — was becoming a success. But 
this success was soon checked by Rodri 
Maelwynawe, who had assumed the para- 
mount sovereignty of Cambria on the de- 



parture of Ivor; and the peninsula of Corn 
wall was again piit into its former position. 

In the meantime Egfrid, the king of 
Northumbria (A. D. 6S4), was giving the 
Celtic race trouble at the north end of the 
line which separated them from the Saxons. 
He was among those who delighted in war 
and in constant contention with his neigh- 
bors. When not fully engaged in war with 
the Scots, he must have it with the people 
of his own race. Bede and Huntingdon 
give us numerous instances of this kind, and 
one of Egfrid is now at hand. In 679 ''a 
great battle was fought between him and 
Ethelred, king of the Mercians, near the 
river Trent, and Alfwin, the brother of king 
Egfrid, was slain — a youth about eighteen 
years of age, and much beloved by both 
provincials, for king Ethelred had married 
his sister Osthritha." Great fears were en- 
tertained that another battle would ensue; 
but by the Christian interference of bishop 
Theodore, it was prevented; so 'mo man 
was put to death, but only the usual mulct 
paid to the king for his brother that had 
been killed."2i 

We are also informed that about the same 
time this same Ethelred, having nothing 
better to call his attention, "ravaged Kent 
^\•ith a powerful arm\-, and profaned churches 
and monasteries without regard to religion 
or the fear of God — he among the rest de- 
stroyed the city of Rochester; and, having 
overrun the whole of Kent, returned with 
an enormous booty. "22 And in 6S6, Cead- 
Avall (Cadwalla) became king of Wessex, on 
the death of Centwin. Ceadwall and his 
brother, Mul, who was a man of courteous 
and pleasing manners, of prodigious strength 
and of noble aspect, so that he was general- 
ly esteemed, and his renown was great, 
made "an irruption into the province of 
Kent for the sake of exhibiting their prow- 
ess and augmen^ting their glory. They met 
with no opposition in their invasion of Kent, 
and plundcKcd the whole kingdom. For 
Lothaire, the enterprising king of Kent, had 
been wounded in a battle with the East 
Saxons, against whom he had marched in 



THE SAXON PERIOD. [Book lu. 

concert with Edric, son of Egbert, and so 
severe were his A^-ounds that he died in the 
hands of those who endeavored to heal 
them."23 Instances of this love of war and 
freedom to plunder, in those davs, among 
the Anglo-Saxon kings are unlimited; and 
this was then tolerated in spite of the re- 
straint of the Christian religion, which had 
then been professed in the country for 
about a century; so deeply had the princi- 
ples of Woden been inculcated and tolei-ated 
in the minds of the people. 

This Egfrid of Northumbria had had 
numerous conflicts and battles with the 
Scots of Strath Clyde, and was desirous of 
inaugurating a wai- against them upon a 
broader field, and against the whole race. 
He therefore sent an army into Ireland un- 
der his general Beorht, who in a most mis- 
erable manner wasted the country, and 
heartlessly misused the people, despoiling 
their property and sparing neither churches 
nor monasteries. And this was so cruelly 
done, although as Bede says, "that harmless 
nation had always been most friendly to th.e 
English." In those days friendship and in- 
nocence had no regard or protection against 
such cruel outrages and injustice. The Irish 
people did all in their power to resist and re- 
pel the invasion, and implored the assist- 
ance of Divine mercy for relief and ven- 
geance against their cruel and unjust op- 
pressors in vain. 

The next year (A. D. 6S5) this same king 
led a large army to ravage the province of 
the Britons of Sti-ath Clyde, much against 
the advice of his best and most judicious 
friends. When he came into the country 
of his hostilities, his enemies made a feint 
— a show as though they fled, and he Avas 
drawn into an ambuscade in the midst of 
inextricable defiles of the mountains, where 
he and the greater part of his army were 
slain. "Having refused," says the venera- 
ble Bede, "to listen to the most reverend 
father, Egbert, advising him not to attack 
the Scots, who had done him no harm, it 
was laid upon him as a punishment for his 
sins."2t This defeat of Egfrid had a \ery 



21 Bede's Eccle. Hiit., B. iv, ch. 21. 

22 Henrv of Huntinsrdon, B. ii, [A. D. ore] ; Bede 
Hist, B. n, ch. 12. ■ 



23 Henry of Plunt. B. iv, [A. D. 6S6]. 

24 Bede, B. iv, ch. 25, p. 223: Henry of Hunt., B. 
iv, p. 114. "He failed to be dissuaded from invading 
the Irish, who had done him no wrong." 



Cliap. II.] 

material eftect upon the future of Britain ; 
for, as it is said by Bede, "froni that time 
the hopes and sh-ength of the English 
Crown began to waver and retrograde," and 
at the same time enabled the people of 
Strath Clyde and the Sco'ts and Picts of 
their neighborhood to unite in forming that 
confederacy which was the foundation of 
that glorious state — our modern Scotland. 

After the death of Egfrid the Northum- 
brian throne came into the possession of 
AltVed, a prince of a very different charac- 
ter from the other Saxon princes of his 
day of the race of Woden. He must be 
distinguished from his name-sake, Alfred 
the Great, king of Wessex, though a prince 
•of vei-y much of his character and merits. 
He was the son of Oswy and an older 
brother of Egfrid, yet the nobility, under 
the allegation of the illegitimacy of his 
birth, had been deprived of all share in the 
government. He was a scholar and fond 
of study, and his opposition and adversity 
afforded him an opportunity to improve 
himself by studv and reflection, and for 
that purpose had spent much of his life in 
monastic austerity. When, therefore, he 
came to the government, he was well pre- 
pared by discipline and adversity to be of 
real service to his people, whose interest 
and welfare were greatly promoted, and the 
country improved, in a manner so different 
from the example of other states around 
him, that he became the noted ruler for his 
dav. War and oppression ceased to be 
considered the object of government and 
of laudable ambition. No hostilities were 
carried on against neighboring states; but 
his own was improved and exalted, and his 
people led to appreciate the advantage of 
peace and its prosperity. A very different 
state of things were realized by the people 
of Mercia, during those times, whose prin- 
ciples and actions appeared to be governed 
by those of the children of Woden. In the 
midst of these general wars and conflicts, 
Kent appears to enjoy the greatest amount 
of peace and prosperity ; and as the people 
there were the first of the Saxon race who 
came to Britain, so they seem to be the 
first to appreciate the advantage of the 
fruits of peace and civilization which they 



THE SAXON HEPTARCHY. 



233 



found there. 

Although Kent was frequently afflicted 
by wars brought upon her by the surround- 
ing states, yet she frequently enjoyed long 
periods of peace: first, in the reign of Eth- 
elbert, who reigned fifty-six years, almost 
wholly in profound peace, except, at the 
very first of it, he learned, by its reverses, 
the folly of war; and then again (A. D. 
692—725), Witherd, king of Kent, "freed 
his nation by his zeal and piety from for- 
eign invasion," and "held the kingdom 
thirty-two years in honor and peace." 
When Ina of Wessex marched against 
Kent with a large and formidable army to 
obtain satisfaction for the slaughter and 
burning of his kinsman, Moll, Witherd 
met him with persuasive eloquence, and 
prevailed on the incensed king to lay aside 
his arms and receive from the people of 
Kent a large sum of money as a compen- 
sation for the murder of the }'Oung prince. 
"Thus the controversy was ended, and the 
peace now concluded was lasting; and 
thenceforth the king of Kent had a tran- 
quil reign."25 For that day, and people, 
this was an extraordinary instance of the 
preservation of peace, and demonstrates 
the blessing received by the people of Kent 
by the introduction of civilization and 
Christianity. 

The peaceful days thus enjoyed by Kent, 
and those by Northumbria under Alfred, 
were merely a few days of sunshine in the 
midst 'of a whole season of tempestuous 
and terrific weather. As a specimen of 
the histor}- of those times, we abstract the 
following from Henry of Huntingdon,, as 
the history of forty years (A. D. 715— 755)> 
keeping Ethelbald of Mercia a central fig- 
ure in the midst of similar events and 
transactions over the whole Heptarchy; 
and to repeat the whole would only give 
additional Saxon names and simiilar cruel 
and terrific battles, with little or no addi- 
tional interest, unless it was to add another 
lesson to the cruelty, wickedness and folly 
of the times : 

"There was a battle between Ina, in the 
twenty-sixth year of his reign, and Ceol- 

25 Henry of Hunt., B. iv, pp. 117, 120. 



234 



THE SAXON PERIOD 



red, king of Mercia, the son of Ethelred, 
near Wonebirih [Woden's town or Wan- 
borough, on the Wiltshire downs], where 
the slaughter was so great on both sides 
that it was difficult to say who sustained 
the severest loss. The year following the 
same Ceolred, king of Mercia, departed 
this life, and was buried at Litchfield. He 
was succeeded in tke kingdom of Mercia 
by Ethelbald, a brave and active prince, 
who reigned victoriously forty-one years. "-6 
This period expired just before the acces- 
sion to the throne of Mercia of that mon- 
ster, Ofta, the fit historical companion of 
such princes as Ethelfrith of Northumber- 
land, Sigebert, a most cruel, tyrannical and 
wicked king of Wessex, and Penda the 
strong of Mercia. These men made war, 
oppression and cruelty the common events 
of their day, and the lives and happiness of 
the people who happened to be brought un- 
der their rule were of no more consequence 
to them than that of the brute. But 
men of this character were common among 
the kings of the Heptarchy. 

"Ina, the powerful and prosperous king 
of Wessex, resigned his crown to Ethel- 
ward,27 his kinsman, and went to Rome. 
In the first year Ethehvard fought a battle 
with Oswald, a young prince of royal blood, 
who aspired to the crown. But the follow- 
ers of the young prince being outnumber- 
ed by the royal troops, though for some 
time he stoutly bore the brunt of the battle 
and resisted to the utmost, he v/as " com- 
pelled to flee, abandoning his pretensions 
to the crown. Ethehvard was, therefore, 
firmly established on the throne. He was 
distinguished by his great qualities above 
all the contemporary kings, and resolved 
to reduce all the provinces of England, as 
far as the river H umber, with their respec- 
tive kings, which he accomplished." This 
last assertion of Henry is a great mistake, 
for Ethelbald of Mercia, during all that 
time, held large dominions most success- 
fully between him and the Humber. 

"Ethelbald,28 the haughty king of the 
Mercians, a prince of a different character 

26 Henry of Hunt., B. iv, p. no, [A. D. 715J. 

27 Ibidem, p. 121, [A. D. 72S]. 

2S Henry of Hunt., p. 12S. [A. D. 737]. 



[Book III. 

in this royal fellowship, despised holiness, 
and setting might above right, invaded 
Northumbria, where, meeting with no re- 
sistance, he swept away as much booty as 
he could transport with him to his own 
country." 

"King Ethehvard, of Wessex, died^'-* in 
the fourteenth year of his reign, and Cuth- 
red, his kinsman, who succeeded him, 
reigned over Wessex sixteen years. Mean- 
while the proud king Ethelbald continually 
harrassed him, — sometimes by insurrec- 
tions, sometimes by wars. Fortune was 
changeable; the events of hostilities were,, 
with various results, now favorable to the 
one, then to the other. At one time peace 
was declared between them ; but it lasted 
but a short interval, when war broke out 
afresh. In the fourth year of his reign 
Cuthred joined his forces with those of 
Ethelbald, king of Mercia, with whom he 
was then at peace, against the Britons who 
were assembled in immense numbers. 
But these warlike kings, with their splen- 
did army, falling on the enerny's ranks on 
difterent points, in a sort of rivalry and 
contest which should be foremost, the 
Britons, unable to sustain the brunt of such 
an attack, betook theinselves to flight, of- 
fering their backs to the swords of the en- 
emy and the spoils to those who pursued 
them. The victorious kings, returning to 
their own states, were received with 
triumphant rejoicings." 

"In the ninth year of Cuthred, Kinric, 
his son, was slain, a brave warrior and bold 
hunter, tender in age but strong in arms, 
little in years but great in prowess ; who, 
while he was following up his successes, 
trusting too much to the fortunes of war, 
fell in a mutiny of his soldiers, sufi:ering 
the punishment of his impatient temper. 
The same year died Eadbert, king of the 
Kentish men, who wore the diadem twenty- 
two years." 

In the eleventh year of his reign, Cuth- 
red fought against Ethelhun,30 a proud 
chief, who fomented a rebellion against his 
sovereign, and although he was vastly in- 
ferior to his lord in number of troops, he 



29 Ibid., p. 12S, [A. D. 741]. 

30 Henry of Hunt., B. iv., p. 129, [A. D. 750]. 



Chap. ]].] 

held the field against him for a long time 
with a most obstinate resistance, his ex- 
ceeding caution supplying the deficiency of 
his force. But when victory had well nigh 
crowned his enterprise, a severe wound, 
the just judgment of his traitorous inten- 
tions, caused the royal cause to triumph." 
"Cuthred, in the thirteenth year of his 
reign, being unable to submit any longer to 
the insolent exactions and the arrogance of 
king Ethelbald, and preferring liberty to 
the hope of life, encountered him at Bere- 
ford with bannered legions. He -was at- 
tended by Ethelhun, the aforesaid chief, 
with whom he was now reconciled, and 
supported by his valor and counsels, he 
was able to try the chances of war. On 
the other side Ethelbald, who was the king 
of kings, had in his army the Kentish men, 
the East Saxons, and the Angles, with a 
numerous host. The armies being drawn 
up in battle array, and, rushing forward, 
having nearly met, Ethelhun, who led the 
West Saxons, bearing the royal standard, a 
golden dragon, transfixed the standard 
bearer of the enemy. Upon this a shout 
arose, and the followers of Cuthred being 
much encouraged, the battle was joined 
on both sides. Then the thunder of war, 
the clash of arms, the clang of blows, and 
the cries of the wounded, resounded terri- 
bly, and a desperate and most decisive bat- 
tle began, according to the issue of which 
either the men of Wessex or the men of 
Mercia would for many generations be sub- 
ject to the victors." * * * "There was 
no thought of liight, confidence in victory 
was equal on both sides. The arrogance of 
their pride sustained the Mercians, the fear 
of slavery kindled the courage of the men 
of Wessex. But wherever the chief be- 
fore mentioned fell on the enemy's ranks, 
there he cleared a way before him, his tre- 
mendous battle-axe cleaving, swift as light- 
ning, both arms and limbs. On the other 
hand, wherever the brave king Ethelbald 
turned the enemy were slaughtered, for his 
invincible sword rent armor as if it were a 
vestment, and bones as if they were tlesh. 
When, therefore, it happened that the king 
and chief met each other, * * each gathering 
themselves up, in turn struck furious blows, 



THE SAXON HEPTARCHY. 



!35 



the one against the other. But Ethelbald's 
wonted confidence failed him, and he was 
the first to flee, while his troops continued 
to fight. Nor from that day to the day of 
his death was anything prosperous permit- 
ted by Divine Providence to happen to 
him. Indeed, four years afterwards, in an- 
other battle at Secandune, in which the 
carnage was wonderful, disdaining to flee, 
he was slain on the field, and was buried at 
Ripon. So this very powerful king paid 
the penalty of his inordinate pride, after a 
reign of forty-one years. From that time 
the kingdom of Wessex was firmly estab- 
lished, and ceased not continually to grow 
prominent." 

"In the fourteenth year of his reign, 
Cuthred ibught against the Britons, who, 
being unable to withstand the conqueror of 
king Ethelbald, soon took to flight and 
justly suffered a severe defeat without any 
loss to their enemy. The year following, 
Cutlired, this great and powerful king, after 
a prosperous and victorious career, ended 
his glory in death. Sigebert, a kinsman, 
succeeded him on the throne; but he held 
it only for a short time. For his pride and 
arrogance on account of the successes of 
his predecessor became intolerable even to 
his friends. But when he evil-entreated 
his people in every way, perverting the 
laws for his own advantage or evading 
them for his own purposes, Cumbra, the 
noblest of his ministers, at the entreaty- of 
the whole people, made their complaints 
known to the inhuman king, counseling 
him to rule his subjects with greater lenien- 
cy, and abating his cruelty, to be more 
amiable in the sight of God and man. For 
this counsel the king most unrighteously 
put him to death ; and, becoming still more 
inhuman and insupportable, his tyranny 
increased. In the beginning of the second 
year of his reign, when his pride and wick- 
edness appeared incorrigible, the nobles 
and people of the whole kingdom assem- 
bled, and after a careful deliberation, he 
was by unanimous consent expelled from 
the throne. Cynewulf, an illustrious youth 
of the royal race, was elected king. Upon 
which, Sigebert, driven from his states, and 
fearing no less than he deserved, fled into 



236 



THE SAXON PERIOD. 



the great woods called Andredeswald, 
where he concealed himself. There a 
swineherd of Cumbra, the ealderman, 
whom he had iniquitously put to death, 
found the king lying in concealment, and, 
recognizing him, slew him on the spot in 
revenge for his master's death."3i 

"In the first year of king Cynewulf, 
Beornred succeeded Ethelbald in the king- 
dom of Mercia, but his reign was short. 
For Ofta dethroned him the same year, and 
filled the throne of Mercia thirty-nine 
years. He was a youth of the noblest ex- 
traction," whose lineage is deduced from 
Woden. 

I hope the reader ma^' kindly receive 
these extracts trom Henry of Huntingdon, 
which covers forty years of the English 
history of those Saxon times, for nothing 
could be given, original or otherwise, which 
could so characteristically delineate those 
times and the condition of the people, — the 
continual wars and slaughter of the people, 
the habit of the kings of one part of the 
country, whenever it suited his notion or 
was thought desirable for his renown or 
enterprise, to make war upon another part 
of the country without any other cause> 
with fire and sword, desolating the whole 
and carrying oft" e\'erything valuable as 
spoils and booty, leaving the people, who 
were not wantonly slaughtered, to sufter in 
want and wretchedness. The history of 
these forty years thus given bj' Henry, un- 
der circumstances which would warrant a 
fair delineation, may be accepted as a fair 
history of any other forty years as to its 
wars, crimes and wretchedness, in the 
course of more than four hundred years 
from Hengist to Alfred the Great; and 
this saves us the trouble of repeating many 
names and terrific battles and desolation of 
the country. 

The accession of Ofta to the crown of 
Mercia is an important event in the history 
of the Heptarchy. He was a man of great 
force and energy, unscrupulous and daring. 
He was well qualified to act with such men 
as Ethelfrith, Penda and Egfrid, and a 
true representative of Woden. He came 



31 Henry of Hunt., B. iv., p. 131, [A. D. 753]. 



[Book III. 

to the crown, it is said, by violence and 
blood, and during a long reign of thirty- 
nine years he sustained that character. He 
was inordinately ambitious to bring all 
South Britain under his control, and for 
that purpose carried war into all the ad- 
joining states, with a cruel and unrelenting 
hand. 

The people of Kent, from their long res- 
idence in Britain and mixture with the 
Britons, had become the most peaceable 
and civilized people of the country, and 
were the first to experience his attacks of 
injustice and oppression. In 773 he fought 
against the men of Kent, at Ottanford in 
Kent, a great battle, in which, after a dread- 
ful slaughter on both sides, he gained the 
victory. Soon afterwards he had a conflict 
with Cynewulf, the king of Wessex, at 
Benson, Oxfordshire, where Offa worsted 
the king of Wessex, compelled him to 
evacuate the town and took the castle. The 
historian of the times says : "Oifa proved 
a most warlike king, foi he was victorious 
in successive battles over the men of Kent, 
and the men of Wessex, and the North- 
umbrians. He was also a vevy religious 
man, for he translated the bones of St. Al- 
ban to the monastery which he had built 
and endowed with many gifts. He also 
granted to the successor of St. Peter, the 
Roman Pontift", a fixed tax for every house 
in his kingdom forever."32 It is well that 
such a man should be religious, for at an- 
other time it is said he gave orders that St. 
Ethelbert, king of the East Angles, should 
be beheaded. 

But of the wars carried on by Of^'a, the 
most noted and terrific was that against the 
Britons of Cambria, and by Avhich he ac- 
quired the appellation of "Ofta the Terri- 
ble." Ofta and his people coveted the fair 
and fertile lands of Powys, being the west 
side of the valley of the Severn, from the 
estuary of the Dee to the Wye, and in- 
cluding the beautiful country of the Mel- 
vern hills. This was the birth place of 
Caractacus and his brave Silures. Into 
this country Ofta poured his Mercians and 
their allies. Subjugation was the inevita- 

32 Henry of Hunt., B. iv, p. 133, [A. D. 755]. 



Chap. II.] 

b]e consequence; while the West Saxons 
were constantly attacking the Britons on 
both sides of the Bristol Channel, and thus 
dividing their efforts for defense. On the 
death of Rodri Maelwynwg, in the year 
755, he left liis dominions to his son, Cy- 
nan Tindaethwy. The reign of Cynan 
was one of incessant war against the in- 
vading Saxons. He now rallied his coun- 
trymen in a bra\e and patriotic effort, to 
reclaim Powys from the clutches of the 
rapacious Otia. With these he rushed with 
mortal strength to recover the territory, 
Avhich now had been left by Offa and a 
large part of liis military strength; and 
drove out the intrusive occupants, and re- 
instated the former native proprietors. 
Cynan's success in recovering his fair land, 
might liave been successful in holding it 
as his birth-rigiit, if his antagonist liad 
been any other person than Otl'a and his 
power. But that sovereign, commanding 
the resources of the best part of England 
with the experience of a successful warrior, 
mustered as in a common cause the forces 
of several Anglo-Saxon states, and march- 
ed with an invincible force into the contest- 
ed territory; which the Cymry were com- 
pelled to abandon and flee to their strong- 
holds in the midst of the mountains, and 
there wait for a favorable moment to at- 
tack and repel their enem^y. 

Offa well knew the resolute and per- 
severing character of the Cymry, and well 
judged that they would never submit to be 
robbed without a blow in defense of their 
property, and a determined effort for its 
recovery. To secure his acquisition, Offa 
constructed a vast intrenchment, extend- 
ing from the waters of the Dee near Ches- 
ter, to that of the Wye, called "Clawdh 
Offa," or Offa's Dyke, by the Cymry. This 
dyke was an immense work, at least a hun- 
dred miles in length, protected and secured 
with ramparts and towers — ample evidence 
of Offa's opinion of wiiat he had to en- 
counter and defend against. On the Christ- 
mas after its completion Cynan and his 
valiant countrymen attacked it along the 
whole line, captured the towers and fortifi- 
cations with their garrisons, destroyed the 
dyke, and repossessed themselves of the 



THE SAXON HEPTARCHY 



237 



captured country. Offa the Terrible, as he 
was called, with adequate force marched 
against them to retake his lost ground and 
take vengeance against the Cymry for de- 
fending what was their own. He inflicted 
death upon all who fell into his hands 
whom he suspected to be opposed to his 
possession. In detail he retook his fortifl- 
cations along his established line, but with 
great opposition and resistance. At length 
the Cambrians determined to meet their 
enemy in a great battle in defense of their 
ancient lands which they so well loved, 
though their forces were inadequate to 
meet in equal numbers with those that 
Mercia could muster and bring into the 
field. A memorable battle accordingly 
took place at Rhuddlan, resulting in a ter- 
rible and bloody conflict. In it Caradoc, 
king of Gwinnedd, was slain, with the 
flower of the British 3-outh and nobility. 

The British bards mourned this event by 
a poetic lament, entitled Morva Rhuddlan, 
the strains of which is often heard upon 
the harp in Wales. "V/e may yet listen," 
says Palgrave, "to the rich and plaintive 
melody which, to us Saxons, commemor- 
ates the victory of the Mercian Offa.":53 
From this time this part of Cambria be- 
came permanentlj' part of Mercia and af- 
terwards that of England, consisting of five 
counties, including Salop, Hereford and 
Monmouth. Powys being thus robbed of its 
fairest lands, its seat of governm^ent, Pen- 
gwern, — Shrewsbury, — was removed to 
Methrafal, within the more secure parts o 
Wales. 

The reader's indulgence is asked while 
the following extract is introduced from 
Palgrave, so truthful and appropriate, not 
only at this time, but at any time during 
the Saxon conquest of Britain. It is a 
matter which is supported by concurrence 
of all history, but frequently controverted 
by a class of English historians who assert 
that all the Ancient Britons were by the 
Saxon invaders either slaughtered or 
driven into Wales ; which assertion is not 
only savagely wicked, but palpably untrue. 
Palgrave says; "Upon the conquests of 

33 Palorave's Anglo-Saxons, ch. iv, p. 71. 



238 



THE SAXON PERIOD. 



Offa and his predecessors it is necessary to 
make «ne important observation, namely, 
that the political subjugation of Powys and 
the adjoining countries did not necessarily 
lead to the total expulsion oi the British 
tribes. English colonies were partially in- 
troduced ; but the British peasantry con- 
tinued to dwell upon the soil, though the 
domain was transferred to other lords; and 
so numerous were they that the country 
continued British in appearance even until 
the reign of king John, when, in common 
language, Hereford was still considered to 
be in Wales. In fact, the whole of this 
border was held and peopled nearly as we 
see Monmouthshire at the presext day. 
The mass of the people are Cymric speak- 
ing their ancient British language, and con- 
tinue to give the ancient denomination of 
Gwent to the lands on which they dwell. 
But the higher orders, the gentry and the 
clergy and the magistrates, are almost 
wholly of the English race, and the county 
is an integral part of the realm of England. 
Very many of the territories ruled by the 
Anglo-Saxons had a double aspect — Anglo- 
Saxons, if you consider them as a state; 
British, if you view the populacy by which 
they were filled; and by recollecting this 
circumstance, we may reconcile and ex- 
plain many seeming anomalies and contra- 
dictions in our histories." 

"The results of these conflicts seem to 
have confirmed the authority of Offa over 
the Britons of Cambria, who became the 
vassals of his crown. Offa lived to accom- 
plish the subjugation oi all the Anglo- 
Saxon states south of the H umber. Kent 
was conquered in open battle (A. D. 775- 
776). The West Saxons, after loosing part 
of their territories, submitted by compro- 
mise. The East Saxons were subdued; 
and the great and opulent city of London, 
with the "Pagus" of Middlesex, had been 
annexed to Mercia, perhaps by tlie volun- 
tary submission of the inhabitants." 

Offa's life had been distinguished by in- 
cidents of the romantic, as well as those of 
violence and outrage. Of his queen, Drida 
or Cynedrida, there is told a very singular 
and adventurous story, which possibly may 
not all be true. She was allied to the 



[Book III. 

French king, and in her youth was charged 
with sO/me crime. She by favor escaped 
the ordeal of iron and fire, but was banish- 
ed by being set adrift at sea, in a boat, to 
be carried wherever the wind and waves 
might fortunately waft her. Fortunately 
she Avas drifted to the British shore, and 
her romantic story and adventure com- 
mended her to Offa's protection, which 
soon accomplished a more enduring con- 
quest over his afiections. She made a fit 
wife and companion for such a man as the 
king of Mercia. In the latter part of their 
lives, the young king of East Anglia, Eth- 
elbert, a prince • distinguished for his ele- 
gance of manners and beauty, came to Of- 
fa's court, as a welcomed guest, paying his 
address to their daughter, Etheldretha. 
Ethelbert relied upon the honor of a king, 
and proceeded with confidence with his 
friends and retinue to the palace of his in- 
tended father-in-law. But the cruel and 
craft}' queen, Cynedrida, said to Offa, ''You 
have liim now in your pow-er, whose king- 
dom you have so long coveted." To a 
man of Offa's principles that was a suffi- 
cient suggestion. Before the next morning, 
after a splendid reception, the young prince 
was beheaded, and his kingdom reduced by 
Offa's power to his own possession. Thus 
was accomplished one of the most treach- 
erous, dishonorable and wicked crimes e\er 
perpetrated . 

But crime was no uncommon transac- 
tion with the Saxon princes of those days, 
and especially with the house of Ofla. 
Upon the death of Cynewulf by assassina- 
tion, Bertric became king of Wessex ; and 
Egbert, the rightful prince, was obliged to 
flee as an exile. He first went to the court 
of Offa for an as3-lum. Bertric then sent 
his embassador to Ofla charged with the 
double duty, to demand the hand of Ead- 
burga, one of Offa's daughters, and the 
head of Egbert. The first request was 
readily granted, for Bertric could not have 
sent to him a greater curse; but the sec- 
ond was denied him. This caused Egbert 
to flee to the court ot Charlemagne, where 
he remained many years, until Bertric's 
death. Eadburga, the queen of Bertric, 
became an active, profligate and vicious 



Chap. 11. 



THE SAXON HEPTARCHY 



239 



woman. When any thwarted her purpose, 
or crossed her love, her vengeance became 
terrible, and either the king, whom she held 
under her control, or she herself with a wo- 
man's skill would carry it into execution. 
She had prepared a cup of poison for a 
young nobleman vrho wa.s her husband's 
favorite, which by some accident was so 
deposited that the king as well as the in- 
tended victim drank of it and died a horri- 
ble death (A. D. 800). The crime was dis- 
covered and the queen degraded and ex- 
pelled by the nobles of Wessex; who at 
the same time enacted, that for the future 
no king's wife should be called queen or 
suffered to sit by the side of the king on 
the throne. Eadburga fled with great 
wealth to the courtof Charlemagne, where 
at first she was well received ; but after a 
checkered life of afliuence, profligacy and 
degi-adation, she died the horrible death of 
an outcast, in the streets of an European 
citv. 

In the meantime Ofta soon after his war 
with Cambria died about A. D. 794, and 
was succeeded, one after another, by two 
of his sons, neither of whom were able to 
sustain his kingdom as he had left it. One 
of these, Kenwulf, not long after, overran 
and ravaged Kent, took and carried oft' 
their king, and perpetrated manv outrages 
upon the people and country. During the 
same time the princes and nobility of 
Xorthumbria were equally successful in 
perpetrating all manner of outrages, crimes 
and injuries upon each other, and their un- 
happy country and people. 

Upon the death of Bertric, Egbert re- 
turned to Wessex, and was gladly admitted 
to the government, and successfullv and 
with great vigor maintained his reign thir- 
ty-seven years. Having been banished 
from his country many years b\' Bertric, 
his predecessor, and having spent that time 
with Ofta and at the court of Charlemagne, 
he came to his government much improved 
by observation and experience. Bv nature 
he was endowed with great executive tal- 
ent and administrative capacity. He be- 
came the most distinguished and prosper- 
ous sovereign of his day ; and brought, in 
the course of his reign, t'r.e whole of Eng- 



land under his rule. But this was done 
without any definite constitutional union, 
leaving each division of the country to be 
ruled by a subordinate king, or kinglet, 
without a federate union. Egbert is ac- 
knowledged to be the eighth bretwalda, as 
OS Oswy of Northumbria had been the 
seventh, bearing a space of a hundred and 
thirty years (670 — Soo) between them. This 
shows the uncertain and unfixed character 
of that denomination. Offa was not ac- 
knowledged as one of the bretwaldas, 
but his rule over England was fullj- as 
extensive and decided as that of any king 
who preceded him. It is probable that the 
designation of bretwalda depended- upon 
common consent; and that Ofta, with all 
his power, was too obscure a character in 
lineage to be thus admitted. If the posi- 
tion depended upon an election, or an es- 
tablished right, his power and eles'ation 
would have demanded it. 

As characteristic of tlie age, it is said, 
that, "On the day that Egbert succeeded to 
the throne, Ethelmund, the ealderman, 
rode over from Wic, and coming to Kemps- 
ford met Weoxtan, the ealderman, with the 
men of Wiltshire. There was a great 
fight between them, in which both the 
chiet's were slaiii, but the Wilts'niremen got 
the victory ."•'51 But Egbert soon brought 
his dominions to order, as far as those . 
times of war and fighting would permit. 
Gradually during his long reign he ex- 
tended his rule and dominion o\'er nearly 
all South Britain, and some have designa- 
ted him as the first king of all England; 
but that title was neither adopted or ac- 
knowledged until more than a hundred 
years later, in the reign of Atlielstan, the 
grand son ot Alfred the Great. Notwith- 
standing the progressive conquest and rule 
of Egbert ovev Britain, the several states 
and kings by which the country had been 
distinguished, were still kept up and ac- 
knowledged for a long period after Egbert's 
tiine, as subordinary powers — vassals and 
tributaries to the kings of Wessex.^s 

For a long time the kings of Wessex 

34- IIc-nr\ of Hvin'.ing-don, p. 141 [A. D. Soo.] 
35 P;il4^r;ivc's Ang-lo-Sax., ch. iv, p. Si and 97; 
I'r.rnci's Ansflo-Saxons, B. iii, ch. xi, p. 25i. 



240 



THE SAXON PERIOD. 



[Book III. 



had maintained a continual war against the 
Britons of the peninsula south of the Sev- 
ern — Somerset, Devon and Cornwall; but 
all their efforts to subdue them were only 
a temporary operation, while the Britons 
were collecting their torces to recover their 
lost ground, until now, in Egbert's time, 
they were able to reduce it to Saxon rule, 
which they were able ever afterwards to 
maintain. Now, by the conquest of Offa 
and Egbert, the dominion of the Britons 
west of the acknowledged line running 
from the South Avon north to Scotland, 
was broken in upon, so that all had become 
subject to English rule, except that which 
is now properly included within Wales, 
west of Offa's Dike ; and that which was 
included in Cumbria, which still maintain- 
ed its independence, until about A. D. 950, 
when it became a part of England. 

It would appear that for some years after 
Egbert came to his throne, he maintained 
a peaceable relation with the adjoining 
states, and his first wars, like all those of 
his race, were those against the Britons di- 
rectly west of Wessex, to which we have 
alluded. This was- fiercely prosecuted dur- 
ing a number of years (A. D. S09 — S14). 
Against this encroachment the Britons 
made their usual gallant resistance; but, 
with the power which Egbert was able to 
control and bring into the field, it was un- 
availing. It terminated in a great battle at 
Camelford, in which several thousands fell 
on both sides. 

With the customary disposition of the 
Saxons for war, it was impossible for two 
such states as Wessex and Mercia long to 
remain at peace. The king of Mercia, 
Bernwulf, becoming jealous of the prosper- 
ity of Egbert, invaded Wessex with a form- 
idable army. Egbert met them near Elian- 
dune, near Wilton in Wiltshire, with an 
inferior force but superior in discipline and 
equipments. There a terrific battle took 
place, of w hich the old historians say, that 
"Ellandune's stream was tinged with blood, 
and was choked with the slain, and became 
foul with carnage." After a prodigious 
slaughter on both sides, Egbert gained a 
complete victory ; which enabled him to 
expel the king, and annex Mercia to Wes- 



sex. The subjugation of the kingdoms 
east of these soon followed, leaving only 
Northumbria, out of the union of what 
now constitute England. But that state 
had been for many years in a state of de- 
cline, in consequence of the bad govern- 
ment inflicted upon that people by its 
rulers. These under pretence of a right to 
rule, imposed upon their sub]ects the con- 
sequences of unjust wars, crimes and op- 
pression, so that a party sufficiently strong 
to relieve the people, submitted their coun- 
try as a subordinate and tributary govern- 
ment to that of Wessex, and received Eg- 
bert as their paramount lord. Thus this 
prince (A. D. S28 — S30) had become fully 
established in the state and majesty of bret- 
walda and sovereign of all England; but 
generally with vassal and tributary kings, 
in each of the several states, as subjects of 
Wessex. 

In the meantime a new element of dis- 
turbance had arisen in the history of Brit- 
ain, and repeating upon the country again 
that scene of conquest, oppression and in- 
justice perpetrated by the Romans and 
Saxons. This was the commencement of 
the invasion and conquest of Britain, by 
the Danes or Northmen — a people from 
Scandinavia. These were kindred and rel- 
atives of the Saxons ; who, in their own 
country, were of the same race and subjects 
of the same customs, habits and religion, 
but difiering in language as a separate dia- 
lect. They both followed the savage doc- 
trines of Woden's religion, in which the 
cultivation of war, with its consequent 
blood, carnage and death, was its principal 
teachings. Their form of government was 
part of their religion ; all who participated 
in it, both kings, nobles and ruling men, 
were part of the family and descendants of 
Woden. They were never at peace,36 al- 
ways engaged in some piratical enterprises, 
and wholly dependent upon war and plun- 
der for sustenance and life. In the pursuit 
of their object no act of cruelty or viola- 
tion of faith was revolting to their princi- 
ples. Such were the enemies that the 
Anglo-Saxons were now to meet, after they 



36 Piilsp-ave's Anglo-Saxon, ch. v, pp. S7-8S. 



Chap. 11.] THE SAXON 

had been sufficiently reformed, by civiliza- 
tion and Christianity while in Britain, to 
understand and feel the keenness of the 
change. 

The first appearance of tlie Danes or 
Northmen in Britain was very much like 
a repetition of that of Hengist, in history. 
It is said that the Danes landed in Britain 
from three ships, to plunder the country .3" 
The magistrate of the place, being igno- 
rant who the people were, who had landed, 
or for what purpose they had come, incau- 
tiously went to them to ascertain, and if 
proper, to take them into custody. But he 
was instantly slain in the throng. "He 
was the first Englishman killed by the 
Danes, but after him many myriads were 
slaughteied by them; and these were the 
first ships that the Danes brought here." 
But from this time until that of William 
the Conqueror, the Danes continued their 
war and depredations upon the English 
people. A few years afterwards (A. D. 
795), the Danes — "heathens," as the English 
historian calls them — ravaged Northum- 
bria, and pillaged Egbert's monastery "at 
Donemuth." The most warlike of the 
English people there met them in battle, 
and repelled them; and their leaders were 
slain, and they retreated to their ships. In 
their flight some of their ships were wreck- 
ed by a storm, many of the men were 
drowned, and some were taken alive and 
beheaded on the beach. Thirty-eight years 
after this, near the close of Egbert's reign, 
the Danes again made their appearance; 
and the first place they ravaged was the 
Isle of Sheppey in Kent. The next year 
they came over in thirty-five very large 
ships, and Egbert met them with his army, 
at Charmouth, in battle, in which the Danes 
were victorious, and two bishops and two 
ealdermen of the Anglo-Saxons were slain. 
The following year they again landed in 
Devonshire, where they were joined by 
some of the Britons in a revolt againt Eg- 
bert, but against these the king was success- 
ful in routing them triumphantly. The 
next year (A. D. S36) Egbert, in the midst 
of his success and triumph departed this 



37 Henry of Huntingdon, B. iv, p. 13S, in Ofla's 
time about A. D. 7S9. 



HEPTARCHY. 241 

life, with the fame of a great king who 
had rendered his country important ser- 
vice. 

Ofta's hostilitv to Cambria was contin- 
ued by Egbert with that unscrupulous se- 
verity that has ever characterized their 
dealings with them. Cynan, the king of 
Cambria, succeeded to the throne in 
A. D. 755, upon the death of his father 
the brave and patriotic Rodri, the same 
eventful year that brought Ofia to his 
throne, and its consequent hostility to 
Cambria. Cynan ruled until his death in 
A. D. S19, and consequently sustained a 
long reign of sixty-four years. It was this 
prince, therefore, who sustained his coun- 
try so faithfully and vigorously against Of- 
fa the terrible when supported by Mercia 
and Saxon power. Oft'a, after wrenching 
Powys from Cambria, and securing it by 
his dyke, died twenty-five years before Cy- 
nan did; during which time the latter was 
frequently annoyed by the hostilities of 
the Saxons at his home, and upon his 
brethren on the peninsula of CornwalPon 
the south side of the Bristol channel. He 
was also annoyed in his latter years by his 
brother Howell, who was desirous to se- 
cure the inheritance to himself in opposi- 
tion to Cynan's daughter, Essyllt, his only 
heir. But this daughter did succeed to the 
crown upon the death of her father, and 
by whom, with her husband, Merfyn, a 
royal chieftain and heir in right of his 
mother to the kingdom of Powys, Cam- 
bria was governed twenty-five years (A. 
D. S19— S44). After the battle of Elian- 
dune, in which Mercia was defeated, Eg- 
be»t proceeded to bring Cambria to his 
tributary, and for that purpose first pro- 
ceeded against the Britons of the peninsula 
of Cornwall, which resulted in the battle 
of Camelford already alluded to. He then 
reduced to subjection as tributaries the 
people of Northumbria, and next proceed- 
ed, with the whole force of England at his 
command, to subject what remained of 
Cambria, now Wales, in the same manner 
to his interest, as tributaries. In S2S, Eg- 
bert accordingly led his powerful army 
into North Wales and enforced submis- 
sion to his demand for the payment of trib 



242 

ute, and his control as their paramount 

sovereign. 

In order to secure tor the future what he 
had thus accompHshed, and put Essyllt 
and her husband Merfyn and Wales com- 
pletely under his control, as his vassals, 
Egbert seized upon Mona, Anglesy, which 
contained the capital of Gwynedd ; and up- 
on Chester, which formed the key to the 
communication between the Cj-mry of 
Cumbria and those of the south. Thus do 
we, for the present, leave the Saxons and 
the Cymry — not only the Cymry of Wales, 
but their number greatly multiplied in the 
descendants of the Ancient Britons left 
throughout Britain. 

CHAPTER III. 

FROM THE DEATH OF EGBERT TO THE NOR- 
MAN CONQUE.ST. (A. D. S36— 1066.) • 

i^i. — From the Death of Egbert to that oj 
Athehtan. {A. D. S36— 940.) 



Egbert, whose reign had just transpired, 
had brought all the Heptarchy under one 
government, not as a consolidated union 
■or a confederacy, but as one superior and 
powerful state commanding subjection and 
obedience over another. It was not Eng- 
land, but Wessex extending its rule and 
command over the other states of the Hep- 
tarchy. Most of these states still, for a 
long time, preserved their respective kings 
and government, but they were subordi- 
nate, as vassals and tributaries to Wessex. 
Some of the bretwaldas had been addressed 
as king of the English; but none assumed 
the title of king of England until Athelstan, 
the grandson of Alfred the great, about a 
hundred years after Egbert. The name of 
England was not used as a general name 
of the country until after that time; the 
previous names were, Britain, Saxonia, 
Saxondum, or Heptarchy. 

But the country, by whatever name it 
was then known, was hardly put under 
one government by Egbert when the new 
enemy of the country, under the general 
name of the Danes, mad^ their hostile ap- 
pearance, and kept the country in contin- 
ual war from that time until the Norman 



THE SAXON PERIOD. [Book 1 11. 

conquest, a period of about two hundred 
and thirt}- years. As already stated, the 
hostilities of the Danes commenced upon 
the Saxons precisely in the same manner 
as the Saxons commenced upon the Brit- 
ons about three hundred and eighty-seven 
years previous. Both commenced as a pi- 
ratical operation, with a view to the acqui- 
sition of spoils and booty; but after ac- 
quiring a foothold in the country, they 
adopted the idea oi conquest. As profes- 
sors of the religion of Woden, both made 
war their principal study and practice, 
with all its horrid consequences, injustice 
and wickedness. Their religion taught 
them to love battle and the shedding of 
blood; and that death in battle was the 
most honorable, and a sure way to heaven. 1 
Their future hopes were concentrated in 
the soldier's future reward in the halls 
of Valhalla, "where the souls of those who 
bravely perished on the hard-fought bat- 
tle field were at once wafted." These were 
their hopes and incitement to action, with- 
out the least regard to justice or iniquity 
of the cause, or the misery and suffering it 
brought upon others. 

The Britons gave the name of Saxons to 
all the invaders of their country who came 
from the neighborhood of the mouth of 
the Elbe and the Eider, though among 
themselves they were distinguished as the 
Jutes, or the Angles, or the Saxons proper, 
because to strangers they appear all as one 
people, and hardly distinguishable, except 
among themselves. So the Anglo-Saxons 
gave the denomination of Danes upon all 
these new invaders who were now about 
to trouble England so fiercely, though 
some of them came from Sweden and Nor- 
way, as well as from Zealand and Jutland 
— the proper Denmark. These were all 
called Danes in popular language, tor the 
same reason that the former invaders were 
called by the one designation of Saxons. 
All these people were so similar in their 
habits, customs and religion that it was 
difficult to distinguish them — probabl}' the 
Danes and Saxons originally differed more 



I See Turner's Anglo-Saxon, appendix to B. ii, 
cli. iii, p. 14.7 — 163; Miller's Ansrlo-Sax., ch. vii, p. 
SS-70. 



Chap. III.] 



in language than in anything else; but the 
foundation of both was the Teutonic lan- 
guage. The probability of the difference 
is this, that when the old Cimbri left the 
Cimbri Chersonesus, in the time of the 
Cimbri and Teutons, there was a part of 
the Cimbri who went north, as well as the 
others went south, and became mixed vip 
and absorbed with the Teutons of the 
north, which accounts for the difference 
between the Dane or Northman and the 
Teuton of the south. This caused consid- 
erable change in the language of the North- 
man, but their habits, customs and religion 
continued to be that of the savage Woden. 

These Northmen, so called Danes, were 
all addicted like the Saxons before them to 
a sea-faring life, and to piracy and plunder- 
ing. The settled and improved part of their 
country became too populous, and required 
emigration, and they chose the enterprise 
and piracy of the sea, rather than the honest 
pin-suits on land. 

"It is declared," says Turner,2 "to have 
been a law or custom in the north, that one 
of the ;nale children should be selected to 
remain at home to inherit the government. 
The rest were exiled to the ocean to wield 
their sceptres amid the turbulent waters. 
The consent of the northern society enti- 
tled all men of royal descent, who assumed 
piracy as a profession, to enjoy the name 
of king, though they possessed no territory. 
Hence the sea-kings were the kinsmen of 
the land- sovereigns. * * * * We may 
expect that the ocean swarmed with sea- 
kings. * * * * Piracy was not only 
the most honorable occupation, and the 
best harvest of wealth — it was not only 
consecrated to public emulation by the in- 
dustrious who pursued it, but no one was 
esteemed noble, no one was respected, who 
did not return in the winter to his home 
with ships laden with booty. The spoils 
consisted of every necessary of life, clothes, 
domestic utensils, cattle, which they killed 
and prepared on the shores they ravaged, 
slaves, and other property. It is not sur- 
prising that while this spirit prevailed, every 
country abounded in deserts." 

2 Anglo-Sax, Hist., B. iv, ch. ii, p. 291. 

16 



THE SAXON KINGDOMS 

Even the n 



243 
^ular land-kings addicted 
themselves to piracy. It was the general 
amusement of their summer months; hence 
almost every king commemorated by 
Snorre is displayed as as'^aulting other 
provinces, or as suffering invasions in his 
own. With strange iniatuation, the popu- 
lation of the day welcomed the successful 
vikings with the loudest acclamation ; al- 
though from the prevalence of the practice, 
domestic misery became the general lot. 
The victors of one day w'ere the victims in 
the next; and he who was consigning with- 
out pit}' the woinen and children of other 
families to the grave or to famine, must 
have often found on his return but the ashes 
of his paternal habitation, and the corpses 
of those he loved." 

Such is the description given, by a com- 
petent historian, of the enemies who were 
now attacking Britain, as pirates and con- 
querors ; and as these were from the imme- 
diate neighborhood from which the Saxons 
came, and essentially the same race of peo- 
ple and customs, we can conclude Irom 
these facts as well as from the positive 
narration of history, that the invasion of 
the Danes or Northmen was only a repeti- 
tion, in all its essential features, of the 
former invasion of the Saxons upon the 
Britons. When Henry of Huntingdon de- 
scribes the Danes as a most barbarous na- 
tion loose, "like a swarm of w-asps, .sparing 
neither age nor sex,"3 the editor charges 
him with overstating the atrocities of the 
Northmen as compared with otber invaders, 
and says: "The progress of the Saxons in 
subduing and settling the country would as 
fitly apply as that of the Danes." And so 
it would, and it would be hard to distinguish 
them. Both the Saxons and Danes de- 
stroyed and plundered wherever they went 
— burned and destroyed all churches and 
monasteries, and where there was any oppo- 
sition all towns, and frequently slaughtered ' 
all the inhabitants without regard to age or 
sex. It is the favorite theory of a class cf 
historians that the Saxons slaughtered all 
the Britons who did not flee the country. 
This was true in some instances Ijut hv no 



3 Henry of Hiintingdon, B. v, p. 14S. 



244 



THE SAXON PERIOD. 



[Book III. 



means universally so; for if it were, it would 
have been the most inhuman, cruel and 
wicked war recorded in histoi-y. There was, 
however, enough of it done to make it the 
most barbarous war on record ; to destroy 
the improvements of the country, and re- 
mit it back to savage desolation. In the 
dispensation of human affairs, it is often 
the case that one crime or wickedness pro- 
duces a return as a just retribution. This 
was an instance of it, when the Danes in- 
flicted upon the Saxons the same injustice, 
barbarity and oppression which they them- 
selves had upon the Britons. 

The governtment which Egbert (A. D. 
S36; left to his son and successor, Ethelwulf, 
stood in need of a consolidation b_y means 
of some constitutional union. The Saxon 
ari.5tocracv did not care for it, for that would 
lessen their power, and restrain their license 
and liberty of controlling and oppressing 
the people. The people themselves were 
too ignorant of the principles of go">'ern- 
ment to understand and require the benefit 
of it ; tor they were all in the hands of their 
aristocracy-, ^vho all claimed they were 
descendants of Woden, and therefore ruled 
by some divine right. The rule which 
Ethelwulf had thus acquired over the 
Heptarchy was a divided government, — 
that of a powerful and superior state over 
its neighbors, who were bound to obey, and 
not the acknowledged and chosen sovereign 
of the Avhole. There was this diflference 
between the British pendragons and the 
Saxon bretwaldas, that the former were 
elected by a general assembly of the states, 
and was therefore a sovereign of a confed- 
eracy ; but the bretwalda became such by 
some tacit conventionalism, as the most 
powerful and distinguished sovereign in the 
Heptarchy, to whom the other kings were 
vassals or tributaries. The subordinary 
kings were oiten at war with each other, 
and sometimes at war with the paramount 
sovereign. This was often the case to the 
great advantage of their common enemy, 
the Danes. Such want of union has been 
often charged against the Britons, as the 
cause of the Saxons' success against them ; 
but the «ame charge is fully as conspicuous 
against the Saxons themselves, as the cause 



of the success of the Danes. 

Upon the death of Egbert the sovereign- 
ty of the Heptarchy passed to his son, 
Ethelwulf, as king of Wessex and para- 
mount lord, and continued in his family — 
himself and four sons in succession — sixty - 
five years (A. D. S36 — 901). Ethelwulf 
reigned twenty-one years,'* and -was suc- 
ceeded by his son, Ethelbald, who reigned 
thi-ee j-eVs; and he by his brother, Ethel- 
bert, who reigned five years ; upon whose 
death his youngest brother, Alfred the 
Great — son of Ethelwulf, ascended the 
throne as king of Wessex, and reigned 
thirty years (A. D. S71 — 901). During these 
sixty-five years South Britain experienced 
most calamitous times from war and inva- 
sion; not only from the war of the invasion 
of the Danes,'' but frequent wars among 
the Saxons themselves, and against their 
neighbors, the Ancient Britons. For after 
Egbert's time the Danes renewed their war 
and piracies against Britain, with great 
fierceness and barbarity. These new ene 
mies of Britain, like their Saxon predeces- 
sors, were renowned for their enterprise in 
the pursuit of piracy and plunder, and for 
the indifterence with which they encounter- 
ed the dangers of the sea, and death in 
battle. They assumed that ordinary death 
in the course of nature was dishonorable, 
and that death in battle was a sure road to 
heaven. They boasted that "they never 
slept under a smoke-dried roof; and had 
never emptied a cup seated in the chimney- 
corner."*' They despised the comforts of 
civilization, as well as the dictates of hu- 
manity. The sea-king, or viking, who had 
built up his reputation upon these principles 

4 Ilunry of Hunt., B. v, p. 14S. 

5 Thierry's Norman Conquest, B. ii, p. 56. "Tlie 
Danes or Northmen descended from the same primi- 
tive race," says Thierry, "with the Anirlo-Saxons 
and tlie Franks; their lans:ua5;-e liad roots identical 
witli the idoms of these two nations: hut this token 
of an ancient fraternity did not preserve from their 
hostile incursion, either Saxon Britain or Frankish 
Gaul, nor even the territory beyond the- Rhine, then 
exclusively inhabited by Germanic tribes. The con- 
version of the Southern Teutons to the Cliristum 
fiiith had broken all bonds of fraternity between 
them and the Teutons of the north. In the ninth 
century the man of the north still gloried in the title 
of son of Odin, and treated as bastards and ajjos- 
tates the Germans who had become children ot the 
church; he made no distinction between them and 
the conquered population whose religion they liad 
ad()|>led " 

I Thierry's Norman Conquest, B. ii, )). 57. 



Chap. III. ] 



THE SAXON KINGDOMS. 



24S 



and practices, who was asknowledged king 
)n board his ships as well as wlien lie was 
on land, was sure to rally around him suf- 
ficient number of his hardy and ignorant 
countrymen who believed in his doctrines 
and principles, and were ready to join in 
his enterprise. Three days of favorable 
winds would enable them to sail from their 
own country, north of the Elbe, to the 
southeastern part ot Britain. Here they 
perpetrated upon the country the greatest 
calamity, wherever they happened to strike; 
;ind none could tell what port would be the 
rirst, or who would be the first sufferers. 
Their object was spoils and plunder, and 
nothing was secure or sacred from their 
grasp. Whenever they arrived neither 
man nor property w-as safe from their vio- 
lence, and when they departed the covmtry 
was left in desolation. 

When the Danes first made their ap- 
pearance their object seemed to be piracy 
and plunder; but like the Saxons, who pre- 
ceded them, as they proceeded their de- 
mands increased, until they laid some claim 
to the country itself. It is said that at an 
early appearance of the Northmen, a sea- 
king, Ragnar Lodbrog by name, had be- 
come renowned on account of his enter- 
prises as a pirate on the borders of the 
Baltic. He afterwards, in large ships, with 
his three sons and followers, came to Brit- 
ain to gain spoils and to return w^ith booty. 
As in other places he landed in Northnm- 
bria; and after many battles and conflicts 
he was taken prisoner, and cruelly treated, 
by being thrown into a den of vipers. 
While thus suffering and calmly waiting 
death, he composed a celebrated epic and 
biographical song, in which he recites his 
adventures, exploits and misfortunes, and 
conjures his children and people fearlessly 
to pursue his adventures and avenge his 
death. Ragnar's death is supposed to have 
taken place in Northumbria, about 860, 
while Eila^ usurped a sovereignty there; 
but Ragnar's song of his adventures and 
■cruel death, appealing to his people in the 
terrific spirit of Woden for war and re- 
venge, excited them to renewed exertion 



7 Turner's History Anglo-Saxons, B. iv, ch. 3, p. 
307, n. g. 



against the people of Britain; and induced 
them to set up a claim of the right of con- 
quest, instead of pirac}- and pillage. 

In the meantime, soon after the accession 
of Ethelwulf, his whole kingdom was at- 
tacked by the Danes in various places, and 
their system of pillage and plunder became 
intolerable, and injurious to the country-. 
The first year of Ethelwulf's reign the 
Danes, in tw'o large parties, attacked the 
country in the vicinity of Southampton, 
where they had come in thirty-three ships. 
Against these the king sent his army di- 
vided into two divisions; in one of which 
they were successful, and beat the Danes 
W'ith great slaughter. In the other instance 
the Danes triumphed; the Saxon com- 
mander was slain and his army defeated. 
The next year similar events took place in 
the eastern part of the kingdom ; and the 
Danes reduced to their subjection the east- 
ern coast of England from the Humber to 
the south of Kent, putting a vast number 
of the inhabitants to the sword. The next 
year the pagan and heathen army, as they 
were called, penetrated further into the 
country and committed great ravages and 
slaughter about Canterbury, Rochester and 
London. The year after the Danes landed 
at Charmouth from thirty-five ships crowd- 
ed with men, against whom the king sent 
his army which were defeated. Five years 
afterwards (A. D.S45) these pagan enemies 
of the country landed in the south west — 
in Devon and Cornwall — in large numbers, 
and a great battle was fought against them 
at the mouth of the Parret, in which they 
were defeated and great numbers slain. 
These attacks and depredations of the 
Danes were becoming frequent, if not con- 
stant. In the sixteenth year of Ethelwulf's 
reign they came in great force, and landed 
from two hundred and fifty ships at the 
mouth of the Thames, took London and 
Canterbury- by storm, and defeated the 
king of Mercia in battle. Soon after this 
the royal army met the pagan, in Surrey, 
when a very great battle occurred, in which 
the English were signally victorious. The 
same year the English gained a naval vic- 
tory over their enemies near Sandwich, in 
which they captiu-ed nine ships and put the 



THE SAXON PERIOD. 



246 

rest of their fleet to flight. About the same 
time another battle occurred in Devonshire, 
in which tlie English were successful in 
defeating and expelling their enemies. The 
English now greatly rejoiced upon their 
triumphs over their heathen and detested 
enemy, although the Danes were able to 
spend their first winter (A. D. S51) in Eng- 
land, on the Isle of Thanet, a place subject 
to the visits of every sort, of both friends 
and foes of Britain. 

During these times the Cambrians were 
compelled often to meet one or the other 
of these hostile parties — the Saxons or the 
Danes. In one or two instances the Britons 
south of the Severn united with the Danes 
in an attack upon their Saxon enemies, 
with the hopes of retaining that part of the 
island within their own jurisdiction. At 
another the Angles united with the Danes 
in endeavoring to conquer the country be- 
tween the Dee and the Conway, with the 
object of gaining common plunder. No 
policy was pursued towards the Ancient 
Britons but war and conquest. The Saxons 
appear incapable of inaugurating a policy 
of peace, and like the Romans under Ag- 
ricola satisfy the people by aftbrding a gov- 
ernment of peace, conferring justice and 
safety; but the only policy was that of war 
and spoils, of conquest, vassalage and trib- 
ute, without any accompanying benefits. 
Whenever the Saxons were not sufliiciently 
engaged in war with the Northmen, they 
were sure to be engaged against the Brit- 
ons. In S44, Bushred, king of Mercia, at- 
tacked the Cambrians, and in a severe battle 
defeated them, in which was slain Merfyn, 
the king consort of queen Essyllt. Upon 
the death of the queen, which soon there- 
after occurred, their son, Rhodri Mawr, 
(Roderic the Great,) acceeded to the 
government of the whole country — that of 
Gwynedd in right of his mother, that of 
Powys in right of his father, and that of 
Dehenbai th in right of his wife ;8 b}' means 
of which these three provinces were 
brought under one common government, 
and Rhodri Mawr was acknowledged king 
of all Wales (Brenhin Cymru OH). 



8 Miss Williams' History of W.iles 
Annals of Cambria, p. no. 



ch. X, p. 121 ; 



[Book m. 

Rhodri was now compelled to sustain 
the war waged by the Mercians against the 
Cambrians, in which he was so successful 
as to expel them from the country, and 
compelled Bushred, the Mercian king to 
call on Ethelwulf for aid. Ethelwulf hav- 
ing now just passed a very successful year 
against the Danes, was ready to join in 
any war against the Welsh. Between the 
two kin^s a very powerful army was raised 
and sent against Wales. This army was 
able to march through and ravage the 
country, without being able to extort an}- 
concession of the territory thus overrun; 
but were induced, by this determined re- 
sistance, to accept a renewal of the usual 
tributary allegiance. This peace was soon 
more eftectually cemented between the two 
parties by the marriage of the daughter of 
Rhodri to Bushred, the Mercian king; but 
in those days no family alliance was much 
guaranty to any lasting peace. 

From the year 851 to 866 the accession of 
Ethelred, Ethelwulf's third son, England 
witnessed its portion of war and tumult, 
both with the Northmen and among its 
own rulers ; but now the Danes were about 
to make a more determined and systematic 
eftbrt, not only to rob and plunder, but to 
subdue and conquer the country'. The 
people of East Anglia and Kent made 
some efforts to purchase their peace, and 
bribe the Danes to depart. After paying 
them large sums, they found them faithless 
and treacherous, alwaj's finding some pre- 
tense for evading or violating their prom- 
ises. 

In A.D. 871 Alfred, the fourth son, as- 
sended the throne, and about the same time 
the most determined efl:brts were made by 
the Danes to invade Britain anew by the 
most formidable navy and army ever raised 
for that purpose. This enterprise was 
headed by three sons of Ragnar — Half- 
dane, Hingwar, and Hubba — who had ex- 
cited the whole north, by reciting orally 
and singing the epic of their father's re- 
nowned piracies and death, and rallied them 
to revenge. They intended to land in 
Northumbria, the scene of their father's 
suflerings and death, but some fortuitous 
chance carried them south of the Wash, 



Chap. III.] 

and they landed in East Anglia. Tliese 
poured their heathen and barbarous hordes 
over the country, and their victories, which 
were gained as well by tlieir artifice as by 
their prowess and figliting, placed the land 
wholly in their power. Great many of the 
people were slain, and all sorts of pillaging 
and devastations were committed. They 
proceeded w-est and south, and wherever 
they went houses and towns were sacked 
and burned, and those which were in any 
manner connected with the Christian re- 
ligion were special objects of their malevo- 
lence; and the monasteries at Croyland, 
Peterborough, Thorney, Ramsey and Ely 
were sacked and destroyed. Many acts of 
cruelly and barbarity were committed, — no 
respect was shown to the rights of humani- 
ty or lives of individuals, which were often 
disposed of without regard to age or sex. 
They took possession of East Anglia, and 
placed it under their own government — 
made a prisoner of the pious king Edmund 
who governed, who was put to death with 
cruel barbarity, which has sanctified his 
name as that of the martj-red king. 

The Danes pushed their success across 
the island to the west, with great sagacity 
and military skill, taking and occupying 
important points in the interior as well as 
securing eligible ports on the sea shore. 
It was their common practice as soon as 
they landed to take possession of whatever 
they desired, and especially of all horses, 
with which they would organize an army 
of horsemen to invade and take by surprise 
the interior of the country and collect spoils 
and booty. 

It was in the midst of this war and these 
difficulties that Alfred was called to the 
throne, upon the death of his brother 
Ethelred. He was now twenty-three years 
of age; and had been, hom his birth, 
reared and educated, according to those 
times, with a view^ to his ascension to the 
throne. During the reign of his late broth- 
er Ethelred, he had been much trusted with 
the administration, and had rendered much 
service in the war against the invasions of 
the Danes. But as much as he was quali- 
fied by opportunities and experience for his 
elevation to his high, dangerous, and la- 



THE SAXON KINGDOMS. 



247 



borious position, he was still better qualified 
by those rare gifts of Providence, by which 
he was so greatly distinguished, in his 
mental character, for wisdom, discretion 
and prudence, as well as in his love of jus- 
tice, humanity and improvement, which 
have induced all people to fondly contem- 
template him, and readily ascribe to him 
the appellation of Alfred the Great. The 
Danes then had overrun the country, 
and in many places, especially north of 
London, had made permanent settlements ; 
but wherever they went or settled their first 
introduction was that of desolation, which 
took savage pleasure in the slaughter of all 
Christian people, and the destruction of all 
sacred places; of which the Saxons so 
justly and greatlj- complained ; which was 
a retribution, exactly the same in kind — 
but perhaps to them unconscious — of those 
injuries which the Saxons formerly inflict- 
ed upon the Britons. 

Alfred took possession of the govern- 
ment at a time when the Danes had become 
well acquainted with England, and when 
their forces there had become powerful. 
During his first year he was compelled to 
fight against his heathen enemy nine great 
battles in his hereditary dominion of Wes- 
sex, besides encountering them, in a real 
progress of conquest, in East Anglia, Lin- 
disseand Northumbria. In all these places 
Alfred and his people were compelled to 
meet a most fierce contest with the Danes, 
not only for the preservation of their rights 
and property, but also for the possession of 
their country. In this contest the loss of 
life, and the consequent suffering, w-as ter- 
rific. To the Saxon people this was la- 
mentable, and appreciated by them; but 
to the Northmen it was considered as a 
matter in their vocation, arid death as on 
their way to heaven. Though many thous- 
ands of the "invaders fell, yet the same 
country, in the neighborhood of the Elbe 
and the Baltic, was constantly sending re- 
cruits to fill up the void in the ranks of the 
invaders.9 It now became a conflict be- 



9 Turner's Ang-lo-Saxons, B. iv, ch. vii, p. 342; 
Palffrave's Ang-lo-Saxon, ch.'vi, p. 104, where it is 
said: "During- these transactions a continual preda- 
tory warfare was carried on in every part of Britain 
by the Danish or northern chieftains. They infested 



THE SAXON PERIOD. 



tween the Danes and the Saxons of Eng- 
land, as to the possession and government 
of the country, just as it had been by the 
Britons against the Saxons, and the Ro- 
mans. Whether the Saxons were capable 
to appreciate that this repetition of the very 
same kind of infliction was, in the ways of 
Providence, a just retribution, may be very 
questionable; but it is a sad lesson to the 
world, teaching the justice and propriety 
of leaving every people to govern them- 
selves. Apparently the Danes had now 
made up their minds to possess themselves 
of the country, and it was no longer a 
mere question of piracy and plunder, but 
of settlement and dominion, in which ev- 
ery Briton was again called upon to con- 
tend for his rights, property and liberty ; 
and it is probable, as it will be seen, that it 
was only the efforts and merits of Alfred 
that prevented the intention and eftbrts of 
the Danes from becoming a success. 

In the winter of 872 the Danes took their 
winter quarters in London; and no part of 
the island was now- exempt from being sub- 
ject to their excursions. Halfdane with 
his men had overrun and subjugated North- 
umbria, and proceeded to invade and harrass 
the people of Strath- Clyde and Cumbria, 
and from thence into Cambria, so that the 
Cymry were made the object of their hos- 
tility as well as the Saxons. They pene- 
trated into Gwynedd, crossed the Menai 
into the isle of Mona, where Rhodri twice 
met them in battle, and gave them an ef- 
fectual check ; while other bands of Danes 
were marauding and carrying fire and 
sword through South Wales. 

During the years of S76 — S77 the Danes 
had completely subdued the country north 
of the Humber and were rapidly doing the 
same with Mercia. Their progress was 
from the northeast to the southwest, as that 
of the Saxons had been from the southeast 
to the northwest. These two invasions of 
Britain were almost exactly alike in the 
character of the invaders and their mode 



the coast of France with equal pertinacity. Some- 
time they were defeated; but after every reverse 
they seemed more pov/erful than ever. 'If thirty 
thousand are slain in one day,' said the English, 
'there will be double that number in the held on the 
morrow." 



[Book III. 

of w^arfare. The great difference between 
the two events is that the Saxons proceed- 
ed slower. It was about one hundred and 
fifty years after these took possession of 
their first settlement before they obtained 
possession of the whole of that part of the 
island included in the Heptarchy. They 
proceeded slow and cautious, first securing 
possessions on the sea shore and holding 
them, and getting well established before 
moving into the interior; which they did not 
do until they had three or tour generations 
of native born, as well as continual acces- 
sion from the country of their ancestors. 
Much progress into the interior was 
attempted to be made ; but the progress of 
the Northmen was more rapid. They 
made hasty marches, and rapid movements 
from one part of the country to another, 
acquiring spoils, until they succeeded in 
making a fixed settlement. 

The continued and perplexing invasions 
of almost every part of the country at the 
same time became very annoying and dis- 
couraging to Alfred and his people. In 
January, S78, transpired an affair which 
rendered the times still more discouraging 
and desperate. While the Saxons were one 
night celebrating 'the lestival of epiphany, at 
Chippenham, in Wessex, tne Danes made 
an attack by surprise, and, upon a desperate 
fight, slaughtered and capttired many ; and 
but few made their escape, among whom 
was Alfred himself. This sad defeat and 
other discouragements brought on Alfred 
much depression of spirit, that for a while 
he apparently had given all up for lost. He 
wandered to the west in the disguise of a 
peasant or a beggar; and at length, as such, 
sought the home and protection of a herds- 
man, at an obscure and forlorn place, in the 
midst of woods and marshes, at the junction 
of the Thone and the Parrett, in Somerset, 
where there is now a highly cultivated 
country, still known by its ancient name of 
Athelnay, or Prince's Island. Here he 
spent the most of the sorrowful winter in 
meditating his sad condition and devising 
plans for his future conduct, and to retrieve 
the lost condition of his unhappy country, 
^lany romantic stories are told of transac- 
tions in domestic affairs between the herds- 



Chap, in.j 

man's good wife and her unknown royal 
tjuest.'<J Here he spent the winter as an 
outlaw, but by the means of faithful friends 
received intelligence. of proceedings in the 
country, in connection with the Danes. 

In the meantime the Danes were active 
in desolating and subduing the country. 
Good news was brought to Alfred that the 
Danes had come in a great tleet from Kent 
and attempted to make a landing in Devon, 
but that the people there had met them 
and given them a successful battle — had 
slain many of the enemy, with two of their 
most distinguished chieftains, Biorn and 
Hubba, and had taken their magical ban- 
.ner, the Raven, which loss, added to the 
death of their renowned leaders, depressed 
the Danes with the idea that they had met 
with a fatal loss, which would be irrepara- 
ble. This good news met Alfred's anxious 
hopes and inspired him with a new resolu- 
tion. He disguised himself as a minstrel, 
and as a gleeman made his way into the 
Danish camp in Wessex. His singing and 
music were joyfully received in the Danish 
camp, and added much to their rude hilari- 
ty. Without raising the suspicion of the 
enemv, Alfred was able to make all his de- 
sired observations, and departed. Return- 
ing to his hiding place at Athelney, he set- 
tled upon his plan of operations, called in 
his I'riends and proceeded to fortify and in- 
trench the place. The news spread, and 
the men of Devon and Somerset rallied to 
his aid. These people were a mixture of 
the Ancient Britons and Saxons, who now, 
not for the first time, met as allies in a mu- 
tual cause of defense. 

Alfred now issued his proclamation to 
his people, announcing his situation and 
hopes, and calling upon his people to meet 
him at a given place and day to prepare for 



THE SAXON KINGDOMS. 



249 



10 Palgrave's Anglo-Saxon, B. vi, p. 107, says 
that Alired h.ad there with him his moiher, Oshur- 
gha, but this is doubtful; for Ethelwulf, his father, 
when Altred was only about eig'ht 3'ears of age, 
married Judith, the daughter of Charles, the Bald, of 
France. Other historians say she was dead. IJut 
Palgrave (p. 92) says: "It must be that Ethelwulf; 
in order to make way for Judith, had put away Os- 
burgha, the mother of his children. This tact is not 
mentioned in express terms in our ancient historians, 
but Osburgha is noticed in a manner which cannot 
be explained by any other hypothesis." And this 
may be noticed as part of the evidence of the man- 
ors of the times. 



further action, and redeem their country 
from its oppressors. That place was Eg- 
bert's stone, on the verge of the forest of 
Selwood; "which, by the Welsh or British 
inhabitants of Somerset, who perhaps con- 
stituted the majority of the population, was 
called by the name of the great forest, or 
Coit il/«f.7-."ii Here he unfurled his 
standard, and the people of the whole coun- 
try joyfully rallied to his call, and /jealous- 
ly engaged in his good cause. 

Alfred was now ready for operation, and 
he was enthusiastically supported by the 
people. He soon organized his army, and 
advanced to a place called Ethandune in 
front of the enemy, on the Avon, and but a 
little distance below Chippenham, and 
within five months of the time he was de- 
feated at that place. A battle was inevita- 
ble, and Alfred addressed his men as Brit- 
ons had been often before addressed, when 
called upon to repel an invading foe, either 
Roman or Saxon ; and when perhaps they 
were told that it was the last opportunity 
of securing themselves from a disgraceful 
slavery. "The battle began by a flight of 
arrows. The English and British lances 
were next hurled against the Northmen, 
and when the missiles were expended the 
combatants engaged hand to hand." After 
a terrible conflict, a remnant of the Danes, 
under their chief, Guthrun, were compelled 
to seek refuge within their intrenchments, 
where they were closely besieged by Al- 
fred. Within fourteen days they found 
themselves without hopes of relief, and be- 
ing upon the point of starvation, they were 
compelled to accept the terms of surrender 
offered by Alfred. He saw a country large 
enough for both people, if they would re- 
sort to the peaceable pursuits of agricul- 
ture, instead of pillage and plunder. He 
also saw it was impossible to expel the 
Danes; he therefore oiYered to divide the 
island between them, they to take the east 
and he the west, "by a line stretching to 
the river Thames, and from thence to the 
waters of the Lea, and thence to its head 
waters ; thence straight to Bedford, and fin- 
ally going along the river Oure, and let 

II Palgrave's Anglo-Saxons, ch.vi, p. no. x Pic- 
torial Hist, of England, B. ii, ch. i, p. iji. 



^So 



THE SAXON PERIOD 



them end at Watling-Street " East of this 
was to be Dane-laugh, or their dominion, 
which would unite with Northumbria, 
which was already fully in their possession. 
This proposed treaty contemplated to sur- 
render to the Danes all the eastern part of 
England, but retaining to Alfred the west, 
including London. 

Alfred was suspicious of Guthrun's good 
faith and honest adherence to the terms of 
the treaty, and observing the peace. About 
a year previous, Guthrun with his Danes 
had taken Exeter, where he was soon after 
besieged by Alfred. He was compelled to a 
surrender as in this case ; and in his pagan 
manner made oath to observe the terms of 
that treaty and surrender, which Alfred 
found to be of little or no restraint upon 
his conduct or action. The Saxons gener- 
ally complained of the Danes as being des- 
titute of gtood faith, just as the Britons did 
ot the pagan Saxons. Alfred urged this 
want ot good faith upon Guthrun as a rea- 
son for hesitating to ratify the treaty. He 
iirged upon him to become a Christian, the 
propriety of their principles, and the obser- 
vance of good faith in treaties. Guthrun 
listened to these propositions and arguments 
with all the candor that a heathen would 
be supposed to be capable of, and consented 
to become a Christian and be baptized. 
This was done, and at his baptism and con- 
lirmation Alfred stood as Guthrun's god- 
father. 

This treaty was thus concluded between 
the parties, but much censured by many of 
the Saxons, because Alfred did not insist 
upon the Danes leaving England. But 
Alfred had wisdom enough to perceive 
that the other Danes, except those who 
were parties to the treaty, would have 
laughed to scorn its supposed binding force 
upon them; besides the Danes had com- 
mand of the sea, and could pour into the 
country their thousands of new recruits the 
next year. In fact, Alfred saw it was just 
as impossible for him to get? rid of the Danes 
in that manner as it was formerly for the 
Britons to accomplish the same thing with 
the Saxons. Alfred justly thought it 
the best policy for both people to settle 
down in peace in their respecti\e territory, 



[Book. iii_ 

and cultivate the arts of peace And so it 
was ; but then, what could be depended upon 
a people who loved war better than peace, 
and who were taught to believe that death 
in battle was the sure road to heaven .? 

But the treaty was in a great measure 
observed, and each party for a considerable 
time did much to observe its terms. Guth- 
run, as long as he lived, appears to have 
continued in peace and friendship with his 
godfather, and rendered to him that subjec- 
tion which was due from a \'assal to his 
lord. Guthrun settled in East Anglia, 
where he was king; and the whole of the 
country east of the treaty line was divided 
up between different Danish chieftains un- 
der their own government : and Northum- 
bria was already so. Peace prevailed for a 
while, and the country began to improve 
and recover from the eiiects of war and its 
desolation. In about eighteen years after 
this (A. D. 906) all this territory was re- 
covered from the Danish government by 
Edward the Elder, Alfred's son and suc- 
cessor. The people for a while seemed to 
enjoy the just reward of peace, and to be- 
come sensible of the dire effects of their 
own wars and their cruel barbarity. 

Alfred now proceeded to vigorously renew 
and restore the country to its wonted pros- 
perity in time of peace. He confided the west 
part of Mercia, which by the treaty remain- 
ed within his dominion, to his son-in-law, 
Ethelred Earl of Mercia, who had married 
his daughter Elfleda, to be governed sub- 
ject to his control. He soon proceeded to 
London, took possession of it as part of 
Mercia, and restored it to its former con- 
dition, by repairing its walls and battle- 
ments. 

But this state of affairs did not continue 
but a few years, before the Northmen again 
began to show their hostility. Though 
Guthrun, during his life, continued to ob- 
serve the terms of his treaty in good faith, 
he died in a few years, in the government 
of East Anglia; yet the Danes, as pirates 
and marauders, hovered on the sea about 
the coast of Britain and France, and often 
attacked various places for spoils and 
plunder. To meet the na\'al force of the 
Danes, Alfred proceeded to build a navy 



Chap III.] THE SAXON 

of his own.wiiich among the Saxons had 
been neglected for many years, and for 
that purpose sent into Wales for \vorkmen,i2 
where they, as Britons, had long beeh dis- 
tinguished as mechanics. He was soon 
able to send out a fleet capable to cope 
with the Danish pirates, and in some in- 
stances gained signal victories over them. 
The Northmen had troubled France in the 
same manner as they had Britain, and 
were now returning down the Seine from 
a siege of Paris. They first went to take 
St. Loo in Armorica, where the Bretons 
fought them; and driving them into the 
river, where many were drowned. They 
next collected a great army and a large 
fleet, v.ith a view of making a descent up- 
on England. They came with a fleet of 
250 ships (A. D. 890) and disembarked in 
the soutli of Kent. In the meantime Hast- 
ing, a notorious chieftain, with eighty ships 
and another part of their pagan forces, landed 
within the Thames^ and constructed a camp 
at Milton; but here he came to terms with 
Alfred, and solemnly swore he would never 
injure him in any manner. The king 
therefore showed him, his wife and chil- 
dren great favors, and were baptized, the 
king standing as godfather for one of them. 
Alfred thought these favors and solemn 
promises would secure the good faith of 
this disciple of Woden ; but it was not so, 
for Hasting was as faithless as ever. He 
merely changed his camp to Bamfleet; 
and thence issued forth to plunder the 
king's country-. Alfred stormed his in- 
trenchments, and took his wife, children 
and ships. He restored his wife and chil- 
dren to Hasting, for he had been their god- 
father, and hoped it would have good effect 
on his pagan enemy. But that was an act 
of generosity which he was incapable of 
appreciating. He collected his forces, went 
into the interior of Mercia, and for a time 
carried on a war of ravage and plunder in 
the heart of England. 

At the same time Allred was informed 
that the Danes had landed, and were be- 
sieging Exeter, and committing acts of dep- 
redation and plunder on the coast of Dev- 



12 This is so si.ated by Mr. Southie}' in his Naval 
Ittslory. 



KINGDOMS. 251 

onshire; and similar intelligence came 
from other quarters. Alfred was now per- 
plexed with various attacks of his enemies 
as formerly. Those in the interior proceed- 
ed west as far the Severn under the lead of 
Hastings. Ethelred, the earl ol Mercia, 
vigorously pursued him with his forces, and 
called upon his allies, the Cymry, for aid.i3 
These came with alacrity under the com- 
mand of the brave and gallant sons of Rhod- 
ri, uniting with the Saxons in the preserva- 
tion of their own country. The Danes 
were now beset by forces on both sides; 
and to save themselves they formed an in- 
trenched camp on the banks of the Severn. 
After being here besieged several weeks, 
having lived some time on horse flesh, and 
being on the point of starvation, they took 
the resolution of cutting their way out, 
which they accomplished by unexpectedly 
rushing with desperate force through the 
ranks of the Angles, avoiding those of the 
Cymry. They made their way back, with 
great loss, to their shipping in Essex. The 
next year Hastings, still full of enterprise 
in war and mischief, collected another large 
army, confided the care of their women, 
children and property to their Danish 
friends settled in the east, made a rapid 
march to the west across the whole island, 
took Chester by surprise, fortified and in- 
trenched it, together with the adjoining 
peninsula between the Dee and the Mer- 
cy. Alfred pursued them with his forces, 
laid siege to. Chester and their intrench- 
ments, but soon found that the Danes had 
fortified themselves with so much skill, 
that it soon became hopeless to reduce their 
w-orks. He therefore laid waste the coun- 
try round about there, and withdrew into 
Mercia. Forthwith, upon being relieved, 
Hastings and his hungry followers rushed 
into Gwynedd and plundered it ol whatever 
was valuable to them. He then returned, 
laden with spoils, to Chester; and finding 
his service being called for in the east, he 
proceeded thither with his army, around 
Alfred's position, through Northern Mer- 
cia and East Anglia to his Danish people 
in Essex. He next proceeded with his 
army and shipping up the Thames, and 



13 Florence of Worces., p. 83. 



252 



THE SAXON PERIOD 



then some distance up the Lea, where he 
secured himself in an intrenched camp with- 
in a few miles of London, with a view of 
plundering and living upon the country 
around it. The Londoners bravely sallied 
forth to attack them ; and heroically en- 
gaged them in battle, in which they were 
victorious, having slain many of the Danes 
and a number of their chiefs ; they drove 
them into and confined them to their forti- 
fied camp. Hither came Alfred (A. D. 
895) with his army, and besieged them. He 
found their intrenchments so strong that 
he had to make his approaches with great 
labor. He first diverted the waters of the 
Lea from where the Danish shipping were 
moored. This was so done as to leave the 
shipping stranded in the bottom of the 
river.i4 When Hastings and his Danes 
had discovered that their shipping had been 
rendered useless, he adopted a new resolu- 
tion, characteristic of his enterprising na- 
ture. He abandoned his shipping, and 
marched across the country to Bridgenorth 
near the Severn, in Shropshire, where they 
erected, in their usual manner, a strong 
fortified encampment for their winter quar- 
ters; again having confided the care of 
their families to their 'friends in East An- 
glia.15 In tlie meantime the citizens of 
London were active. They seized upon 
•what was left of the fortification and ship- 
ping on the Lea, destroyed all they found 
there, except the most valuable of the ship- 
ping, which' they took around to London, 
where they wei-e received with great tri- 
umph and rejoicing. 

For three years had Alfred now been 
particularly harrassed by new and succes- 
sive attacks of the Danes in almost every 
part of his dominions. They had landed 
in Kent and Sussex, and were ravaging 
and plundering the country. They had 
done the same in Devonshire, and they 



14 "He dug three deep channels from the Lea to the 

Thames, in order to lower- the level of the tributarv 
strear.i. So much was the water thus drawn of}, 
that where a ship might sail in times past, then a 
little boat might scarcely row, and the whole 
fleet of Hastings was left aground and rendered 
useless." — Ibid. 

j5 Henry of Hunt., B. V, p. 159; Palgrave's An- 
glo-Sax., ch. vi, p. 117; Turner's Anglo-Sax., B. iv, 
ch. xi, p. 37S; 1 Pictorial English History, B. ii, ch. 
'. P- '55- 



[Book III. 

were again besieging Exeter. The sea was 
swarming with their piratical ships, and 
none could tell where they would first land 
to rob and plunder. In the midst of all 
this Hastings had escaped from his hands 
when near London, and was now intrench- 
ed on the border of Wales. The Cymry 
there detested them as they formerly did 
the Saxons, and called them black stran- 
gers, {estr'buion du) whom the Cymry now 
found to be as implacable enemies as the 
Sciron had been. They readily joined their 
Anglo-Saxon neighbors again to expel 
these unwelcomed visitors. Hastings again 
crossed the island, much discouraged. The 
Danish army dispersed; one portion with- 
drew to the Danish settlemerits in East 
Anglia and Northumbria, while others, 
with Hastings, crossed over to France and 
settled among the Danes there; and Hast- 
ings, worn out in his active and pestilent 
life, and the opposition he met with in Brit- 
ain, never troubled it again. 

Allred had now a little more leisure to 
pursue those objects so near to his heart — 
the cultivation of his people in the arts of 
peace and humanity. He was, what \\as 
so uncommon among the Sa.xons of his 
day, by nature and taste fond of literature 
and study, and whatever tended to civiliza- 
tion and the improvement of humanity. 
He died at the age of fifty-three years, and 
had reigned thirty years; and during his 
reign no man in high position ever labored 
more earnestly or economized more time 
for the improvement of himself and people, 
and for the promotion of the general wel- 
fare of tlie country. Everything received 
his attention, from the education of his peo- 
ple to the building up the navy of the na- 
tion. The Saxons, after settling down in 
Britain, becam.e indiflerent of naval afiairs, 
which dwindled to nothing. But Alfred 
revived them, and Modern Britain is in- 
debted to him for laying the foundation of 
that which is their greatest security and 
glory. 

The reminiscence of Alfred has come 
down to us a legend or tradition of a most 
excellent character, not only as a superior 
sovereign, but also as a sage, and a man of 
extraordinary benevolence and humanity. 



Chap. 111.] 

We conceived him to be a person of ahnost 
an ideal perfection. And such undoubted- 
ly he was, to an extraordinary degree. B ut 
how much we are surprised, when we 



THE SAXON KINGDOMS. ^53 

subjects. As its natural consequence, such 
an organization had its tendency to treat 
the people and poor with indifference or 
contempt. It promoted a want of "aftabil- 



learn from historians, that in the early part ity towards the small," and fostered a spirit 

... ... .... ^r ^^„f«„,,..f t/->.iiToi-,^1c i'*hf> nnrir " and non- 



of his career his character did not so com 
port with that of the latter and greater part 
of his reign; for character generally be- 
longs to nature — is uniform and seldom 
changes. But that this change did take 
place in Alfred, is testified to by historians, 
and there can be no doubt of it.is Thierry 
says: "The rigor of Alfred toward the great 
[in their administration of justice] was not 
accompanied by affability towards the small ; 
he defended these, but he did not like them; 
their petitions and their appeals were dis- 
tasteful to him, and his house was closed 
against them."i7 And Turner says : "When 
we reflect that Alfred had, in the beginning 
of his reign, transgressed upon this point, 
he claims our applause for his noble self- 
correction [/. e. his subsequent reform]. It 
was highly salutary to his subjects; 'for,' 
says Asser, 'in all his kingdom the poor had 
no helpers, or very few besides him. The 
rich and powerful, engrossed with their own 
concerns, were inattentive to their inferiors. 
They studied their private, not the public 
good.' " 

This extraordinary change, in the char- 
acter of Alfred, is readily accounted fon 
by the natural effect that the suffering, ex- 
perience and discipline, that his forced re- 
tirement wrought upon him at Athelney. 
Previous to that time Alfred's education 
and experience, though without liturature 
and its culture, was the best afforded by 
that ignorant and benighted age. It was 
characterized by the governing Saxon aris- 
tocracy, which excluded from the govern- 
ment all princes and nobility who were not 
the descendants of Woden ; excluded from 
their society the great mass of the people. 
This induced the officers of the govern- 
ment to be proud, haughty and supercilious 
towards those who had no share in the 
government, but were its unconditional 



of contempt towards "the poor," and non- 
ofiicial. Alfred being a part of, and brought 
up among, such a people, it is no wonder 
that he was affected by that spirit of 
Wodenism, which even the meekness and 
affability of the Christian religion did not 
i-emove. But when his affliction and hum- 
ble experience at Athelney had brought 
him to realize the realities of human life, 
he was taught to feel and sympathize with 
his fellow man, and understand his wants 
and interest in humble fife, in a manner 
that the aristocratic ruler who claimed a 
family relation and descent from the divine 
Woden could not at all appreciate. But 
Alfred had by nature a fine and sympathet- 
ic heart, so uncommon in that family of 
men, that it required this experience and 
education only to bring it to its proper 
tone, which in its future action commanded 
the admiration of the world. He then could 
sympathize with the humble in life, and 
divide with the needy beggar hi.s only loaf 
of bread. This constitutes the difference 
in the chai-acter of Alfred before his retire- 
ment to Athelney, and that de\-eloped in 
the after twenty-five years of his noble life. 
This shows the value of such experience 
to those who are called upon to rule, as il- 
lustrated by Alfred, Washington, Lincoln 
and others ; and as the want of it in num- 
erous tyrants who have disgraced humanity 
and the world. 

After his restoration Alfred exerted him- 
self in every manner possible to improve 
himself, his people and country. In that 
illiterate and ignorant age, the education of 
Alfred in literature and science had been 
neglected. Like that of the age, his had 
been confined, and depended upon his in- 
tercourse with the men of the world. '^ He 



!6 Asser's Lite of Alfred, in Bohn's Lib. Six Old 
Chron.,6i; i Turner's Anglo-Sax., B. v, ch. vi, p. 
476; 1 Thierry's Norman Conquest, B. ii, pp. 66, 67. 

17 Thierry, ut supra, who cites his authorities. 



iS 1 Turner's Anglo-Saxon, B. v, ch. i, p. 3S6. 
"When Alfred betjun his own education he had not 
only lo find the stimulus in himself, to cherish it in 
opposition to the iireiudice and practice of his ;;"""- 
Irymen, and to search out his own means, but he had 
also to struggle against difficulties which would' 
have extinguished the iniant desire in a mind of less 
enero-y. * * * The Ang!o-Sa.\on language had 
been'^al this period very little applied to the purposes 



254 



THE SAXON PERIOD. 



now did all in his power to retrieve his 
neglected education, and devoted as much 
as possible of his leisure hours to the culti- 
vation of literature and science, and acquir- 
ed for himself the laudable appellation of a 
self educated man. For the purpose of 
aiding him in this, he called around him 
some of the very few learned men of that 
age; and his liberal sentiments, and ab- 
sence of that national prejudice so common 
to the ignorant and disgraceful to our na- 
ture; he sought h-om other countries those 
masters who were able to render him that 
aid which he so fervently desired. Accor- 
dingly there came to his aid : — from France, 
Grimbald, the Frenchman, the priest and 
monk, "adorned with every moral excel- 
lence, and skilled in vocal music;" from 
the learned men collected on the continent, 
Johannes, or John the Irishman, whose 
great intellect was "acquainted with all the 
treasures of literature, versed in manv 
languages, and accomplished in many arts ;" 
from Wales, Asser, the Cymro, known to 
his countrymen as Geraint Bardd Glas 
bishop of St. Asaph who then presided over 
the great college at Menevia, and bore the 
highest reputation for his intelligence, learn- 
ing and piety. This sage became Alfred's 
Wiost intimate friend and counselor — his 
historian and biographer.^ With such 
anxious care and assiduity did Alfred seek 
his own education, and in the midst of the 
most arduous attention to the interest of 
his government, and to the continued hos- 
tilities of the Danes. Nor did he neglect 
any matter connected with the government 
or interest of the country or their improve- 



of literature. * * * The hostilities of the North- 
men auarmented every obstacle; on every occasion 
they burnt the books wliich had been collected, and 
destroyed the men who could use them, in their pro- 
miscuous persecution of the Christian clcrg-y." 

10 See Turner's Ang-lo-Saxon, B. v, ch. i, p. 3SS, 
where he gives an interesting- account oi Asser, and 
his bioi^aphy of Alfred. "The merit of Asser 
reached the king's ear, which was open to every 
rumor of extraordinary merit. 'I was called by the 
king-,' says this plain,' but interesting- biographer, 
'from the western extremities of Wales. I" accom- 
panied ray conductors to Sussex, and first saw him 
in the royal city of Dene. I was benignly received 
by him. Amongst other conversation, he asked me 
earnestly to devote m3'self to his service, and to be- 
come his companion. He requested me to leave all 
my preferments beyond the Severn, and he promised 
to compensate them to me bv greater possessions.' 
Asser expressed a hesitation 'at quitting without ne- 
cessity, and merely for profit, the place where he had 



[Book III- 

ment, by his devotion to literature and 
science, and his own cultivation ; for all 
these were made subservient, in the due 
division of his time, to the best interest of 
his people, and to the progress of the com- 
mon welfare of humanity. 

Another of the great qualities of Alfred, 
so unusual in that age, was his strong de- 
sire and labors to promote peace, honest 
dealing an^d good faith, between his gov- 
ernment and that of his neighbors. He 
labored in good faith to protect and main- 
tain the treaty made between him and 
Guthrun; still the other Danes continued 
to trouble him the whole of his life, but 
was gradually declining as the good of his 
polic}- towards them became more and 
more apparent. But it was with the An- 
cient Britons, the C_\-mry, that this nation- 
al liberalitj- and justice was the most ob- 
vious. Between him and them war seems 
to cease to exist. This to the Saxons and 
Danes would appear very strange; for to 
them war would seem to be the normal 
condition of man, for their religion of 
Woden taught and inculcated it, so that it 
was difficult for even the Christian religion 
to eradicate it. Through Asser the good 
and pacific policy of Alfred was m.ade 
known to his people. Its good eftects be- 
came immediately manifest. They were 
found now to be in character just as Taci- 
tus and Agricola had testified to nearly 
eight hundred years previous; that the 
Britons were peaceably inclined, and when 
well treated easily governed, and readily 
performed all duties ; but when injured or 
oppressed with injustice, were terrible in 
their indignation. This character holds 



been nourished, and taken orders. Alfred replied, 
'If this will not suit you, accommodate me with at 
least half of your lime. Be with ine six months, and 
pass the rest in Wales.' Asser declined to engage 
himself, lill he had consulted his friends." This was 
so arranged with tlie consent of his countrymen, and 
he became the most devoted friend of Alfred, who 
conferred upon him many honors and possessions; 
and among other preferments made him bishop of 
Sherburn, where a large portion of the people were 
descendants of the Ancient Britons, and called by the 
Saxons Welsltkitid. The king gave him Exeter, 
with all the parish belonging to it in Saxonj- and 
Cornwall. "Asser.states the donations with which 
Alfred remunerated his attachifient. No eloquence 
can do more honor to any human character, than this 
unadorned narration. The condescension, benigni- 
ty, the desire of iinprovement, and the wise liberal- 
ity of Alfred, are qualities so estimable, as to insure 
tHe veneration of every reader." 



Chap. III.] 



THE SAXON KINGDOMS. 



255 



good to all Britons of the present day, 
whether they be known as Welsh, English 
or Scotch. 

Asser's announcement to his countrymen, 
and especially his appointment as bishop 
among his countrymen in Devon, Somer- 
set and Cornwall, had their effect in con- 
vincing them of Alfred's good faith and 
honest intention. The distinction between 
the two nationalities as called by Asser 
Briiania and Saxo/n'a, may be noticed as 
evidence of the old distinction still exist- 
ing. But with Alfred's liberal and just 
policy, the people for once were forgetting 
their just animosity, and fast assimilating 
as one people, as they really have within 
the century past, by the exercise of the 
same rational and just policy. 

The effect of Alfred's policy upon the 
Britons, the Cymry, is well stated by Miss 
Jane Williams in her history of Wales, and 
as I believe it to be just and true, I take 
the liberty to transcribe it here: "The ap- 
prehension of the Welsh being soothed by 
the moderation of his demands, by abstain- 
ing from infringements upon the Cymric 
soil, and by treating them with -confidence 
as brave and friendly coadjutors, he won 
and retained their real affection. The ex- 
perience of his justice, his faithfulness, and 
his martial prowess incited the district 
kings of the Cymry to appeal to him from 
the encroachments of his Mercian deputy 
and from the despotism of their own sov- 
ereigns. Even the redoubtable six sons of 
Rhodri sought his favor; and Anarawd, as 
the paramount sovereign of Wales, was 
accepted to be a direct tributary of the king 
of Wessex, without the intervention of 
Mercia, to which he had previously been 
subjected, and on the same terms of fealty 
and dependence as those by which Earl 
Ethelred held Mercia — ever obnoxious to 
the Cymry because its wide western border 
had been torn away from them. The high- 
est courtesy of England was usually shown 
under the Teutonic kings in some religious 
ceremony, king Alfred therefore acted as 
king Anarawd's sponsor in the rite of con- 
firmation." 

During the latter part of Alfred's reign 
he was more troubled by the Danish ship- 



ping and piracies, than the army by land" 
He therefore made great exertion to in- 
crease his navy so as to meet and conquer 
them on the sea. In this he was very suc- 
cessful. He had great genius for invention 
and improvements, and he is credited with 
having produced many ; but in regard to 
his navy he ordered many improvements 
of great value and success, in Avhich w-as 
adopted whatever had been found the most 
valuable in the former Roman navy. This 
rendered him successful and superior 
against the Danes on the sea. 

The great exertion made by Alfred to 
improve his people and covmtry ; the pro- 
gress he was making in literature, arts and 
science ; his strict administration of the law 
and justice; and his liberality in matters of 
charity, as well as in his dealings both with 
his own people and those of his neighbor- 
ing countries, raised him to the summit of 
fame in his own time, and inade him one 
of the most renowned and deserving sover- 
eigns of any age or country. His kind and 
liberal policy towards all of the various 
people of the island, would soon have pro- 
duced an union of all as one people under 
a consolidated government; but as soon as 
he had departed, the old policy, of war and 
conquest, and subjection to tribute and tax- 
ation for the benefit of others, was renewed 
as the only policy then known or appre- 
ciated. 

In A. p. 901 Alfred departed this life,20 
and iTiimediately the void left was felt 
throughout the island. No longer was his 
policy appreciated or understood, or a head 
or heart found capable of carrying it out. 
The system of mutual benefits, and recip- 



20 In I Pictorwl History of England, p. 15S, it is 
s;ii(.l of Alfred: "His many labors in the coast, the 
camp, the field, the hall of justice, the study, must 
have been prodiifious; and our admiration of this 
wonderful man is increased by the well established 
fact, that .all these exertions were made in spite of 
the depressintf intiuences of physical pain and con- 
stant b;id health. In his ear!)' j-ears he was severely 
afflicted by a disease, which only left him at about 
twenty vears of ai;e, to be replaced by another, still 
more tormenting- malady, which baffled all medical 
skill of the age. * * * This malady never left 
him till the day of his death, which it must have has- 
tened. He expired in the fifty-third year of- his 

age, and was buried at Winchester." This sad ca- 
lamity came upon his people while he was in the 
prime of his official usefulness, and while they might 
reasonably hope, according to the ordinary course of 
nature, that he might be left to them twenty years 
longrer. 



THE SAXON PERIOD 



rocity, in the government and intercourse 
of two or more states in the same country 
or territory, was an idea beyond the con- 
ception of the age, unless it was in the 
mind of the departed sovereign. 

At that time East AngHa, the northeast 
part of Mercia, and the whole of Northum- 
bria, was under the rule of the Danes; 
north of that, including Strath Clyde and 
Scotland, was under the rule of independ- 
ent princes, and so was Cumbria. Wales 
was under the rule of its ov.ti kings and 
princes, and these were the sons of Rhodri, 
or Roderic the Great, of whom Anarawd, 
the hereditary king of Gwynedd, was the 
paramount sovereign of all Wales, by the 
tjlection of their general assembly. Corn- 
wall was under its own kings, as tributaries 
to Wessex. All the residue of the island, 
now included in England, was under the 
rule of Alfred. 

Edward, the son of Alfred, came to the 
throne of V/essex with all the advantage 
of being the successor of so renowned a fath- 
er. His reign was comparatively success- 
ful, but more resembling the former kings 
of his country than that of Alfred. He 
sustained with vigor the supremacy of 
Wessex over the other states constituting 
his government, although his right was 
contested by his nephew, a son of Alfred's 
older brother, which brought on a war, in 
which he joined the Danes against iiis un- 
cle and country. Mercia had been placed 
by Alfred under the government of Ethel- 
red, the elderman, his son-in-law, who had 
married his daughter, Ethelfleda, who gov- 
erned it as subordinate sovereigns; but the 
Saxons were scrupulous in calling her the 
queen, and therefore denominated her the 
Lady of Mercia. Her husband soon after 
died, and she continued to govern Mercia, 
with great vigor and success, more after 
the manner and policy of her father, Al- 
fred, until her death in 920; when Mercia 
also came into the possession of Edward 
•without a subordinate sovereign. In the 
meantime Edward had hostilities with the 
Danes settled in England, as well as with 
those who continued their piracy on the 
sea; in the course of which he recovered 
and subjected to his dominion East Anglia, 



[Book m. 

and all south of Northumbria. 

This Edward, called the Elder, died in 
A. D. 925, after a successful and prosper- 
ous reign as compared with the kings of 
the Heptarch}-, except Alfred; and was 
succeeded by his son Athelstane, a still 
greater and more prosperous sovereign 
than his father. He prosecuted a strenuous 
war against all the suri'ounding states 
which did not readily submit to his terms 
and sovereignty; for his policy was not a 
peaceful and conciliatory one, like that of 
Alfred, biit one of coercion and consolida- 
tion. 

This first demonstration was against the 
Danes, who continued to govern North- 
uiTiberland; and reduced that to be a paVt 
of his own dominion, and not a separate 
Danish state. He next turned his atten- 
tion to his relation with Wales. At 
that time the paramount sovereign of Wales 
was Howel Da, or Howel the Good. It is 
said that Athelstane summoned all the vas- 
sal or tributar}' kings west of the Severn 
to meet him at Hereford ; and accordingly 
Howel and Owen, king of Monmouth, with 
other tributary kings, met him there. Owen 
made his coinplaint, and claimed a district 
which had been recently taken from him 
by the Mercians. At this meeting all the 
tributary kings met there were received 
and considered members of the king's 
Great Council, or Witangemot. Howel 
was anxious that this claim of Owen 
should produce no hostilities, and be set- 
tled peaceably, suggested that the claim 
should be determined and settled by the 
meeting as the king's parliament. By com- 
mon consent this was done b}' this assem- 
^bly as the representatives of the inhabitants 
of Great Britain; and it was thus deter- 
mined that, for the future, the ri\-er Wye 
should be the eastern boundary of South 
Wales. This perhaps was the best effort 
ever made at that day towards a peaceable 
and harmonious settlement, and consolida- 
tion of the kingdom. 

Some difficulty having taken place in 
Devon, the king's attention was called 
there. The population of the peninsula 
west of the Avon was principally the de- 
scendants of the Ancient Britons, but with- 



THE yAXON KLXGDOMS. 



Chap. III. I 

in Ihe government of Wcssex east of the 
river Tamar — west of that they were still 
under their own tributary king. In the 
midst of that population was tlie cit}- of 
Exeter; which was said to be a free city, 
and was inhabited by both people — Britons 
and Saxons. It is probable that these two 
people occupied different parts of the same 
city, and governed by their respective mag- 
istrates. Some misunderstanding took 
place, and Athelstane permitted the Brit- 
ons to be expelled and take refuge with 
their brethren west of the Tamar. It is 
probable that those thus expelled included 
only the official and ruling part of the 
British community, and did not include 
those who chose peaceabl\- to remain and 
come under the Saxon laws ; yet William 
Malmesburg speaks of the transaction as a 
very laudable one; and deems the city to 
have been thereb}- cleansed of a "contamin- 
ated race." Undoubtedly so; for it ^\as 
vei-y natural to consider them as a "con- 
taminated race," who were so tenacious of 
their rights — so obstinate, and difficult to 
be robbed of their propertv and liberty. 
But strange it is that Alfred did not enter- 
tain the same opinion of Asser and his 
countrymen who were with him, whom he 
held in such high estimation as to have 
made Asser bishop of this same part of the 
country. 

In A. D. 937 great events took place to 
try the power and capacity of Athelstane. 
The Danes of Northumbria became dis- 
satisfied with their condition, and anxious 
to throw off their Saxon government. For 
this purpose a general call was made to 
come to the rescue; and a general rush 
was made froin all the sources of Danish 
and Northinen people. A Danish chief- 
tain known by various names, as 01a\-e, or 
Aulat", or Olaf, had been a successful ad- 
venturer; had taken Dublin in Ireland and 
maintained a successful rule over the coun- 
try in its vicinity. This chieftain came 
around with the fleet at his command; the 
pirates and ad\-enturers in all directions 
flocked to him, so that he was able to en-^ 
ter the mouth of the Ilumber with a fleet 
or six hundred and twentv sails. 21 This 



257 



..'s Antf!o-Sa-\oas, ch. x, p. 17;. 



show and his popularity carried all before 
him. The native sovereigns of the neigh- 
boring territories were induced to unite 
with them, with the hopes of liberating 
themselves from Saxon rule, and bettering 
their condition under the fair promises 
made to them. All the Cymry of the 
north — those of Cumbria, Strath-Clyde, 
and the Picts and Scots of Scotland — were 
easily persuaded into this alliance to rid 
themselves of those they considered to have 
been their oppressors. In the north, the 
Wessex power and authority were soon 
o\-erturned. But Athelstane with great 
energ_v and expedition collected all the force, 
and power of South Britain to meet this 
crisis ; in which he appears to ha\'e been 
very successful. He was at Brunnabuvgh 
or perhaps Brambaugh, in the neighbor- 
hood of Aulaf, with his forces, with that 
expedition, which took the latter by sur- 
prise ; but who was soon able to assenTble 
his forces, including his northern and west- 
ern allies, and prepare for the contest, 
which he must have expected to be decis- 
ive. Aulat", hoping to gain by surprise, 
made a bold midnight attack; which Ath- 
elstane met with his usual courage and 
vigilance. When the sun arose the fury 
of the battle had begun; and the conflict, 
which lasted all day with the greatest fury 
on both sides, terminated in a total .defeat 
of the allies, who were entirely routed. On 
their side fi\-e kings and seven of their great 
earls had fallen in the strife; — Constantine, 
the king of the Scots, making his way home, 
mourning the loss of his son. 

This very great battle and victory has 
been a theme upon \\hich the Englisli his- 
torians have dilated with great satisfacti<.n, 
and raised him in liigh estimation among 
his neighbors on the continent, as well as 
with the vassal kings in Britain, who were 
readily brought to their former allegiance. 
He became popular, and alwaj-s bore the 
reputation of being generous and charita- 
ble. Like Alfred, his bearing and conduct 
towards the C\ mry was such as to over- 
come their just prejudices against the Sax- 
ons. When the Northmen invaded Armo- 
rica, and the Bretons flying for a refuge, 
Athelstane kindlj- aftbrded them a hospita- 



258 



THE SAXON PERIOD. 



We asjlum among their kindred people in 
Devon and Cornwell ; and he became the 
sponsor of the infant Alan, grandson of the 
Breton sovereign. When he became of age 
he was permitted to assemble his einigrant 
Bretons, and return with them in a success- 
ful expedition, in which Alan was enabled to 
take possession of Dol and St. Brien, by 
means of which this foster son of Athel- 
stane was restored to his throne. Athel- 
stane, however, well knew that these acts 
of kindness would not be lost upon the 
grateful and susceptible hearts of the Cym- 
ry. These matters rendered the reign of 
this great sovereign successful and peacea- 
ble to the end of his life, which expired A. 
D. 940. It is said that he was the first of 
the Saxon kings who, on account of the ex- 
tent and character of his dominion, received 
the title of the king of England instead of 
that of Wessex. 

The Cymry in Cumbria and Strath-Clyde 
during this time were generally under the 
government of their own princes, but sub- 
ordinary or tributary to the Saxon or 
Danish rulers of England. They were 
much encroached upon by Danes and Scots 
from Ireland settling among them, by 
ineans of which they have become some- 
what distinguishable from those of Wales. 
In the latter countrj', we are in one of their 
interesting periods of their history — that of 
Howel the Good, or Howel Da. 

In A. D. 915 Anarawd, the king of 
Gwynedd by inheritance, and supreme 
sovereign of all Wales, and of the Bretons 
by the national election, died; having been 
preceded in their position by his father, 
Roderic the Great; and was succeeded by 
his son Idwal, surnamed Foel (the Bald), 
as king of Gwynedd; and Howel ab Cadell, 
(or Howel Da) was king of Dehenbarth 
and Powys by birthright, and was elected 
supreme sovereign of all Wales — Brenhin 
Penraith — in accordance with law and cus- 
tom. It is supposed that the character of 
Howel must have had a potent influence 
upon Idwal, to induce him to subniit to the 
election of Howel without opposition ; and 
see the supreme sovereignty transferred 
from his family, who had received so many 
distinctions from Alfred the Great, to a 



[Book III 

younger branch of the descendants of 
Rhodri Mawr. But the matter was peace- 
ably settled, and Howel set himself earn- 
estly to work, peaceably, to promote the 
true interest of his people and country. 

Howel's first official intercourse with 
the Saxon government was with Edward 
the Elder and his sister, the "Lady of Mer- 
cia." With these Howel was able to keep 
upon toleVably good terms. At one time 
the Lady Ethelfleda was called upon to 
subdue the claims set up by Owen, a su- 
bordinate king in the valley of the Wye. 
This being accomplished, she proceeded, in 
accordance with her usual policy and that 
ot Ahred her father, to secure her posses- 
sions by castles and tbrtifications erected 
in every important place in her dominion, 
lor its protection and security ; and her 
territory on the boi'ders of Wales and in 
the valley of the Severn was especially 
cared for in the same manner. For this 
purpose Chester, Bridgenorth and other 
strongholds were strongly fortified; and 
able to cut oft" all easy communication be- 
tween the Cymry of Cambria and their 
brethren in the north — in Cumbria and 
Strath -Clyde. 

Howel, during an administration of 
thirty-three years, labored with great skill 
and judgment to preserve peace, both in 
his own country and with his neighbors. 
His success was great, and his country un- 
der his rule was rendered prosperous and 
happy. The increase of production of 
every kind became so great, that every one 
apparently was becoming wealthy and 
poverty unknown. This according to the 
policy and maxims of that day with their 
surrounding neighbors, was only creating 
a temptation for others to make a raid up- 
on them, and return from thence with rich 
booty. Howel, with his wisdom and 
sound policy, was able to preserve peace 
with b.is Saxon neighbors, but not so with 
the surrounding Danes. In A. D. 91S, in 
particular, though such visits were fre- 
quent, a large fleet, bearing a large Danish 
army, passed along the western and south- 
ern shore of Wales, and landing wherever 
the surprise would permit them, for the 
purpose of ravaging and plundering the 



Chap ni.j 

country. Thev proceeded up the estuary 
of the Severn, without any serious opposi- 
tion — tor they kept out of its way — and 
taking plunder and booty on both sides. 
; Elated by this success, they were led far up 
the Severn until the men of Hereford and 
Gloucester had time to collect and meet 
them. A battle ensued in which the Danes 
were terribly worsted and punished, and 
they escaped with difficulty, and their num- 
bers much reduced. These raids of the 
Danes into Wales were frequent, and some- 
times they were the cause of much lighting 
and severe battles. But in them the Danes 
resorted to every means to plunder and 
gain booty. In one of these they took a 
British bishop as a prisoner, and demanded 
ransom, for which £40 were paid. 

Every means of improving and bettering 
the condition of his people and country 
were looked to and sought for with avidity 
by Howel. Nothing, that Avas known at 
that day, available for this purpose, was 
left by him vmtried. Like Justinian and a 
few other great sovereigns, he was anxious 
to give his people a good Cotle of laws. 
This laudable object engaged much of his 
attention and exertion. To this end he 
called to his aid, at his residence, at Ty 
Gwvn ar Daf, (The White-house on the 
Taff), the archbishop, principal ecclesiastics 
of the country, and nobility of Cambria, 
with six of the wisest and most learned 
men from each cwmwd (township), to con- 
sider and advise with him upon the subject 
of his proposed code. After many days 
spent in considering" the matter, and in re- 
ligious exercises, in invoking the aid of 
God's Holy Spirit, in retbrming the laws 
and customs of tiie country, in such man- 
ner as would best promote the welfare, 
peace and happiness of the people. 

When this meeting was closed, Howel 
appointed a commission to form such code, 
consisting of twelve of his most learned 
and experienced men, at the head of which 
was placed Blegwyrd, chancellor of Llan- 
dofl", a person distinguished for learning, wis- 
dom and piety, and which were charged with 
the labor of composing such code, by se- 
lecting tVom the ancient laws and customs 
:.nd making such changes as the interest 

'7 



THE SAXON KINGDOMS. 



259 



and welfare of the people then required- 
This was done, and it produced one of the 
most noted literary productions in relation 
to law and codifitation of that age. Great 
pains were taken to make it accurate and 
satisfactory. Copies were made; and for 
the purpose of giving it greater sanctity 
and authority, Howel was desirous it should 
receive the sanction and commendation of 
the Pope. For this purpose he proceeded 
to Rome, (A. D. 926), with a large retinue 
of distinguished men, where it was recited 
to the Pope in a Latin version, and re- 
ceived his confirmation. It was also ap- 
proved and ratified by the great national 
council at home; and made the general law 
of all the provinces of Cymru. All viola- 
tion of it was to be denounced by church 
and state; and no alteration, except by the 
consent of an assembly as numerous as 
that by which it had been enacted. 

The preamble to this code declares that 
Howel found the ancient laws of Britain, 
of Dyfnwal Moelmud, more excellent than 
any other, and therefore made them the 
basis of his own. The body of the code 
is divided into three parts : the first related 
to the organization of the government, — 
the rights and duties of the king, his court^. 
and officers; the second, to the common- 
wealth, — the rights and duties of Individ' 
uals, the domestic relations, and the right 
and protection of private property ; and 
third, to the administi-ation of the law and 
justice in regard to all the previous matters. 

This code specially designated the rights 
and duties of the king as sovereign ; such 
as the exclusive right to coin money, the 
duty to command the army, to preserve 
the peace, and see that justice was admin- 
istered. It prescribed the officers, and the 
number of persons constituting his admin- 
istration, court and household, with Their 
rights and duties. 

The rights and duties of pri\ ate persons 
were well guarded and protected, a>. well 
in their private as in their social relations 
as husband and wife, parent and child, 
master and servant; and protected to every 
man certain property, necessary to his wel- 
fare and support, from levy and execution, 
so that the fai'nier, tlie inec-hanic, riie arti- 



26o 



THE SAXON PERIOD. 



[Book 111. 



san and the scholar, should not be deprived 
of the necessarv implements of his pi'ofes- 
sion, "or the man unmanned." 

In the administration of justice it pro- 
vided, that the judges should hold cx)urts 
in the several provinces of the country, 
and that every cantref and cwmwd should 
be entitled to its local judge. All crimes 
and offences were declared to be punished, 
and their several penalties fixed. 

To this code were annexed those ancient 
ti-iads, which were principles and maxims 
in the administration of the law, and the 
dispensation of justice and equity; so as to 
protect the freedom, rights and liberty of 
every man in accordance with the due ad- 
ministration of the law. These ancient 
inaxims clearly pointed out the distinction 
between the legislative, the executive, and 
the judicial duties of the government, and 
kept them distinct. The code also clearly 
recognizes these distinctions and the prin- 
ciples upon which it is founded, Avith this 
exception : that all causes concerning the 
inheritance of land should be heard by the 
king in person, or in case of sickness or 
inability, by his special commissioner. 
This exception, contrary to the ancient 
maxim of the British law, that the dispen- 
sation of justice should be by the judge, 
separate and distinct Irom the executive 
department of the government; -and in an- 
cient times the office of judge was per- 
fof-med by the druids; and this exception 
was undoubtedly introduced into the code, 
by the influence of the example of the 
English fudal law which made their king 
the source of all title to land ; and the ex- 
ception was intended to enable the king to 
place the title to land, when in dispute, in 
the hands of his friend instead of hi.s ene- 
my; and in this, the ancient sound princi- 
ples of justice Avere violated.22 

Athelstane ended his reign and life in A. 
D. 940, and the good llowel continued his 
eight years longer, to the great advantage 
and prosperity of his people and country. 
His influence and peaceful policy produced 
so happy an effect in the increase of tlie 

22 See Ancient Laws und Institutions of Wales. 
published by the Record Commission of England in 
1S41, 



population and wealth of the country, and 
in the prosperity and happiness of the peo- 
ple, that some began to suppose that the 
soil itself had become more productive. 
The only drawback to this general success 
was the continued attacks and depredations 
made by the Danes upon various parts of 
the country. They ravaged and plundered 
the coutjtry, wherever they foxmd they 
could. But generally they were vigorously 
met and repelled. They were never able 
to obtain a footing and make settlements in 
Cambria, as they were in other parts of the 
island. Howel being the supreme sover- 
eign, the numerous sons of Anarawd and 
Idwal, the former sovereigns, were subor- 
dinate kings and princes of the various 
provinces into which the country was di- 
vided. Many of these were slain in various 
battles which took place in repelling the 
Danes. Their efforts in thus defending 
their country were always meritorious and 
gallant. The great merit and influence of 
Howel during the w-hole of his time was 
able to keep down and settle all conflicting 
claims and hostilities between the various 
princes, provinces, and their people, as to 
the right of succession and other matters 
in dispute, which so often occurred amongst 
all people, where they are not definitely- 
settled by law and constitutional principles. 

J52. — From the Death of Athehtone to the 
Norman Conquest. (A. D. 940 — 1066.) 

Tliat part of Britain which heretofore has 
been known as the Heptarchy, and of late 
generally ruled by the king of Wessex as 
its supreme power, and at last consolidated 
into one kingdom and governnient by Ath- 
elstane, may be hence known by the name 
of England. Upon the death of Athelstane 
he was succeeded by his brotlier Edmund 
I, who, in the course of a reign of seven 
years, conducted vigorous measures against 
the Danes, and the Cymry of North Brit- 
ain. ."Some difficidty took place between 
Edmimd and Idwal Foel, the subordinate 
king of Gwynedd, which Howel, the su- 
preme sovereign, was unable peaceably to 
control, and Edmund attacked Gwynedd 
with an auxiliary of Danes, in which Id- 



Chap. III.] 

wal and his brothers were slain ; but which 
enrfed without the English king taking 
any more territory from Cambria. 

In A. D. 945 Edmund waged war against 
the Northern Cjmry of Strath-Clyde and 
Cumbria, in which he was successful in 
ravaging the country and bringing the peo- 
ple to his subjection, which he turned over 
in vassalage to Malcolm, king of Scotland ; 
and these provinces were for many years 
thereafter governed by a prince of Scot- 
land as vassal of England; but otherwise 
very much as the heir to the British crown 
is made prince of Wales. The next year 
after this conquest Edmund, "the magnifi- 
cent," was slain by a vile and obtrusive 
robber at a festival upon the revelry of a 
holiday by the English people. He was 
succeeded by another brother, 94S, Edred ; 
and he by his nephew Edwy, in 955. These 
several clwmges and successions produced 
no great alteration in the condition of Brit- 
ain, except what will be noticed in the next 
chapter. But as to Cambria, there occurred 
a period of about fifty years, (948 — 992) 
from the death of Howel the Good to the 
accession of Idwal ab Monrlg, in which 
the country suifered much by wars of all 
kinds, with Danes, the English, and dis- 
sensions amongst their own princes, a very 
large number of whom were slain in these 
wars, who seemed more ambitious to earn 
the reputation of a gallant soldier than a 
great and beneficent ruler like Howel the 
Good. The continued war and enemies 
with which they were surrounded had a 
natural tendency to produce this result. 
The wars they were compelled to encoun- 
ter in those rude times tended more to 
make them brave and skillful warriors rath- 
er than able statesmen;, as was the case 
throughout Europe, in this dark period in 
history. 

Edwy died in A. D. 958, and was suc- 
ceeded by his brother Edgar, who was 
quite a young man, of a mixed and doubt- 
ful character, but who managed by the aid 
of able and vigorous ministers to rule 
Southern Britain for seventeen years, with 
very great success; and brought it to the 
height of prosperity for that day. He was 
•called Edgar the Pacific ; and during his 



THE SAXON KINGDOMS. 



261 



reign there is hai-dly any evidence of a war, 
yet such obedience was rendered to him as 
had never been enjoyed by any other Sax- 
on king. His first display was to meet his 
old British neighbors and make himself 
sure to be right with them. For this pur- 
pose he ordered his large navy consisting 
of five thousand vessels, it is said, to pro- 
ceed around the south end of the island to 
meet him at Chester; and thither he him- 
self proceeded by land with a numerous 
army. On his arrival there was performed 
one of the most splendid pageantries of the 
day. Around his tlirone were assembled 
all the vassal kings and princes of the island ; 
among them were Kenneth, king of the 
Scots; Malcolm, the son of Kenneth, king 
of Cumbria; Maccus, the Dane king of 
Mona and the Isles; then the kings of the 
Britons, Dyfuwall, Sifeth and Idwal, and 
the kings of Galloway and Westmere 
stand amidst their compeers. All these 
appear before king Edgar, and take their 
feudal and vassal oath, in accordance with 
the form of that institution. On the next 
morning Edgar and his vassals entered the 
royal baige, moored in the Dee,* in front 
of the palace. Edgar took the helm, >nd 
each of the royal vassals an oar, they made 
their way across the Dee to the monastery 
of St. John. After divine service had been 
celebrated there, the baa-ge, with Edgar and 
his royal party, was rowed back to the pal- 
ace in the same manner; with the glory of 
king Edgar being helmsman, and each 
oarsman a king. 

This triumphant feat of Edgar wan his 
alone — and was never repeated. It may 
have had the effect, by its eclat, to harmon- 
ize the discordant elements of his kingdom; 
and aided in rendering pacific the residue 
of Edgar's reign. 

There was no special event that particu- 
larly distinguished the prosperous reign of 
Edgar. It was a prosperous and progress- 
ive reign, of fifteen years of peace and suc- 
cess. No person so distinguished and 
characterized that age as he who acted as 
the principal minister of Edgar. This was 
Dunstan, the archibishop of Canterbury. 

( Palgiave'.s Anpflo-Saxons, ch. xii, p. 308. 



262 



THE SAXON PERIOD 



He was distinguished for learning and ca- 
pacity of every kind. He had been a dis- 
tinguished and prominent person during 
six reigns, from Edmund I. to Etheh-ed the 
Unready, including a period of sixty years 
in the midst of disturbances and distrac- 
tions of every kind. He was the Wolsey 
of his age; but between him and Wolsey, 
though in position and in many respects 
they resembled each other, there was a 
striking difference. Dunstan was of an 
aristocratic and royal descent, which was 
necessai-y in tliose Saxon times, in order to 
acqviire a position amongst their nobility ; 
and yet he was rough, rude and harsh. 
Wolsey was a plebian — the son of a butch- 
er — yet he possessed all the learning and 
acquirements of his day, with much of the 
refinement and elegance of the aristocracy ; 
and was much nearer in character and 
manners to a modern Briton, while Dun- 
stan represented that of a Saxon. Both 
were devoted to the church, the exaltation 
of its power, and the importance of their 
clerical position. Dunstan despised per- 
sonal wealth, because he deemed it unne- 
cessary to the advancement of his native 
powers ; while Wolsey coveted it, as means 
to enhance the attraction of his natural 
powers, and to gratify the gaze of the mul- 
titude. Both loved power, and exercised 
it with princely authority but little subor- 
dinate to their royal masters. Dunstan 
was distinguished, amongst other matters, 
for his exertion to enforce the celibacy of 
the clergy, and to make them a distinct 
class of the people. In this he had a hard 
task, and a slow progress ; but as one of 
Edgai"'s great ministers, the prosperity of 
the reign wes, undoubtedly in a great 
measure, due to the vigor and capacity of 
Dunstan. 

Another incident in the reign of Edgar 
is characteristic of the people and age. Ed- 
gar was much of a gallant and libertine. He 
had heard of the extreme beauty of Elfrida, 
the daughter of the earl of Devonshire, and 
sent his earl, Ethelwold, to examine and 
return to him the truth of the report. This 
officer became himself smitten with the ob- 
ject of his investigation, and made a false 
report to iiis master. He soon after that 



[Book m. 

coiu-tedand married Elfrida himself. Jealous^ 
courtiei's soon found opportunity of inform- 
ing Edgar of the dishonesty that had been 
played upon him. He disgviised his resent- 
ment, and took an occasion to inform Eth- 
elwold that he would pay a visit with him 
to his wife upon a stated time. The officer 
was fearfully alarmed, disclosed the matter 
to his wife, and begged of her to save him. 
Upon the^visit, however, Elfrida was more 
excited by her ambitious hopes than by her 
attachment or duty to her husband; and 
she made ostentatious display of her beauty 
and accomplishments. Understanding and 
concert were speedily formed between this 
guilty couple. Soon after that Ethelwold 
was found assassinated in a woods, and, as 
it is said, by the procurement of Edgar, 
with the assent of Elfrida. It was not long 
tliereafter when Edgar was married to the 
beautiful widow. 

The success and reputation of Edgar as a 
sovereign was greatly tarnished as a man, 
by acts of high handed wrongs and injus- 
tices of this kind; and it is said on another 
occasion he caused a beautiful young lady 
to be abducted from a monastery. For 
this last offense, and especially the viola- 
tion of the sacred character of a monastic 
institution, the church made him pay pen- 
ance and suffer contrition. Whatever pri- 
vate injury he might commit, he was not 
suffered to violate the institutions of the 
church with impunity. In those times in- 
stitutions and persons in power were cared 
for and protected; but the rights of the 
masses were but little regarded. 

Edgar had but just attained the summit 
of his power and prosperit}-, when in A. D. 
975 he departed this life ; and was succeed- 
ed by his son Edward, known as the mar- 
tyr. Edgar had left two sons; the eldest 
was Edward, the son of Elfleda the Fair; 
and Ethelred, the youngest, the child of 
his second wife, Elfrida, whose memory is 
tainted with so many suspicions. These 
children were only of the ages respectively 
of fifteen and seven vears. To secure the 
succession to Edward, Edgar had exer- 
cised the usual privilege of the king, to 
nominate him as his heir. But the mother 
antl her friends were partisans in favor of 



Chap, m.] 

the younger, Ethehed, wlio was then a 
mere infimt. Edward was supported by 
the powerful Dunstan, and was fully in- 
totalled as sovereign and successor, but not 
without great opposition and division of 
the nobility, both in the church and in the 
state. 

But another great crime transpired in 
A. D. 978, wl\ich transferred the sover- 
tjignty from one head to the other; ot 
which tlie English historian says: "It was 
the foulest deed which ever stained the 
English name." Between Edward and 
Etiielred thei-e was friendship and brother- 
ly aftection ; still Elfrida entertained ex- 
treine aversicn towards her step-son, and 
plots were formed at her instigation against 
his life. An opportunity soon offered to 
effect their intention. Edward, having 
been engaged in hunting deer in a park, 
proceeded incautiously to the royal man- 
sion, whei-e Elfrida and her son Ethelred 
resided. It is said he was led alone to the 
residence by a favorite dwarf servant of the 
mother. She received him with great ap- 
parent kindness at the door, and kissed 
him. Before the youthful king had time 
to alight, a Clip of wine was offered him; 
and while he was taking the draught, one 
of Elfrida's attendants stabbed him in the 
back. He immediately put spurs to his 
horse, with the hope of proceeding to his 
companions ; but on the way he fainted, 
fell, and was dragged by the stirrup with 
the affrighted horse. He was found dead; 
and upon examination they found evidence 
of the crime and cause of his death, which 
conferred upon him the appellation of "Ed- 
ward the Martyr." 

Ethelred thus came to the throne, but at 
that tender age which acquits him of a 
participation in the crime which brought 
him there. But he was still afflicted with a 
bad name, of the Unready Although he 
was personally acquitted of any participation 
in the crime, yet the story of Edward's death 
clung to him ; but as there was no strong 
competition against him, he and his part}' 
were permitted tc assume the government. 
Thus Ethelred, the Unread}-, commenced 
his reign, and exercised it for a period of 
thirty -eight yeai's, during which the coun- 



THE SAXON KINGDOMS. 



263 



try and people suffered more from wars' 
distractions, and adversities, if not from 
humiliation, than in any other period of 
their history. 

From the commencement of Edgar's 
reign, the Danes who had settled in Eng- 
land had quietly submitted to the govern- 
ment set over them ; but now the North- 
men began to invade the countr_v anew, 
and harrass it with continual scenes of de- 
struction and plundering. This happened 
occasionally in every part of the country; 
in Wales as well as in England, though 
in the former these enemies frequentl}- 
landed, plundered, and carried off' much 
booty, yet' they were never able to acquire 
a permanent footing thei-e as in other parts 
of the island. These hostilities were ex- 
perienced, not only along the sea coast, 
but frequently in the interior, in all direc- 
tions from the mouth of the Humber to St. 
Davids and the Lands-End. "Everywhere 
they repeat the plunder, the devastation, 
and the merciless destruction of human 
life which had marked the path cf their 
predecessors two centuries since." All ef- 
forts to resist and repel were but temporari- 
ly successful; and Ethelred's attempt to 
purchase peace with them by money proved 
equally so; for the Danes paid but little 
regard to their agreement, and the money 
thev received was only an inducement to 
repeat their aggression. Large sums were 
thus paid; but no sooner were they re- 
ceived and the oath taken to observe the 
peace than it was forgotten. 

At length these hostilities and injuries 
produced upon the Saxons strong antipa- 
thies and hatred against the Danes; which 
affected the king as well as his people. It 
was an age of crime and cruelty; and it is 
not to be expected that those who had been 
disciplined in the war school of Woden 
would lotahe at anything because it was at- 
tended with blood and carnage. At this 
time there were many Danes in the coun- 
try, besides those who had been long resi- 
dents, and had acquired a permanent settle- 
ment. Many had but temporary residence, 
and some were only quartered upon the 
people as soldiers. The king and his peo- 
ple, during his reign of twenty-four years, 



264 



THE SAXON PERIOD 



had endured these wrongs and oppression, 
and it was resolved to avenge tlieniselves 
by the commission of one of those daikest 
national crimes, which have been but sel- 
dom perpetrated to disgrace mankind. 

Ethelred and his people, having lost all 
faith in the Danes, and smarting under tlie 
injuries received, though forgetting that 
they were the same, which they tliemselves 
had formerly perpetrated upon the Britons, 
came to the resolution to put all the Danes 
to death. Accordingly it was ordered, in 
the spring of the year 1002, that on the ap- 
proaching religious festival in honor of St. 
Brice, the Saxons should fall unawares up- 
on the Danes and put them to death. The 
order was kept secret; and on the appoint- 
ed day the massacre ensued. The fury of 
the people, in many places, added much to 
the cruelty of the destruction. It is possi- 
ble that this massacre did not extend to 
those permanent settlements, where the in- 
habitants were principally Danes; but 
where it did prevail, neither sex nor age 
was spared. In some instances special 
claims upon gratitude and mercy were to- 
tally disregarded, as in the case of the sis- 
ter of Sweyn, the great Danish chieftain, 
whose husband had rendered special ser- 
vice to the Saxons, were all — themselves 
and children — consigned to the same un- 
merciful doom ; but not without the wile's 
prediction, that all England would have ere 
long to meet a dire retribution for the wick- 
ed deeds of Uiat day. 

As might be expected, the Danes seemed 
to be called upon tor a new exertion, and 
to deem their ordinaiy works of injustice 
to be the righteous acts of retribution. The 
next year Sweyn made a new descent up- 
on England, and took possession of Exeter. 
For four years the country was in a great 
measure, at his will and mercy. He came 
as an avenger, not only to plunder, but to 
consume with fire, and to slay with the 
sword. He then consented to leave the 
country upon being paid the sum of thirty- 
six thousand pounds of silver; which was 
paid. But no sooner had he departed with 
his army than another appeared under the 
chieftain Thurkil, who perf)ctrated all kinds 
of outrage and depredation in Kent; de- 



[Book at 

stroyed Canterbiu-y ; took tlie archibishop 
as a prisoner, and who, heroically refusing 
to permit himself to be ransomed, was by 
them most cruelly put to death. Aftei- 
ravaging the greater part ot the kingdom, 
Thurkil was induced, by the payment of a 
very large sum of money, to enter the ser- 
vice of Ethelred, and many of his men 
settled in the country. This arrangement 
displeased Sweyn, who had sworn, upon 
the death of his sister, to posse^is himself of 
the sovereignty of England. 

Upon this Sweyn again came to England 
with a most extraordinary large and well 
prepared armament of both naval and land 
force. He landed on the H umber, sent 
the fleet under the command of his son 
Canute to the Thames, while he himself 
went there with his army by land. He 
spared Northumbria and the Danish set- 
tlements; but the rest of the country was 
wasted far and wide with fire and sword. 
London, which was occupied by Ethelred 
and Thurkil, held out with patriotic resolu- 
tion against Sweyn. The citizens greatly 
distinguished themselves for their martial 
spirit; and made such resistance as com- 
pelled the Danes to reb-eat. But he met 
no such resistance elsewhere. Wessex 
soon fell under his conti'ol ; and he took 
and made Bath his headquarters. Ethel- 
red and the people became discouraged; 
and he retired to the isle of Wight (A. D. 
1013), sending his wife, Emma, and her 
two children, Edward and Alfred, to the 
protection of her brother Richard, the duke 
of Normandy, where he soon alter followed. 
In the meantime Sweyn had assumed the 
sovereignty, and was acknowledged b}' the 
people. 

Sweyn controlled and governed Eng- 
land as its sovereign for three years, whea 
in A. D. 1015 he died unexpectedly; and 
was followed and succeeded by his son, af- 
terwards known as Canute the Great. He 
returned to England with a vast fleet and 
army, which is described by the historians 
of the times in glowing terms as magnifi- 
cent. The English submitted to him with 
reluctance, but resistance was apparently 
impossible. A large party was in favor of 
Ethelred's return, but he was irresolute and 



Chap, in.] 

inefficient. His son Edward, a person of 
great promise, force and vigor, attempted 
independently to resist Canute, but in vain. 
In the meantime (A. D. 1016) Etheh-ed de- 
parted his checkered and troubled life. 

Ethelred died in London while the city 
was surrounded and besieged by Canute 
and his Danes, and while Edmund was 
With him ; who was immediately proclaimed 
the successor by the citizens, who supported 
him with resolution. Edmvmd was enti- 
tled to their confidence, even in that de- 
sponding crisis. He was subtle and val- 
iant; and his subsequent heroic deeds ac- 
quired for him the appellation of Edmund 
the Ironside. He made his way out of the 
city, through the midst of the Danish fleet, 
and lor the country to the rescue. Nu- 
merous battles immediately followed. At 
Assingdune Edmund encoimtered the 
Danes under Canute, where a very severe 
battle ensued, in which the former would 
have been victorious but for the treason of 
one of his officers, Edric, who had slain a 
thane who resembled Edmund in a re- 
markable degree, and holding up the head, 
the cry was immediately raised, "Flee, 
Englishmen, flee; Edmund is dead." He 
and his troops then took flight, and the 
whole aimy was thrown into consterna- 
tion, and entirely routed. Thus did Canute 
gain a victory, procured by a treacherous 
stratagem, while almost all the English 
were against him.2 

Canute then hastened with his army to- 
wards Gloucestershire, and spiritedly fol- 
lowed by Edmund. A deadly battle was 
upon the point of being again fought, when 
Edmund stepped forward and challenged 
Canute to a single combat, "for it is a pity," 
he said, "that so many lives should be put 
in jeopardy to satisfy their ambition." 
This was declined by Canute, alleging 
that he, a man of small stature, would have 
no chance with the stalwart Edmund. To 
this prudent determination he added that 
it would be better that they two should 
divide the realm between them, as their 
fathers had done before. This proposition 
■was hailed with gladness by the respective 

10 Palgrave's Anglo-Saxon, B. xiii, p. 261, 



THE SAXON KINGDOMS. 



265 



armies, and Edmund was compelled to 
yield to it; and upon negotiation Wessex, 
Essex, East Anglia and London were as- 
signed to Edmund, and the residue of Eng- 
land to Canute, subject to the superiority 
of the former. 

It was not long after this that Edmund 
ceased to live; and his death was not free 
from suspicions of violence; nor but that 
Canute was an accomplice. Canute, how- 
ever, claimed that he had the legal right to 
the sovereignty of all England, by the 
terms of the treaty ; and this was yielded to 
him. From this time Canute continued to 
rule over England until the time of his 
death in the year 103,5, when he was buried 
at Winchester. During these nineteen 
years Canute, without neglecting his other 
three kingdoms of Denmark, Sweden and 
Norway, exercised a very beneficial and 
vigorous rule over England, with great 
impartiality restraining hostility, and en- 
couraging peace between the English and 
the Danes, and people within his English 
jurisdiction. England flourished; and he 
became popular with the English people, 
and well entitled to the designation given 
him of Canute the Great. 

Canute became not only connected with 
England by a beneficial government, but 
connected with the ruling family of the 
country. Queen Emma, the wife of Ethel- 
red, had by him two children, Alfred and 
Edward, and these were heirs and claim- 
ants to the throne. After the death of 
Ethelred, Emma, as the widow, returned, 
and became the Avife of Canute, and again 
the queen of England ; and had by him a 
son. called Hardicanute, who was also 
claimed to be heir to tne throne of England. 
Besides this, Canute had two illegitimate 
sons by an English lady of Southampton, 
Sweyne and Harold Haiefoot. Canute in- 
tended, by some devise by him made, to 
divide his dominions to his three sons — 
thus, to Harold he intended England, to 
Hardicanute Denmark, and to Sweyne Nor- 
way. But upon his death there was great 
strife as to who should rule in England. 
The children of Ethelred had their parti- 
sans as well as those of Canute. 

Upon the death of Caunte, the question 



366 



of succession was assumed by a great coun- 
cil of the nobility of the English govern- 
ment, held at Oxford, called Witenagemot, 
in which the known wishes of the citizens 
of London had great influence. In the 
midst of great conflict of wishes and opin- 
ions, this council determined that Harold 
should be king of Mercia and Northumbria, 
and all north of the Thames, with London 
as his capital; while all the country south 
of it should go to Hardicanute. The latter 
being absent, his mother, Emma, and Earl 
Godwin, governed in his name with Win- 
chester as the capital.3 But the claims of 
Alfred and Edward were not forgotten, 
though the mother with doubtful principles 
was negligent of them, and placed her 
whole regard to those of Hardicanute. Al- 
fred was inveigled by some false pretenses 
to come to London to assume his rights. 
He was there betrayed, with 600 followers, 
who came with him, into the hands of 
Harold. These followers were immediate- 
ly seized and slain, and Edwin sent to a 
monaster}-, where his eyes were forcibly 
torn out, and he soon after died from the 
injuries inflicted upon him. Such horrible 
crimes and wickedness were constantly 
perpetrated by the ruling class of that day. 
Harold was active in making preparation 
to seize the government ot the country, 
was threatening war, and resorting to all 
means of intrigue to accomplish it. But in 
the year 1040 the country was relieved of 
his worthless care by death, after a short 
and inglorious rule. Immediately the En- 
glish friends of Hardicanute, who had as 
yet remained with his friends in Denmark, 
sent a strong invitation to him to come 
without delay to assume his royal rights. 
They soon found cause to repent of their 
haste, ibr he proved to be a worthless ruler 
— a drunkard and a glutton, and soon died 
of their effects.'' 



THE SAXON PERIOD. [Book 11 1. 

The name of Godwin — the Great Earl 
Godwin — has already occurred, and no man 
in English history, within the Saxon 
period, presents to the reader so great and 
interesting a character. He was almost the 
only man among the Saxons who was per- 
mitted, by his own talent and capacity, to 
rise to importance and power; for the Sax- 
on aristocracy, or rather oligarchy, did not 
permit a peasant or one of the commonal- 
ty to rise to any important position in the 
government. No one who was not a 
descendant of Woden, or within that sacred 
family relation, was so permitted to aspire, 
whatever his talents might be. 

In one of those battles fought between 
the Saxons and Danes, in the time of Ed- 
mund the Ironside and Canute, in the 
southwestern part of Warwickshire, when 
the Saxons had been victorious and the 
Danes dispersed, a Danish captain missed 
his way and came upon a peasant lad en- 
gaged in taking care of his oxen. The 
stranger saluted him, and inquired his 
name. "I am called Godwin," said the 
young man; "and you, if I mistake not, 
are one of the Danish army." Obliged to 
acknowledge himself, he begged the young 
herdsman to tell him the distance he was 
from their vessels stationed in the Severn, 
and by what road it would be possible for 
him to reach them. "The Dane must be 
mad," said Godwin, "who looks for his 
preservation at the hands of a Saxon."* 
The stranger earnestly entreated the herds- 
man to guide him on his way, and lu-ged it 
with the most tempting promises of reward. 
To this the young man replied : "The way 
is long, and it will be dangerous to guide 



3 I Pictorial Ilistoiv of England, B. ii, ch. i, p. 
174. 

4 f Pictorial History of Er.g-land, B. ii, ch. i, p. 
T74. The last cited history savs: "Durinpf Hardica- 
nute's short reign, Earl Godwin and Emma, the 

2 ueen mother, who were again in friendly alliance, 
ividcd nearly all the authority of the government 
between them, leaving the king to the tranquil en- 
ioyment oi the things he most prized in life — his 
"banquets, which were spread tmir times a day, and 
his carousals at night. From many incidental pas- 



sages in the old writers, we should conclude that 
the Saxons themselves were sufficiently addicted to 
drinki'ig, and the pleasures of the table, and requir- 
ed no instruclions m those particulars; yet it is pretty 
generally stated that hard drinking became fashion- 
able under the Danes; and more than one chronicler 
laments that Englishmen learned from the example 
of Hardicanute their excessive gormandizing and 
unmeasurable filling of their bellies with meats and 
drinks." And Sir K. Palgrave says: "The death of 
Haidicanute is singularly characteristic of the a ore 
(A. D. IC42). * * * * At the marriage of the 
king's marshal, Hardicanute graced the banquet 
with his presence. * * « * The potations were 
prolonged deep into the night. In the midst of the 
revel Hardicanute dropped speechless upon the 
ground, and a few days afterwards he expired." 

S I Thierry's Norman Conquest, B. v, vi, pp. 106, 

1^0. 



Chap, in.] 

you. The people are elated with our vic- 
tory of yesterday, and are armed through- 
out the country; they would show no mer- 
cy to either your guide or yourself." The 
D;mish chieftain attempted to bribe him 
with such article of gold as lie had about 
him. These were tempting enough to the 
young peasant, but not sufficient to over- 
come his integrity. After looking at them 
with great curiosit\', and considering a mo- 
ment, he returned them, saying: "I will 
not take them, but I will give you my aid." 
After passing the day in the cottage of 
Godwin's father, as they departed in the 
night, the old peasant said to the chieftain : 
"This is my only son who trusts to your 
good taith; there will be no safetj' for him 
with liis countrymen from the moment he 
ser\-es you as a guide; present him, there- 
loic, to your king, that he may take him 
into hi^ s(, r\ if,' " The Dane was faithful 
to his proini-~os, and took every opportunity 
to promote the \ oung man, who ■was tbund 
feo worths- as to be made his son-in-law by 
a marriage to his daughter. And Canute, 
when informed of the aflair, was pleased to 
confer upon him a military rank; and sub- 
sequently the herdsman attained the digni- 
ty of governor of a provine in that part of 
England occupied by the Danes. 

This extraordinary man, by this casual 
good fortune, but principally by his own 
great talents, energy and perseverance, ul- 
timately attained the highest position, next 
to his sovereign, in wealth, power and in- 
fluence, of any man in his country. It was 
his singular destiny and good fortune, after 
being thus involved with the foreigners, to 
be enabled to contribute more than any 
other man, to liberate his coimtry from a 
foreign rule which then oppressed it. This 
he was able to accomplish without inherit- 
ance, or patrimony, or family influence, by 
his own native genius, guided solely by 
good common sense and patriotism, which 
ultimately placed him in the history of his 
coimtry amongst the first and greatest men 
of his age. His great energy and abilities 
placed him in high and responsible stations 
during the reigns of Canute, Harold Hare- 
foot, Hardicanute and Edward the Confes- 
sor, as will be seen in the course of our his- 



THE SAXON KINGDOMS. 



>67 



tory. 

We are now called to turn back to our 
last special notice of the Cymry of Cam- 
bria, at the death of Howel the Good (A. 
D.948), and take a review of their history, 
froni that time to the close «f this period, 
a space of one hundred and eighteen years. 
During this time we find both in England 
and Wales one of the most forbidding and 
wretched periods in the annals of man. 
We find war, with its slaughter and car- 
nage, treachery and treason, assassination 
and murder, and vmusual cruelty and 
crime, in every page of that lamentable 
history, to whatever part of unfortunate 
Britain it may refer, or what people it may 
concern — whether pagan or Christian, 
whether Dane, Saxon or Cymry — all are 
involved, more or less, in the unhappy 
charge. It is only necessary to refer to 
such instances as the horrible treatment 
perpetrated by her people upon Algiva, the 
queen of the king Edwy ; the murder of 
Edward the Martyr, by his stepmother, El- 
frida; the massacre of the Danes on St. 
Brice's day ; the murder of Edmund by 
the procurement of Canute; the constant 
practice of disposing of adversaries by 
burning out their eyes; the common disre- 
gard of good faith, treachery, treason, and 
violation of treaty obligation. These mat- 
ters were common during that age, and 
thev were the natural concomitants of such 
desolating wars, slaughter and carnage as 
the Saxons and Danes brought with them. 
If it be said, that during this pai'ticular 
period the C^mry have imitated and prac- 
ticed the same oftences and violence, it 
must be admitted that it is too true. Mor- 
als, between nations as between neighbors, 
are contagious, and whether good or bad 
they are often imitated. These offences 
may well be considered as the natural re- 
sult of the dire principles inculcated in re- 
lation to war, by the pagan religion of 
Woden, introduced into Britain by those 
people; which took Christianity a long 
time to eradicate. 

During the time referred to, what i.s now 
known as Wales was divided into three 
provinces, or kingdoms, as Gwynedd, or 
North Wales; Dehenbaith, or South 



26S THE SAXON PERIOD 

Wales; and Powys; — each of these were 
separate states and kingdoms, with a local 
king at its head, and usually one as a su- 
preme sovereign over the whole. Some- 
times these provinces were further divided 
into smaller disti-icts, and local kings ruled 
over them ; but such subordinate might 
well be considered as mere chiefs of the 
people or tribes. During most of this time 
the country was sorely distracted and af- 
flicted by various wars and hostilities — fre- 
quently by incursions from the adjoining 
states of Wessex, Mercia, or Northuinbria, 
or plundering expeditions of the Danes or 
from Ireland, or by competition amongst 
the chiefs for the supremacy. It appears 
like a change for the worse, that the Brit- 
ons had ceased to elect a pendragon or a 
supreme sovereign by a general assembly 
of the states; but followed the example of 
the Heptarchy in establishing the bretwal- 
da, to permit that to be assumed by him, 
who, by his power and influence, was able 
to maintain it. The example of the long, 
peaceful and successful reign of Howel Da, 
and that of many of his predecessors, was 
entirely neglected. That good sovereign 
left four sons, who by inheritance were en- 
titled to rule in Dehenbaith and Powys, 
and were .specially distinguished for their 
personal appearance, their gallantry and 
patriotism; while Idwal Foel left three 
sons, who in like manner were entitled to 
rule in Gwynedd. Contention and war 
arose between the.se two sets of sovereigns 
as to the supreme sovereignty of the whole 
(A. D. 954). After battle and hai-d fight- 
ing, in which a number of these princes 
were slain, the sons of Idwal gained the 
victory. Such feuds and war Avere lament- 
ably frequent; and though these princes 
were brave and gallant men, and frequently 
very talented, they were constantly sacri- 
ficing their blood and lives, either in these 
feuds or in defending their country from 
attacks made upon it, either by the Saxons 
or the Danes or expeditions from Ireland. 
Thus, about the year 960, Alfric, the earl 
of Mercia, marched into Gwynedd, and un- 
expectedly ravaged the whole country in 
order to enforce the payment of a tribute; 
which was compromised by the agreement 



[Book HI. 

to deliver annually the heads of three hun- 
dred wolves; which would result advan- 
tageously to both counti-ies. 

About the same time occurred the cele- 
brated feat of Edgar at Chester, and his 
display in the barge on the Dee. Similar 
occurrences would sometimes transpire, in 
which were enjoyed tiie triumphs of peace, 
in the midst of these scenes of war and de- 
vastation ; which were prosecuted here 
witli the same fierceness as in the adjoin- 
ing country. Notwithstanding these wars 
were trequent and distressing, both in do- 
mestic contentions and with the Saxons 
and Danes, still Cambria enjoyed some in- 
tervals of peace and prosperity, between 
the time of Howel the Good and the Nor- 
man conquest. Among the princes of that 
day was one Howel ap Jefan, a king of 
Gwynedd, who was distinguished for his 
fierceness and pugnacious disposition, and 
for his contests with all around him — with 
lago ap Idwal his kinsman, with Alfric the 
Mercian, with Godfrey the Dane, and with 
all with whom the Cymry had to contend 
and repel. But in repelling A Uric the duke 
of Mercia, (A. D. 983,) this Howel at length 
was slain, in valiantly fighting in defense 
of his country and freedom; yet in conse- 
quence of his character being tainted with 
some cruel and detestable acts, as the blind- 
ing the eyes of an opponent who had fallen 
into his hands, by scorching them with hot 
irons — a crime common in that dark age in 
Europe — his countrymen detesting his 
character, while contrasting it with that of 
his royal kinsman, whose honored name he 
bore, distinguished him b}' the name of 
Howel Drwg, or Howel the Bad. 

But in the midst of this time, there were 
at least three of these princes whose mem- 
ory deserve a more particular notice. Be- 
tween the year 984 and 998, ^Iaredudd ap 
Owen was sovereign of all Wales, — the 
three provinces being united under him. 
His reign was a troubled one, by both do- 
mestic and foreign foes. In 987, Godfrey 
with his Danish host attacked and ravaged 
a part of the country. In a great battle 
with them Maredudd was defeated, when 
two thousand of his men were taken pris- 
oners, among whom was his brother, Lly- 



Chap. 111.] 

warch, whose eyes were put oat by the 
foe. 

Again, in 992 the Danes returned and 
ravaged and plundered the Isle of Mona, 
and Gwynedd, and were repelled by Idwal 
ap Murig, the gallant and able king of 
Gwynedd. Five years after this the Danes 
again, under Sweyn, the king of Denmark, 
landed in Mona, plundeiing it ; in defense 
of which, at the head of his countrymen, 
the brave and patriotic Idwal ap Murig lost 
his life. The Danes then passed to St. 
David's, and the south, plundering and rav- 
aging the country, burning the monasteries 
and slaughtering the monks. 

In the midst of tJiese calamities king 
Maredudd died, leaving a daughter, An- 
gharad, his only child. He was succeeded, 
as king of Powys and Dehenbarth, by 
Llewellyn ap Seissyll, who had married 
the daughter, and became one of the most 
distinguished and praiseworthy sovereigns 
of that day. In tlie year 1013 an usiu-per, 
by the name of Aeddan, had become king 
of Gwynedd, and Llewellyn collected his 
forces to expel him and restore the country 
to the proper and united government. 
This produced a great battle, in which Aed- 
dan and his four sons were slain, and Llew- 
ellyn by the victory became king of the 
three provinces. Hence he conducted a 
successful and prosperous reign over all 
Wales, and became, it is said, "the chief 
and most illustrious king of all the Brit- 
ons." Notwithstanding its affliction from 
the hostilities of its numerous surrounding 
enemies, the country recovered from its 
unhappy discord and desolation. "Under 
his good government the recruited people 
employed themselves in agriculture and 
commerce, the earth produced abundantly, 
the cattle myltipled, beggary and poverty 
disappeared, the land was fully inhabited, 
and all the inhabitants were well provided 
for.''* But this tranquil and prosperous 
reign became disturbed in 10 19 by the fac- 
tious rebellion of Meurig ap Arthfael, who 
was encountered by the king and slain in 
battle. A more formidable insurrection 
soon followed in South Wales, where an 



THE SAXON KINGDOMS. 



269 



6 Miss Williams' History of Wales, ch. xii, p. 163, 
and her authorities there cited. 



adventurer, by the name of Rhun, from 
Ireland, of great plausibility and craft ap- 
peared, claiming himself to be the son of 
the late king Maredudd. With much ar- 
rogance and pretension this usurper pre- 
pared to meet the forces of Llewellyn. A 
great battle ensued, in which the pretender 
was soon put to flight; but was fiercely 
contested by the southern chieftains who 
had been inveigled by his pretensions. In 
the battle Llewellyn lost many men ; but 
the pretender was pursued and slain. Diur- 
ing these difficulties, and while Canute 
reigned in England, the southwest part of 
Wales was again ravaged, by Eilaf the 
Dane and his piratical horde. 

In A. D. 1023, this Llewellyn was assas- 
sinated by the procurement of his political 
enemies ; but the heinous act was so repro- 
bated by the nation, that those who had en- 
gaged in it gained nothing by the infamous 
deed. The tlirone of Gwynedd was seized 
by lago ap Idwal, a descendant of Rhodri 
Mawr, and that of Dehenbarth by 
Rhydderch ap lestin. The succession to 
the rights of Llewellyn was due to his in- 
fant son, Gruftydd, which for sixteen years 
was kept in abeyance. In the meantime 
Idwal did for the north all that an able and 
honest prince was able to do for his sub- 
jects; but in the south the various claimants 
for the government brought upon the 
country hostilities and distraction, until 
Gruftydd had grown up to manhood, came 
forward full of energy and enterprise. 
The memory of his illustrious ancestors 
readily induced this martial people to re 
ceive him with joy ; and his own engaging 
personal appearance and brilliant qualities 
secured to him general favor. He soon 
secured conUol of the south; but lago ap 
Idwal, claiming a right as descendant of 
Roderic the Great, vvas not disposed to 
yield peaceably to him the north. A con- 
flict theretbre ensued, in which lago was 
defeated and slain A. D. 1039. 

This Gruffydd ap Llewellyn (or Griffith 
as usually pronounced) commenced his ad- 
ministration during the reign of Harold 
Harefoot in England. He immediately 
made a military progress through every 
district, receiving the submission and 



THE SAXON PERIOD. 



homage of his subordinate rulers, llowel 
ap Edwvn, one of his opponents, and his 
partisans, fled to the earl Leofric, of Mer- 
cia, for protection and succor. A powerful 
English army was raised Avith a view to 
restore this Howel to his claims, and to 
gain a more decided foothold in Wales. 
When these arri\ed at Pencadair in Wales, 
and being joined by their allies there, 
Howel believed liis cause to be invincible, 
and exultantly rejoiced in his anticipated 
ti-iumph over Griffith. The latter hastily 
collected his forces, and a great battle en- 
sued, in which the earls Edwin, Thurkell, 
Elfgar, and many other English noblemen, 
were slain. Griffith's victory \\as complete, 
but Howel etiected his escape. 

After this triumph Griffith became re- 
nowned among the English, and his favor 
and good wishes were courted, and he be- 
came allied with the ruling families of 
England by his marriage'' with Algitha, 
daughter of the renowned Leofric, earl of 
Mercia. This secured the friendship of 
ner equally renowned brother, Algar; and 
these alliances gave rise to many important 
events in the history of England and 
Wales. 

Considering the numerous difficulties 
that Griffith had to contend with, surround- 
ed by various enemies on all sides, it is as- 
tonishing that he was able to sustain him- 
self as supreme sovereign until his death, 
after a reign of twenty-four years, in the 
year 1063. There were but few years but 
in which he was compelled to be engaged 
in war. From the time of Ofta it Avas the 
constant practice of the Sa.xon Heptarchy, 
and the English government after them, 
upon every favorable opportunity, to grasp 
some small piece of Wales, one after an- 
other, with the hopes soon to take the 
whole. One of their policies, as means to 
accomplish this, was to patronize and en- 
courage every piince and aspirant to power, 
in opposition to the legitimate and admitted 
rulers of Wales. Of these Griffith had nu- 
n>erous ones to contend with. Many of 
these were able and gallant warriors, who, 
with the aid and encouragement given 

5 Palgrave's Ang-lo-Saxons, ch. xv, p. 314. 



[Book III. 

from abroad, kept tliis active and most able 
sovereign in constant war, in which he was 
always successful, but which are too nu- 
merous to be herein narrated. Griffith, 
finding a constant pressure upon him to 
take from him some more territory, was 
frequently induced to counteract this by 
military expeditions into English territory, 
which were conducted with so much skill 
and success as to baffle the eftbrts of his 
enemies. "Griffith, for some years," says 
Turner, "molested with good fortune the 
countries near Wales, and for some years 
his aggressions escaped unchastised.''^ 
Frequently the English forces brought 
against him were witli great skill defeated 
and cut to pieces. 

During his time Griffith's renown be- 
came greater, and fugitives from other 
countries were frequently seeking his court 
and protection as an asylum. This was 
twice done by the great earl of Mercia, Al- 
gar, and also by Fleance, the son of Banquo, 
fleeing t'rom the oppression of Macbeth. 

It is said that such fugitives found a 
friendly welcome at the ho.spitable court of 
king Griffith. "Though cruel in his wrath, 
that king was gentle and kind to his asso- 
ciates, courteous and hospitable alike to his 
own people and to strangers, liberal to his 
dependents, and equitable in the adminis- 
tration of the laws. He is said also to have 
been costly in apparel and appendages, and 
royal in every word and deed. His love 
for his subjects, his adventurous daring, 
his resolute courage, his majestic bearing, 
and his extraordinary success in war, ren- 
dered him the idol of the Cymry, and the 
frightful terror of his foes. "9 

Towards the close of the feeble reign of 
Edward the Confessor, (A. D. 1055) by the 
machination and power of the Godwin 
family, Algar, who had been made earl of 
Northumbria, was, by Edward's govern- 
ment, outlawed; but trusting still to the 
great power of his father Lofric, the great 
earl of Mercia, he determined to resi.st. 
For the purpose of making preparations, 
he retired to the court of king Griffith, his 
brother-in-law, who had married his sister 



S Anglo-Sax. History, B. vi, ch. xiv, vol. 3, p. Jo. 
9 Miss Williaras' History of Wales, p. 174. 



Chap. 111.] 

Algitha, who was then waging wai- against 
Harold, the head, since his lather's death, 
of the Godwin family. Griffith and Algar 
raised a large army, and marched triumph- 
antly through Herefordshire into Glouces- 
tershire, where they met Harold. After 
much bloodshed had been occasioned, peace 
was established between the competitors, 
the sentence of outlawry being revoked, and 
Algar restored to his possessions and dig- 
nity.** During the negotiation for tliis 
peace, while wrath was meditated against 
Griffith and his people, he took the daring 
resolution to appear before king Edward in 
council at Gloucester, as a peaceful mem- 
ber of the Witangemot, where he eloquent- 
ly vindicated himself against the charges 
made against him, and won the favor and 
friendship of the English king. This gave 
Harold a mortal offense, which he never 
pardoned. Between Griffith and Leofric, 
the great earl of Mercia, there was a double 
alliance, for thedaughter, the sister of Algar, 
was the wife of this sovereign of Cambria, 
and the daughter of the latter was the wife 
of Algar. .So that Griffith was at once the 
father-in-law and brother-in-law of Algar ;'i 
he was twice restored to his important 
earldoms of Mercia and Northumbria. 
Whenever the Godwin family were politi- 
cally sti'ong enough to expel members of 
the Leofric family, the court of Griffith 
was their asylum and their avenger. 

This Griffith, Gruftydd ap Llewellyn, by 
means of the constant hostilities brought 
upon him by his surrounding foes, and 
their continual advance upon iiis countrv, 
was during his whole reign compelled to 
live in perpetual war; but always a lover 
of peace when he could obtain it with safe- 
ty to himself and country. From this com- 
pulsion he usually kept up a large navy 
and army. The number of battles in which 
he was engaged are innuinerable. It is 
said that the constant attacks made upon 
his counti-y by the Saxons and Danes com- 
pelled him to fight over a hundred battles, 
in which he was the prominent actor; in 
some of which he obtained great victories 



10 P.ilgrrave's Anjjlo-Saxons,ch.xiv, p. 398. 

11 Pictorial Hist, of Enularn'., B. ii, ch. i, p 



THE SAXON KINGDOMS. 271 

over allied forces of English, Danes and 
others, as that over Leofric, the great earl 
of Mercia, in 1040, and that over Earl 
Ralph, king Edward's nephew, at Here- 
ford, in 1055. At length, in the year 106^^, 
Harold, the son of Godwin, who then was 
the leading spirit of the English govern- 
ment, and who had just been defeated in an 
attack on Wales, determined to make the 
greatest effort, backed by the whole power 
of the English government, to crush Grif- . 
fith and conquer Wales. A large armb- 
and fleet was prepared for that purpose,, 
and the two brothers of the Godwin fami- 
ly had now joined hands for the conquest. 
Harold, with the navy, was to skirt the sea 
shore, while Tostig marched with thearmv 
and ravaged the interior. Great pains had 
been taken to equip the army anew for the 
purpose. Light armor and shields of leath- 
er were prociu'ed, in order to render the 
English troops as active as the Welsli. 
Every effort was made by sea and land 
to ravage and subdue the countrv ; but the 
love of liberty in the hearts of the people,^ 
and their loyal attachment to their heroia 
king, rallied them in defense of the coun- 
try, and several severe battles were fought, 
and when overcome by numbers, they re- 
tired to the mountains, putting into requi- 
sition the natural defenses of the country 
in aid of their just and righteou.s cause. 
Wherever a conflict had taken place the 
kingly earl set up a monumental stone, 
bearing the triumphant inscription, "Here 
Harold Conquered." Griffith opposed him 
with his usual energy and valor, and pro- 
ceeded south with a large army and nav>- 
to meet this great and unusual hostility. 
But his enemies resorted to means of suc- 
cess, common in those .Saxon and Danisa 
times, instead of fair and honorable con- 
test. By some treacherous arrangement 
Griffith was treacherously slain, and iii> 
head, with the prow and tackle of his ship, 
were sent as Iropiiies to earl Harold. This 
being accomplished, without further effort 
to conquer and subdue the country, and it 
being in the midst of harvest which called 
upon the English people to return home, 
the victorious army returned to Glouc-e>- 
1S4. ter, the court of king Kdward, j)icsentini;_ 



THE SAXON PERIOD. 



him with the savage evidence of the actual 
death of king Griffith. 

In the meantime the Cymry in other 
portions of Britain were fast becoming the 
people of either England or Scotland, just 
as the LoegiMan Cvmry east of the Severn 
and the South Avon had submitted to be- 
come, in early Saxon times, the fixed peo- 
ple of the country ; so at this time those 
who resided in the peninsula east of the 
Avon and south of the estuary of the Sev- 
ern, and those residing in Cumbria, be- 
tween the Dee and the Solway Firth, were 
fast yielding to the same inevitable change 
of time, and becoming Anglicised, but the 
change of language and habits did not 
change their blood or race, but left them 
still the descendants o'f the Ancient Brit- 
ons. Those north of the Solway Firth, by 
a union with the Picts and Scots, formed 
the independent state of Scotland, in which 
tlie name Cymry and Picts have become 
extinct; but they too will claim to be the 
ti'ue descendants of the brave people who 
fought for their independence and freedom 
under Caractacus, Galgacus, and Arthur, 
who still maintain their true character of 
an invincible people. 

We now have arrived at a time in our 
history in which we have only the reign of 
Edward the Confessor to close the Saxon 
period, to which we will return. 

The death of Hardicanute was sudden 
and unexpected ; and there was no one on 
jiand of the Danish dynasty to claim the 
f-overeignty. Edward, the son of Ethelred 
the Unready by his queen Emma, was 
then on a \isit with Hardicanute, and upon 
good terms. They were half-brothers by 
their mother, but Edward was vvithout any 
Danish blood — still the rightful heir of Eth- 
elred, and of the throne in the absence of 
his cousins, the children of Edmund the 
Ironside, who were absent in Austria, hav- 
ing been sent out of the country tor their 
safety during the previous troublesome 
times — one of whom was known as Ed- 
ward the Outlaw. But there was no great 
division of parties in opposition to Edward, 
the son of Emma who was also the mother 
of Hardicanute, the late king. The earl 
Godwin was the great man of the kingdom, 



|Book in . 

and in the name of Emma as guardian of 
hei- children, or under Hai-dieanute, from 
the death of Canute to that of the late king, 
(A. D. 1035 — 1042) ruled all north of the 
Thames with royal authority. 

When Edward was informed of the death 
of the late king he was struck with exti-a- 
ordinary consternation for his safety, and 
immediately sought the great earl for coun- 
sel and protection. The great man, who 
had been but so recently charged Avith the 
death of Alfred, the brother of Edward, was 
rathei- tardy in coming to the relief of the 
royal heir. But when he came he was 
greatly surprised to find Edward's requests' 
to be what they were. Instead of solicit- 
ing his aid in recovering the sovereignty, 
he attempted to throw himself at the feet 
of the lordly man, and prayed that he 
would be pleased to assist him in returning 
to Normandy to the protection of his uncle 
Richard, where he might spend the re- 
mainder of his days in peace and obscurity. 

Godwin replied in a very different tone. 
"Are you not," he said, "the lawful heir to 
the tlirone, the son of Etlielred, the grand- 
son of Edgar; and why should you prefer 
an inglorious exile.*" Godwin proceeded, 
with his great ability, to restore his protege 
to confidence and hope, and to assure him 
in his destiny, and the great good he was 
calledupon to accomplish. But Godwin in do- 
ing this never forgot his own interest and 
position. King Edward was to be his friend, 
Godwin and his sons were to retain all their 
honors; and Edward, by marrying Editha 
the Fair, the daughter of Godwin, was to 
become a member of hi,s family. This dis- 
course was artfully calculated to restore 
Edward to his confidence, and to secure his 
own ambition. But we are assured from 
the known character of Edward that he 
cared as little for the pride and pleasures 
of royalty as he was unfit for its toil. Had 
he returned to Normandy, he probably 
would have secluded himself in some mon- 
astery, without the slightest regret for the 
honors he had abandoned. The prince was 
persuaded with reluctance; and within a 
few days after the decease of the late king, 
the great men of the Anglo-Saxon realm 
assembled at London and accepted Edward 



THE SAXON KINGDOMS. 



Chap, in.] 

as their king. This was principally' pio- 
cured bv the great influence and abilities of 
the earl of Wessex, who was said to be elo- 
quent — a quick and fluent speaker, witty 
and clever, and well calculated to please 
the multitude. 

The government was soon organized; 
and Godwin as the earl of Wessex, and his 
six sons, Hai-old, Sweyne, VVulnoth, Tos- 
tig, Gurth and Leofwine were well provid- 
ed for. The kingdom was partitioned oft' 
into a number of earldoms to accommodate 
them ; and Editha became nominally the 
queen of England.'^ 

' Edward became a mild and merciful sov- 
ereign, without much force or energy, but 
benign and with great sympathy for the 
interest and welfare of the people. He was 
generally desirous of relieving the people 
as far as possible of the payment of taxes; 
especially of that lax which had been laid 
upon them by foreign power, so odious and 
oppressive to the people, called Danegeld^ 
was entirely abolished. By these qualities 
the name of Edward the Confessor was hal- 
lowed to their memory. 

The reign of Edward extended o\er 
twenty-four years, (A. D. 1042 — 1066) and 
during that time the country was much re- 
lieved from the piracy of the Northmen, 
and almost entirely from the hostilities of 
the Danes in the counti-y. Upon the whole, 
it was a veiy peaceful reign ; the excep- 
tions would be limited to occasional rising 
and rebellion of some of the earls against 
Edward, or the continued hostilities of the 
Saxon population against the Cyinry, with 
a view to the conquest and taking more 
territor\', or to compel them to pay more 
tribute; or in other words to take by force 
that which was not their own, which was 
an aftair not very easily accomplished. 

The first atfair which produced any con- 
siderable commotion with Edward's gov- 
ernment was a matter caused, as usual, by 
the interference of foreigners. Edward had 
been brought up and educated in Norman- 
dy, and was more of u Norman-Frenciiman 
than an Anglo-Saxon. Edward was, there- 
fore, continuallv surrounded bv Normans 



J2 Palg-ravc's Anglo-S;ix., cli. xiv, p. 280. 



273 

and toreigners. These being patronized, 
protected, and encouraged by the king, be- 
came overbearing and insolent, and became 
very obnoxious and disagreeable to the na- 
tive people. In the year 1051, Eustace, the 
count of Boulogne, a foreign prince, but a 
brother-in-law of Edward, by marriage 
with his sister Goda, came over from Nor- 
mandy with a large retinue of retainers, on 
a visit to the king. When these were on 
their return, passing thi-ough the town of 
Dover, and preparing to embark in the 
crossing of the channel, they behaved with 
great insolence to the native citizens of the 
place. Without the permission of any one 
Eustace and his friends determined to take 
free quarters in the town. Had they been 
enemies they could not have done worse, 
or anything more obnoxious or insolent. 
The retainers of the count dispersed them- 
selves over the town of Dover; and a cou- 
ple of them, under their resolution, at- 
tempted to force their way into a house, a 
scuffle ensued between them and the own- 
er. The Frenchmen drew tiieir swords, 
and wounded the Englishman, and the lat- 
ter, in self-defense, slew one of the foreign- 
ers. All were now on an alarm ; and count 
Eustace and his retinue Avere immediately 
armed and on horse, and attacking the house 
of the unfortunate Englishman, they tbrced 
their way in and killed him; then scouring 
the streets of the town as though taken by 
storm, and killing and wounding several of 
tiie townsmen. The people rallied against 
the fearful array, and so eflectually defend- 
ed themselves, that Eustace was driven out 
of Dover, and the most of his men slaugh- 
tered. 

Count Eustace resorted to king Edward 
with a terrible story of his wrongs and 
grievances. The king believed, and in his 
credulity sympathized with his brother-in- 
law. He ordered, unfortunately, without 
anv further hearing, eari Godwin to pro- 
ceed ibrthwith to Dover, and punish the 
town with military execution. This in it- 
self was cruel, and Godwin strongly sym- 
pathizing with the people in opposition to 
being thus run over by foreigners, refused 
to obey the order ; and perhaps rejoicing 
over the unfortunate transaction, a> giving 



274 



THE SAXON PERIOD 



him further opportunity for maneuvering 
and ingratiating himself with the people. 
This at once produced a feud between the 
king and iiis father-in-law who made him 
king, and might unmake him. Godwin, with 
his six active and promising sons, was a 
power. They rallied the people in their 
favor, and were fast raising a large military 
force. The king became alarmed, and 
though Godwin was strong with the people, 
he had many jealous adversaries among the 
nobility-. The king was, therefore, able to 
call to his assistance the wise and powerful 
Leofric, the earl of Mercia, and the fierce 
and heroic Siward, the earl of Northumber- 
land, who were ready to engage against 
Godwin, their envied political opponent. 
Civil war was apparently inevitable. 

The king and his party, in the course of 
this delay, must have discovered that he 
had been too hasty; and Edward was al- 
ways inclined in his sober thoughts to 
peaceful measures. The result was a com- 
promise, and a truce negotiated. Each par- 
ty delivered hostages, and it was agreed to 
submit all matters in dispute to the decision 
of the legislative body to be assembled in 
the fall. In the meantime Godwin's torces 
dwindled away, and tlie aristocracy were 
active in concentrating their powers against 
Godwin. When that Witangemot met, 
Godwin and his sons were summoned to 
appeal" before them. This family, recently 
so powerful, now became alarmed for their 
own safety, and with much wealth hastily 
collected, and with some difficulty, made 
their escape to Flanders. 

This reverse of fortune was wonderful, 
and it was asked : "Who would have ever 
thought in the days of their power, that 
this family would ever have become exiles." 
But such is the mutiibility and imcertainty 
of human greatness. These exiles were 
men of talent and vigor, and were not to 
spend their days in listlessness. Harold 
went to Ireland and raised some ships and 
an armv of adventurers to effect his return 
to his country, and his father soon joined 
him with a similar force raised on the con- 
tinent. With this force they appeared oft 
the southern coast, and the king's marines 
at Hastings were the first to Join them. 



[Book III. 

The people of Kent, Surry, and Essex, who 
were still smarting under the impositions 
placed upon them by the aristocracy and 
foreigners, and knowing that Godwin was 
the champion of their cause, at once de- 
clared for him. Many other districts fol- 
lowed the example, and declared, if neces- 
sary, they would die in the good cause. 
The citizens of London beckoned to thenrr 
to come tOvtheir aid ; and as they advanced' 
up the river their forces continued to in- 
crease. The people supplied them with 
provisions, and all the country seemed to 
be at their command. These appearances 
overcame the king's reluctance; and the 
people's dislike to divide and engage in 
civil strife and spill fraternal blood vvei-e 
pleased to favor some compromise. Ed- 
ward, however reluctant, was constrained, 
under the circumstances, to yield to the 
evident wishes of his people, and agree to 
a compromise. Proposals were made which 
satisiied the ambition of Godwin and his 
sons, and that other matters should be sub- 
mitted to the Witenagemot. Before that 
council, consisting of the earls and the 
great men of the land, Godwin appeared 
and declared that he and his sons were in- 
nocent of the crimes with which they were 
charged. To this the council not only 
agreed, but decreed the restoration of their 
honors and property ; and such was the old 
earl's influence with them, that they adopt- 
ed all the views of his party. 

All this revolution in affairs had taken 
place and was accomplisjied in less than 
two years; and the foreign satellites, who 
so obnoxiously sin-rounded the government, 
were expelled from the country. The God- 
win family were now restored to an eleva- 
tion more tirnily than ever, and the tair 
Aystha, who had in the meantime been 
very badly treated, was restored to her 
rights and position as queen. The sons 
were assigned to various earldoms over the 
country. But not long after this the great 
earl died suddenly, in the year 1053, his 
place being more than usually well supplied 
by his son Harold. 

Harold, who had now become a ruling 
power in the English government, had fre- 
quent contention (A. ]). 1053 — 1055; with 



•Chap. IV.] 

the old enemies of his iiither, the earl 
Leofric of Mercia, and his son Algar, and 
Siward the earl of Northumbria. Among 
I he artairs arising out of these contentions 
was that already spoken of, in whicli Algar 
fled to king Griffith of Wales, the husband 
of his sister Algitha, for protection and aid. 
Although Algar was restored, jet Harold 
was able to retain his place and influence 
with king Edward, and his brother Tostig 
was made earl of Northumberland. This 
Tostig had not the judicious policy and 
management of his brother Harold, became 
tyrannical and oppressive to his people, and 
was expelled, and his place given to Mor- 
car, a son of Algar. Because Harold sub- 
mitted to this expulsion, Tostig became his 
brother Harold's mortal enemy, as will be 
hereafter seen. It was in this aftair, in 
giving aid to Algar and Morcar, that king 
Griffith became involved, which brought 
on his last war witli Harold, in w hich he 
lost his life.i'^ 

The mild and amiable Edward, who by 
his meekness and religious devotion, had 
acquired the appellation of Edward the 
Confessor, \\as now (A. D. 1063 — 1066) ap- 
proaching the end of his earthlj- glory. He 
was without a lineal descendant, and was 
anxious and distracted upon the subject of 
a successor. He sometimes thought of 
distant relatives, as of William the duke of 
Normandy, of the descendants of Edmond 
the Ironsides, and perhaps of his brother- 
in-law Harold; but wliether he had made 
any devise, as was sometimes pretended, in 
favor of either, is very imcertain ; and if he 
had, its legal eflect, as well as the respect 
wliich would be given to it by the English 
nobilitv, is still as uncertain. But there is 
no doubt that Harold meditated upon the^ 
subject, and aspired to the throne. He, 
therefoix' began to prepare the way, and 
conciliate his powerful enemies. For this 
purpose he was desirous to be reconciled 
with the powerful Earl Algar, and possibly 
this may have been the reason why he sub- 
mitted to the exjiulsion of his brother Tos- 
tig, in fa\or of Morcar, the son of Algar; 
but more certain it was the moti%e of 



iS 



CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE. 275 

forming a closer family connection with the 
Mercian, by marrying Algar's sister, Al- 
githa, the widow of king Griffith, whose 
husband he had beheaded. But it has been 
suggested by an able historian,!'* that "the 
obstacle arising from Harold's ancestry was 
indeed insuperable. No individual, who 
was not of an ancient royal house, had ever 
been able to maintain himself upon an 
Anglo-Saxon throne." 

At length on the fifth of January, 1066, 
the good king, Edward the Confessor, ex- 
pired, and immediately Harold, the son of 
Godwin, rightfully or wrongfully, assumed 
the sovereignty, and from that time until 
his death at the battle of Hastings COct. 14, 
1066,) Harold acted as king of England, a 
short reign, of a heroic and gallant efibrt, 
of onlv nine months, which may be con- 
venientlv considered in the next period, as 
the Saxon period naust terminate with Ed- 
ward the Confessor, who is said to be the 
"last legitimate Anglo-Saxon king."'-' 



^1- 



CHAPTER IV. 

CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE. 

-The Condition of the Britons at the Ad- 
vevt of the Saxons. 



In order to understand the condition of a 
people at any particular period it is neces- 
sary that their origin and antecedents should 
be known and understood. At the com- 
mencement of this period, which we have 
denominated the Saxon period, it has been 
assumed and attempted to be proved, his- 
torically, that the people of Britain, from 
the British channel to the Grampian hills, 
were especially Cymric. Then came the 
Saxon; first the Jutes, and next the Sax- 
on proper, and the Anglos, who slowly and 
gradually, in the course of a himdred and 
fifty years, spread tliemselves over the 
south and east part of what is now Eng- 
land, and have generally been denominated 
the Anglo-Saxon. West of them, that is 
west of a line extending from the month of 
the Tweed south to the Avon of the British 
channel, the people were still principally 

14 Piilgruve'.s Anjrlo- Saxons, ch. xiv, p. 300. 

15 f'aljfiuve's Anglo-Saxons, ch. xiv, p. .?o,}. 



276 



THE SAXON PERIOD. 



[Book III. 



and essentially Cymry. It has been an in- 
teresting question in the history of the is- 
land to know whether the Celtic Cymry 
inhabiting this part of England, as the Sax- 
ons proceeded westward, were entirely ex- 
tirpated, and the country became anew and 
exclusively settled by the Saxons; so that 
their descendants were purely or essential- 
ly a Teutonic people; or whether a large 
portion of the original Britons, becoming- 
subdued, became mixed with their conquer- 
ors, and became absorbed and assimilated 
with them. 

In reading most English history upon 
this subject the impression is inculcated 
that the Saxons, as they progressed over 
the country, drove the Ancient Britons be- 
fore them, some fleeing to Wales or Ar- 
morica, who were able to do so, and all 
others of the unfortunate people, men, wo- 
men and children, were unmercifully 
slaughtered in cold blood ; so that they had 
a clear, unpeopled country in which to es- 
tablish a new and unmixed Saxon race. 
They also inculcated the idea that these 
Ancient Britons were such barbarians and 
savages that they were not at all entitled 
to a better fate, or to the commiseration or 
synipathy of mankind — that it was all a 
rightful and bvisiness-like aftair that they 
were thus slaughtered. To inculcate this 
impression more thoroughly, one of her 
most able and recent historians, in the most 
attractive language, says: "Her inhabit- 
ants, when they first became known to the 
Tyrian mariners, were little superior to 
the natives of the Sandwich islands. She 
was subjugated by the Roman arms; but 
she received only a faint tincture of Ro- 
man arts and letters. Of the western pro- 
vinces who obeyed the Caesars she was the 
last that was conquered, and the first that 
was flung away. No magnificent remains 
of Latian porches and aqueducts are to be 
found in Britain."' 

So much of the like matter i.s found in 
English histor}-, has induced the writer to 
pause and inquire if it can be true. If so, 
let it stand; and neither complain or fret 
against God, Providence, or fortune. But 



I Macaulay's History of Engliind, ch. i, p. 



if untrue, it is just and proper, if the truth 
of history is worth anything, that that 
truth should be vindicated. With this 
view the writer, in the midst of numerous 
other vocations, has read and consulted 
history, and the result of his inquiry is a 
conviction, as that of a sworn juror, that 
the impression thus created is untrue and 
false. 

In the course of the inquiry the writer 
had sometimes to encounter the most bit- 
ter, if not malicious, hatred. On the other 
hand, he sometimes met with too vivid 
love to be impartial, though perhaps with- 
out the malicious intention to traduce an 
opponent. This extreme hate or love up- 
on this subject has been protested against 
by Pro. Matthew Arnold, in a noble article 
upon the subject, has condemned this 
prejudiced and partial feeling of a party, 
"either as warm Celt-lovers or as warm 
Celt-haters, and not as disinterested stu- 
dents of an important matter of science. 
One party seems to set out with the deter- 
mination to find everything in Celtism and 
its I'emains ; the other with the determina- 
tion to find nothing in them. A simple 
seeker of truth has a hard time of it between 
the two."2 

If it were true, as above intimated by- 
some historians, that the Ancient Britons 
did not enter materially into the formation 
of Anglo-Saxon or English character, then 
that part of England would have no more 
to do with this subject than as neighbors to 
the descendants of the Ancient Britons. 
But if the Ancient Britons — their blood 
and race — form a material part of the Eng- 
lish race, and that these may well clain-i that 
Caractacus, Boadecia, Galgacus, and e\-en 
Arthur, are part of their glorious ances- 
tors, as well as Hengist, Horsa and Ida, or 
any one who may have emigrated from the 
mouth of the Eider; and then the history 
and condition of the English people form a 
part of our history, as well as tho.se of Cam- 
bria, or Cornwall, or Cumbria, or Strath- 



2 See Matthew Arnold's four essays on the study 
of Celtic liter;iture, in the New -^'ork Eclectic M;io-;i- 
zine, in June, Auy-ust, September and Octol>ei- Xos., 
1S66; taken from the Cornhill Mag-a-/.ine then recent- 
ly published. These articles ai-e strikiny manifes- 
tations of truth and candor; and especially so as it is- 
intimated that his father was a o-ood Celt-hater. 



Chap. IV.] 

Clyde and its adjoining parts of Scotland. 
And it is intended to contend, as a matter 
of fact and trutli, that the Ancient Britons 
did largely form a part of the original peo- 
ple of England ; and that, however com- 
placent it may be said, that all the Ancient 
Britons who did not flee were heartlessly 
slaughtered; still it is contended that a very 
large portion of them remained and were 
absorbed in the English population, and 
aided in forming their present character; 
and this is the principal reason why the 
English differ so materially from the native 
Teuton. This has been indicated in the 
course of the pi-evious chapter; but it must 
be further pomted out in the statement of 
the condition of the people. But at pres- 
ent only the facts of history' will be intro- 
duced as evidence of the position ; but in 
a futvire chapter evidence to the same 
point will be deduced from language, phys- 
iology, and antiquarian researches. This 
history and research are necessary, in or- 
der to know and understand the condition 
of a people. 

And as to the Ancient Britons, it is prop- 
er that the eye be cast back and see who 
and what they were at the commencement 
of this period, when Hengist and his fol- 
lowers first made a foot-hold on British 
soil. Previous to the coming of C<esar, we 
have frequent incidental accounts of the 
Britons from the Tyrians, the Carthagen- 
ians, and the Greeks and Romans. These 
represent them, during the course of many 
years, in dress and appearance, as consid- 
erably civilized; kind and hospitable to 
strangers; industrious, laborious and given 
to work the earth for metals ; accustomed 
in a foreign commerce to e.Kchange the 
products of their country for foreign 
goods;-' and disposed themselves to be en- 
gaged in shipping and commerce. The 
great fleet of the Venetians, which struck 
CiL-sar with so much astonishment, and so 
severely tested the Roman po\vei\ That 
fleet was the product of the commerce of 
that part of the world, and was collected 
from the shores of Gaul and Britain for the 



CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE. 277 

defense of the country. The state of things 
then and there found would have gradually 
and progressively grown up into a new 
civilization of its own, had it not been for 
that scourge of humanity and of the Celtic 
race — Caesar and the Roman power. This 
commerce connected itself with Britain ; 
and its greatest development was in the 
neighborhood of Portsmouth, for there 
was Victa, the great emporium of ancient 
Britain. All history and antiquity point 
to that vicinity as the place to which the 
ancient commerce resorted for tin and oth- 
er productions of thecountr}-; and where 
the greatest progress was made in the arts 
and civilization. There were gathered the 
greatest po])ulation, and the greatest evi- 
dence of their labors and arts. There were 
Stonehenge and A\'ebury ; and there the 
twenty pities-* taken by Vespassian, after 
thirty-two hard-fought battles.5 These 
two ancient temples prove a dense popula- 
tion, with great industry, art and skill; and 
consequently great progress in civiliza- 
tion.o This part of Britain Ciesar never 



3 I Pictorial Ilistorv of Eng-land, pp. 31, So, SS, 
127. Piiblius CiMssas Ibid, SS. i Giles' Ancient 
Britons, 10- 1 1, 65-6. 



4 See B. i, ch. , 

5 Richard of Cirencester, B. ii, cli. i, §xiv. See 
Bolin's Antiquarian Library, Six Old Chronicles, p. 
465. 1 Pictorial Enij. Hist., p. 36. 

6 Upon the subject of the arts and science exer- 
cised by the Ancient Britons in the monuments left 
by them at Stonelienge and Aveliury, a learned 
writer in (he British Qi^iui terly, and copied in the 
Xew York Eclectic Mas»^:izine, in April No., 1S70, p. 
398, .says: '*In the case of the Cromlechs, it is proba- 
ble that the use of the mason's tools on the giant 
shil) was only of rai-e occarrence. In the case ot the 
circular building's, on the otlier hand, there is reason 
to conclude that it was the rule. 'J"he principal 
stones at Avebury imjiress the observer with tlie 
idea that they have been ca refill Iv wroutrlii. It is 
])ossilile that this idea is erroneous; but it receives 
a very distinct confirmation from the investio-ation 
of Stonclienge. Of the masonic character t^f that 
great edifice there is not the shadow of a doubt. 
Carefullv finished mortise and tenon joints are still 
to be seen in the stones. Tliev were no mere u])- 
piled blocks. A horizontal ring of wrought mason- 
ry was su|H)orted by wroiiuht stone u))rights. at Ihe 
hight of from twelve to sixteen feet iVom the ground, 
the whole structure being liound together bv care- 
fullv wroug-ht and lilted joints. We have here as 
distinct an instance of mason's work, strictly so 
called, as in the Creat Pyramid itself." What great 
art, skill and science it must have n-(|uired to trans- 
p<irt these mighty blocks from the (piarry, and then 
to hew, raise and fit them. It mav well be compared 
with the great Pyramid. This is an answer to Lord 
Macaulav's enquiry tor a Roman portico. 

The same learned author furtiier says : "Stonehenge, 
Avebury, and other prehistoric ruins, regarded in 
this light, have a new import and legend. The mys- 
tery that surrounded them may be to a great extent 
exi)elled, but the wonder and awe which they are 
calculaleil to create are rather enhanced than dimin- 
ished. We have commenced with the vague idea 
that \\ e hid , before us souu- rude relics of a gianj 



278 



THE SAXON PERIOD. 



saw, and knew notliing about it; but that 
which he did see was comparatively new 
and not so mucli improved. These con- 
siderations, with the description given ol 
them by Tacitus and others of his time, 
prove that the Ancient Britons, before the 
Romans, had made great progress in the 
arts and civilization. Their organization 
in defense of their country, their si:)irited 
contest for their liberties and freedom, and 
the ready manner in which they adopted 
imj-irovements suggested to them. attracted 
the admiration of Tacitus and other 
Romans, and show tliat the\^ A\ere not to 
be compared with the natives of the Sand- 
wich islands: but were among the most 
civilized and interesting people of Western 
Europe. 

But the question is not so much as to 
what the Ancient Britons were at the com- 
mencement of the Roman period, as it is 
that of the Saxon period; and upon that 
subject there is in general a very erroneous 
opinion prevailing. It should be remem- 
bei"ed that the Roman conquest of Britain 
took place a hundred and thirty years after 
that of Gaul, or Ca?sar's time. At that 
time the Romans Avere essentially an agri- 
cultural people, desirous of acquiring land; 
and did emigrate to and possess themselves 
of some portion of the land in the country 
they conquered. They therefore did emi- 
grate to and settle in Gaul ; to that degree 
that they materially- affected and clianged 
the language of the coimtrw But at the 
time ol" the conquest ot Britain, all thest- 
matters were entirely clianged. In the 
time of Claudius and Nero, the Romans 
ceased to oe agricultm-ists and a land seek- 
ing people." They then, instead of culti\'at- 

barbarisiii; that t)K- ancfunt people, whom wc ai^i-ee 
to term Druid.';, bad piled uji roujjh stones, by the 
exercise of rude Ihouijh yiyantic loree, into some 
mvstic hyi^a'thral court of worshiji. AVe find, on 
more careful investiiration, tlie ruin of carefully- 
built, accurately-\vroiij)ht structures, the imperisha- 
ble remains of which atlest s\ich a hig-h deo-rec of 
masonic skill and science, as well as such outlay in 
transport and in labor of all kinds, as to indicate a 
very hit;h dearree of craftsmanshi]) and artistic edu- 
cation. And aliove all nuist it be noted thafwe find 
no trace ot hiiaue or of idol — no indication of any 
idolatrous form of worship, any more than any struc- 
tural reference to Ihat astrological creed, which we 
know to have e.vercised an im|)ortant influence o\ er 
mankind." 



[Book III. 

ing and producing their own agricultural 
productions, obtained them as tribute 
from other countries and were distributed 
to the Roman populace at home. There 
was, therefore, no emigration of the Roman 
people to Britain. There were no Roman 
people who went to Britain, except the 
army, its officers, and its hangers on ; and 
possibly a few merchants. There were so 
few outsidfe of the army that the Romans 
never affected the language of the country. 
We are also informed by historians that 
the Roman laws prohibited the Roman of- 
ficers and distinguished men irom settling 
in Britain or acquiring lands there; and a 
distinguished English historian says, which 
is very true, that grants of land were made 
to the Roman veterans as benejiciiim in 
Gaul;, but we ha\e not equal full proof of 
the same practice in Britain.* Indeed it 
may be asserted that no such distribution 
ot land was made^by the Romans in Brit- 
ain. W^here land Avas confiscated, it was 
sold, and the Romans derived their revenue 
from such confiscations, but principally 
from taxes and tributes. The Roman peo- 
ple in Britain \\e)"e alwavs very small — 
usually an army of about fifty thousand 
men against two oi- three millions of the 
native population ; and when the army was 
withdrawn there were no Romans left, ex- 
cept some half-breeds. The Romans never 
iiTiproved Britain with a view to their own 
personal property' — it was onlv a national 
affair to iticrease their re^enue b\ taxes 
and trihtite. The improvements were left 
to the people themsches, which the Ro- 
mans encouraged with a view of increasing 
tlie taxes they could collect; but they did 
not make the improvements. The excep- 
tion to this was the roads, w liich were ne- 
cessary to facilitate their miiit;u"\' move- 
ments and the collection of the taxes; their 
camps and fortifications, which were neces- 



7 ]'ro. Kisk (in .\ppleH 
2\.\.) savs: ''It uuist be 



urnal. Ocl., iS'm. ]i. 
il>eved that the Ho- 



mans, as a general rule, neither exterminated, en- 
slaved nor colonized. On the other hand, they as- 
.-iiiit/ti/nf, ^vllerever it was possible, the people 
whom they had overcome. The Greeks were g-rcal 
colonizers: but the ]{oman colonies were, in the 
main, simply militarv posts." * * * "Thus, in 
the fourth century, the po])ulation of Roman Britain 
mu.st still have been almost purely Celtic: and dur- 
ing' a lonsf period of comparative peace, it cannot 
have been less, but was probablv <jreater in number 
than in the time of Civsar." 

S Pal<rrave's .Vn^lo-Saxon. ch. .\ii. p. -'14. 



Chap. 



CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE. 



279 



sary to tlioir seciirit\ and to hold tlieir pos- 
isession ; and some piihlit: buildings neces- 
sary to the t)-ansaction of their public busi- 
ness. Great complaint was made by the 
Britons that they were" i;ompelled to labor, 
by detail, uj>on these public improvements 
in addition to the pa\ment of their taxes. 
All beyond this were the labor, the enter- 
prise, and the improvements ot' the native 
Britons. Beyond this the Roman officer 
only encouraged, and oscasionally pro- 
duced a disign ; and, as Tacitus says, "thus 
encouraged, the natives were induced to 
build temples, courts of justice, and com- 
modious dwelling houses, * * "■■ * and 
by degrees baths, porticos, and elegant 
banquet halls. "^ And he shows that they 
readily understood and engaged in such 
improvements. 

All the improvements in Britain during 
the Roman period which did not belong to 
the Romans as national property was the 
property of the native Britons, built and 
produced hy tlieir industry, intelligence 
and taste, and should be called British 
works and improvements, and it is unjust 
to them to denominate it as Roman, in anx- 
other sense than as certain buildings and 
erections are now called Grecian, Roman 
or Gothic architecture. These names 
classify' the character of the improvements, 
but it is the industry and talent of the na- 
tives of other countries that produce them. 

According to the testimony of Richard 
of Cirencester, there were among the Brit- 
ons at the close of the Roman period nine- 
tv-two cities, of which thirty-three were 
more celebrated and conspicuous,!" proba- 
bly capitals of provinces and districts. And 

9 Tacitus' Au;ricola, §.xxi. In Appleton's Jour- 
nal (October 9, 1S69, p. 343,) Pro. Fitch says that 
C.x'sar "will notallow us lo assuint: for South Britain 
(/. e. Eng-land) a population oi less than a million 
and a half or two millions; while the working- of tin 
raine.s, the use of metallic armor and wheel carriag-es, 
the possession of neat houses, of roads, of river dams, 
and of stone piers, (Cicero, "Ad Atticum," iv, 16,) 
testify to a considerable prot;ress in material civiliza- 
tion. It appears undeniable that the Cvmry of South- 
ern Britain w^ere as much civilized as their cousins of 
Gaul, and that both were far more advanced than 
the Teutonic tribes b(^'ond the Rhine." These ob- 
servations are just and true; but then how much 
more advanced was the progi-ess of the Britons at 
the commencement of the Roman conquest bj' Claud- 
ius; and still how much more so must their progress 
in civilization have been al the termination of Uieir 
rule in Britain. 
10 B. i, ch. vii. 



although of these there are two designated 
as municipal and nine as colonial, there is 
nothing to warrant the supposition that any 
considerable number of Rotnans occu- 
pied any of them, except officers of the 
army tor a temporary purpose. So that at 
the commencement of the Saxon period 
all these cities, population and improve- 
ments were essentially British, and not Ro- 
man ; produced by their industry, skill and 
capacity, only aided by Roman designs, just 
as English or Americans are now aided by 
foreign designs. 

The civilization of the Britons at this 
period is conclusis cly proxed by other facts 
in their history, as well as those already re- 
terred to. The Christian religion had then 
been cultivated among them about three 
hundred years; and lor many years had 
the bishops and Christian clergy been in 
the habit of attending all the Christian 
councils held, e\'en before tlie reign of the 
emperor Constantino; and their religion 
and principles were considered sound. At 
that time they had large and thriving 
schools or uni\ ersitiesat Winchester, Ca;rl- 
eon, Bangor, and other places, which pro- 
duced such Latin scholars as Pelagius, 
whose scholarship was then admired 'and 
acknowledged by the Roman world; and 
also St. David and others, whose learning 
and attainments were well known. Not- 
withstanding the coming of the Saxons 
and their hostilities to civilization and 
Christianity, which swept oxer Britain with 
destruction and desolation, these schools 
and their learning continued down, past 
the seventh century, where the Ancient 
Britons — Cymry — remained. 

A most decided matter in establishing 
the condition of the Britons just before the 
coming of the Saxons is the account of the 
visit of bishop Germanus from Gaul, at the 
request of the Britons, to aid them in con- 
futing the doctrines of Pelagius. His 
preaching was in aid of the exertion made 
by the British clergy. Me held his meet- 
ings and preached at all eligible places, from 
his landing in Kent to the western shore 
of the islands in North Wales. Every- 
where the people flocked to these meet- 
ings in great multitudes, to be enlightened 



28o 



THE SAXON PERIOD. 



[Book HI. 



on the various intricate questions involved 
in the Pelagian doctrine. Nothing could 
•be a more striking evidence of the progress 
made by these people in Christianity and 
civilization than the account given by this 
transaction. The\- were also the people by 
■whose industry- and care everything in the 
country had been produced, sustained dnd 
protected, from tlie time of Constantine 
the Great, a period of one hundred and iifty 
years, during which there were no Romans 
there, except the army and officers, and 
most of the time even they were withdrawn, 
and difficult to keep them there. During 
that time the people were unaccustomed 
to war or military affairs. The young men 
who were taken into the Roman armv 
were taken off to other countries, and gen- 
erally never returned. They were there- 
fore a highly improved, civilized and Chris- 
tianized people, unaccustomed to military 
affairs, because the Romans, as far as pos- 
sible, prevented them from being so accus- 
tomed. The British historians claim that 
after the Roman conquest all that part of 
Britain south of the Thames was permitted 
to remain under tlieir own organized gov- 
ernment, of their own kings, subordinate 
to the Romans, paying them the required 
tribute and taxes. ■ This is probably true ; 
for we never read of war or rebellion there, 
for the wars were always to the north. 
We should also recollect that by the decree 
of Caracalla, in the year 211, all Britons 
were made Roman citizens. 

§2 — The Condition of the Saxons During 
this Period. 

The Saxon population who first became 
inhabitants of England were a people in 
character, habits and training as different 
from the Britons as they well could be. 
They were pagans, and despised Christian- 
ity- ; and were particularly hostile to the 
Christian priesthood and churches, and de- 
stroyed tliem as far as in their power. 
The\- also despised all special objects of 
civilization, as architecture and literature; 
and these \yere also special objects of their 
hostility and destruction. They venerated 
and protected nothing, except those which 
afforded them the rudest protection and 



sustenance in time of peace, and the battle- 
axe and hammer in war. It was their 
greatest boast that tliey had never slept 
under the smoky beams of a house, and 
that their battle-axe had been the most pro- 
lific in slaughter. When the^' were able 
to take possession of any part of the coun- 
try, destruction and ashes marked their 
course; the ruling population w-ho were 
not slaughtered in battle either submitted 
to their exactions or fled; the body of the 
people succumbed — the men to pay tribute 
and cultivate the land for sustenance; and 
many of the momen were made their wives 
and servants. Their residences were rude 
cabins, often built up against the ruined 
walls of houses they had destroyed. These 
rude soldiers, when settled in a part of the 
country, lived by means of the tribute paid 
them by the conquered people, in provis- 
ions and clothing; and as they brought 
with them but few or no women, they took 
wives from the choice women of the land, 
and commenced a new household as rulers 
of the country. In a few generations these 
matters would change and improve. The 
two races would intermingle, assimilate, 
and improve. The new comers would 
adopt such improvements as struck their 
fancy; and the natives, so overwhelmed, 
would gradually adopt their language. But 
that language would not be Saxon, but a 
new language gradually modified to adapt 
it to the ne\v state of things; and the adop- 
tion ot many new forms and words, espe- 
cially as to names of things, and forms of 
expression. 

Over a huntlred ^ears the conquest of 
the Saxons was confined to tlie neighbor- 
hood of the sea shore; over a hundred and 
fifty years before it extended into the in- 
terior and west as far as the line already 
described, extending from the Southern 
Avon to the mouth of the Tweed; and it 
was over three hundred years before Oft'a 
extended his conquest west of the Severn. 
In this slow progress the Saxons took pos- 
sessicn of the country — the rural districts, 
and in most instances left the cities un- 
touched. London was never taken by the 
Saxons, and from this and other circum- 
stances it is to be believed that the cities 



Chap. IV.] 

were ihvored bv the Saxoiu 
terms, perhaps upon payin 



CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE. 



281 



upon some 
tribute in 

manufactured articles and clothing. There 
are many tacts which go to i)rove tliis, 
some 01' which are entirely- o\ erlooked by 
English historians. As where Cadwalla, 
the British king, in the year 635, put Osric, 
king of Northumbria, to death, because he 
had besieged a free fo7v?iA Such free towns 
or cities are frequently alluded to. Exeter 
for a long time after that was a free city, as 
London and other cities undoubtedly were. 
Another instance is illustrative of this, in 
"the siege of- the strong town of Andrede- 
caster by yElla in A. D. 490, where the 
B)'itons made such resistance as to drive 
the Saxons from the walls three times; but 
at length the town was taken, and, because 
they had sustained such los> in the course 
of the siege, the Saxons became so "enraged 
at the loss they had sustained that they to- 
tally destroyed the city, and the people all 
fell by tlie edge of the sword, with their 
women and children. "2 If it had been a 
common thing with the Saxons to destroy 
all towns, and put all women and children 
to the sword, it would not ha\e been said 
that this was so done because they 
were so enraged on the account of the ex- 
treme resistance they had made. The 
probability is they refused to siu-render and 
agree to come under their government and 
pay tribute, as other cities were doing. 

Another matter which goes directly to 
show the condition of the people, which 
was so decidedly different with the Saxons 
than with the Britoiis, was their form of 
government. It was as aristocratical and 
oligarchal as any that liistory gives any 
account of. This also is a niatter that has 
generally been overlooked by historians; 
and the Saxons represented to have been 
under a very free and equal government. 
All the rulers of the Saxons in Britain 
from the king down claimed to be descend- 
ants from Woden," their great ancestor. 



Henry of Huntingdon, B. 
,di. . 

Hcnrj- or H., B. ii, )). 45. 



iii, p. 96. See ante, 
See also iinte, B. — 



3 See Pictorial History of Ensjland, B. ii, cli. ii,p. 
214. Also Mallett's Northern Antiquity, in Bohn s 
Lib. 



whom they worshijijied as their god; so 
that they governed by di\ine right, and 
none other were permitted to rule. Every 
Saxon king in history, their pedigree is ac- 
curately deduced from Woden, and all the 
earls or aldermen and ruling men were 
connected with the same tamily, and all 
other people strictly excluded. "Our An- 
glo-Saxon alderman," says Palgrave, "con- 
stituted a kind of ruling caste or tribe, all 
sons of Woden, perhaps anciently invested 
with sacerdotal functions, the priests as 
well as the law giver and leaders of the 
nation. Collectively as a caste, and indi- 
vidually over their own immediate follow- 
ers and retainers, they possessed great do- 
minion and influence, * * * * but 
the rule expired with the urgency which 
had o-iven it birth, and all the aldermen 
were alike again."'' This last expression 
of Palgrave conveys a false impression — 
that all power so returned to the people. 
This was not so ; it was a mere return of 
"the rule" to the aldermen, as one family 
or caste, but the people had no part in the 
government, which both in time of peace 
remained in the king and aldermen, who 
yvere all of one family and caste. This 
characteristic of the Anglo-Saxon govern- 
ment continued down to almost its very 
last. The first instance of its departure 
was in the reign of Ethelred the Unready, 
(A. D. 1009) when one Edric, "a man of 
low birth, but of great eloquence and abili- 
ties " was greatly promoted and elevated 
by the king. He became a great favorite, 
received the hand of Edgitha, the king's 
daughter, and was made earl of Mercia. 
Upon this Palgrave says:— "This promo- 
tion, and still more, this misalliance ot a 
dauo-hter of Odin, constituted an entire 
departure from the ancient principles of the 
Anglo-Saxon government." 

But the greatest departiu-e was just after 
this time, in the case of Godwin and his 
famil V. And as to this Palgrave again says : 
"The obstacle to Harold's elevation, arising 
from his ancestry, was indeed inseparable. 
No individual, who was not of an ancient 
royal home, had ever been able to main- 



4 Palg^rave's Atigflo- Saxons, ch. iv, p. 60. 



282 



THE SAXON PERIOD 



tain himself upon an Anglo-Saxon throne.^ 
And such was the character of this govern- 
ment up to this time, tliat bv its prejudice 
in favor of birth, and against native tal- 
ents, that by means of these principles of 
aristocracy and caste the people were kept 
as serfs fom any participation in the gov- 
ernment, and excluded such men as the 
great Godwin and his son Harold, \vho 
were among the greatest men who e\ er 
ruled in the land, on their birth and hum- 
ble ancestry. And Palgrave further says: 
''Hitherto the crown had been preserved 
from domestic invasion by the belief that 
rojalty belonged exclusively to the chil- 
dren of Woden. "^> * * * * "The Dan- 
ish chieftains imagined the\- possessed a 
right to the government of the Anglian 
states of Britain. The Danish kings were 
sons of Woden, like our Anglo-Saxon 
monarchs."" Turner is to the same effect, 
who sa^s: "The nobles were jealous of 
their race and rank. Nobles married no- 
bles only, and the severest j^enalties pro- 
hibited intrusions of one rank into the 
other."'' They equally impugned the 
reign of a woman;'-' and when the go\ern- 
ment of Wessex lell into the Imnds of the 
queen Saxberga, the queen of the late king 
Cenwalch, "the proud barbarians of Wes- 
sex disdained even a government of Avis- 



5 Palg^ravu's Anolo-.Sax., p. 300. 

6 Ibid, p. 306. 

7 Ibid, p. 88. 

S I Tinner's Ansjlo-.Siix., uppcndix to, R. ii, ch. ii, 
p. 146. PiiluTuve -says, ch. xii, ^). 234: "Tlie earls 
had nianv roval rights, tlioug^h ot course inferior to 
the king- in degree. One-thu-d of ilie revenues oi 
the earldom belonii- to them; other preroffatives var- 
ied in different parts of the empire; and so did the 
prerocratives ot the Anglo-Saxon kings, and we may 
easily sui)pose that the farther they were from the 
seal of government, the more would be assumed. 
'Give him an incli and he will take an ell," may he 
fairly applied to all mankind, and I do not see any 
reason for excepting an earl — I mean a Danish or 
Anglo-Saxon earl — from the general rule." 

The government was strictly an Oligarchy. The 
alderman, chieftains and nobility were all ot one 
family, and descendants ot Woden, and the}' were 
numerous enough for rulers. In being summoned 
by the sovereign to meet in council, Ihey were called 
as "their dear cousin.'" Turner says: "Their con- 
sent in their gemot continued to be necessary to the 
more nnportanl acts of authority. There were four 
orders of men among the Anglo-Saxons: The no- 
bles, the freemen, the fieldmen, and the servile. The 
nobles were jealous of their race and rank ; and no- 
bles married nobles only" — (Turner, Iljid, 146). And 
such nobles were of the same fanxily, and the king 
and all were descendants of Woden. 

9 Turner, Ibid, p. 252. 



[Book ni: 

dom in the form of woman ; and for ten 
years the nobles shared the government." 

These Saxons were rude waiTiors; and 
war and slaughter were an essential part 
of their i-eligion. They believed that to 
fight and die on the field of battle was a 
sure passport to heaven, and a glorious in- 
troduction to Walhalla; and with the same 
zeal and hope as the Christian martyr met 
his death, and courted it, so did the Saxon 
w-arrior, with the same indifference, for 
life, seek death in battle, and claimed that 
he was only exchanging a mortal life here 
for one that was immortal in heaven. They 
were imbued with this idea, and it was long 
before Christianity could divest them of it. 
This is well illustrated by the following 
anecdote and character of Siward the stout 
earl of Northiunbria, (about A. D. 1053) 
who, when intbrmed that his son was slain 
in an expedition into Scotland, inquired: 
"Was his death- wound received before or 
behind." The reply was, "Before." Then 
said he, "I greatly rejoice; no other death 
was fitting for him or me." The next year, 
when he himself was about to die, and per- 
ceiving his approaching dissolution, said: 
".Shame on me that I did not die in one of 
the many battles I have fought, but am re- 
served to die with disgrace the death of a 
sick cow! At least put on my armor of 
proof, gird the sword by my side, place the 
helmet on my head, let me have my shield 
in my left hand and my gold-inlaid battle- 
axe in my right hand, that the bra.\est of 
soldiers may die in a soldier's garb."'" 

These in\aders had been pirates and 
plunelerers for generation after generation,, 
before they attempted a settlement in Brit- 
ain. For a long time they had been in the 
habit of robbing and plundering the coun- 
try nearest the sea. Their experience in- 
formed them that since the departure of 
the Romans, and the inexperience of the 
people in military afiairs, it was easier and 
safer to remain on shore; and hence caught 
the idea of a permanent settlement. They 
came as soldiers or pirates, without wives 
or families — not as emigrants — and as such 
they were constantly sending to their orig- 



10 Henry of Huntingdon, B. vi, p. 204 — S- 



Chap. IV. I 

inal countrA' for more n'ld. Rc-eiitbi-ce- 
ment.s of men were con.stantly coming to 
their aid, and forming new settlements. 
Wherever they were able to establish a 
permanent footing in the country they 
formed new relations with the people there. 
The priests and officials tied. They took 
for wives such of the women as they chose 
— the men and the residue of the popula- 
tion were left to work and cultivate the 
land ; and instead of being plundered they 
were only compelled to di\ide with them 
as a tribute or mode of taxation. 

These new-comers had only the habits 
and disposition of warriors and pirates; 
they were destitute of all acquaintance 
with literature, and despised industry and 
labor. They trusted only in their battle- 
axe, and upon the labors and property of 
other people. They had long been accus- 
tomed to pillage and plunder, and they 
took from others whenever the% could, 
without remorse or any compunction of 
conscience. They had no sense of the 
rights of others, and were taught that 
whatever they could take from others was 
evidence of their right to do so. Plunder 
by sea and land had been so long their 
habit — it had become their regular voca- 
tion. ^ The open heavens, or the tent or 
cabin of the wanderer or soldier was their 
boasted home. When they had taken ]ios- 
session and settled down, a new generation 
grew up around them, a mixed breed of 
Saxons and Britons. New enterprises 
of this kind gradually and slowly spreading 
over Southern and Eastern Britain, until 
a new people had sprung up, known as 
Anglo-Saxons. But this intermixture of 
races not only took place upon the first 
settlement, but also it continued in the in- 
tercourse and commixture of the two peo- 
ple throughout the whole country. And, 
as we have seen, the people of the numer- 
ous cities were frequently left undisturbed; 
and in the great interior, the great body of 
the country included in Mercia, the great 
mass of the original people, except the 
priests and ruling people, remained, and 
were swallowed up and assimilated with 



CONDI riON OK THE PEOPLE. 



'M 



II Vans^han's Ucvolutions in History, B. ii, ch. 
jp. loS. 



the Anglo-Saxons. This mixture became 
a new people, so very dilVerent from the 
original Teutons. They, by these means, 
became a different people in blood and 
character, partaking some of both races; 
even of their language, the foundation ot^ 
which was still Saxon ; for the Germans- 
are, of all nations, the most tenacious of 
their language — it is generally the last thing 
they will part with. The oldest Saxon 
settlements in the southeastern part of 
England, by this operation, soon changed 
in their civilization and character; and this 
account.-- for tlie greater ease and readiness 
with which Christianity and ci\ilization 
took in Kent, Sussex, Essex and East An- 
glia than in Wessex, Mercia and North- 
umbria, where the new importations of 
Saxons were constantly coming in to carry 
on their proijress, and to till up the con- 
stant loss in their niunbers in the wai's 
against the Briton.s. This will also ac- 
count for the great difference in the char- 
acter and histor\- of the people of the four 
first mentioneii from those of the three lat- 
ter named countries. In the former Chris- 
tianitv took readily, but in the latter only 
slowly; and these were in continual war 
not only against the Britons, but also witli 
each other. The dilference we see between 
Ethelbert of Kent, and Penda of Mercia oir 
Ethelfrith of Northumbria; and the pro- 
gress made by Christianity luid ei\ilizatioi:i 
in the se\'ei"al countries. 

The Saxons, when thev first came to 
Britain, were as much as any people desti- 
tute of all acquaintance with literature and 
science, and so continued for many years. 
It was Christianity that first introduced 
them to these. Up to the time of the con- 
version of Ethelbert of Kent to Chrisliani- 
tv they manifested a decided opposition to 
the Christianity and civilization of the 
Britons. Much of the architecture and 
impro\ements of tlie country were utterly 
destroyed, as matter^ that were utterly 
woithless and beneath their regard. But 
when they became Christians they grad- 
ually paid some attention to architecture 
and its concomitant improvements, but 
their progress in literature was slow; in 
this, their first production was Bede's Ec- 



284 



THE SAXON PERIOD. 



[Book III. 



clesiastical History, which for its time was 
a wonderful work, and highly credible. 
B ut that was the work of Christianity ; and 
without the aid that Bede received from 
the Christian priests, principally from 
abroad, lie would never have acquired the 
taste or literary attainment necessary to 
produce a historical work of the kind. 
Christianity was introduced a hundred 
and tifty years after the settlement made 
by Hengist, and Bede's time was nearly 
a hundred and fifty years later. But it 
was the great Alfred that first encouraged 
and introduced a taste for literatui-e among 
the Saxons, about 900, which until then 
was entirely neglected. 

It was many years after the introduction 
of Christianity before a priest existed among 
the native Saxons; and when they came 
to exist great distinction was made between 
the clergy who were from the noble fami- 
lies—the descendants of Woden— and those 
of plebian descent. The high positions in 
the church were secured by the children 
of the nobility, while the plebian prieets 
were compelled to occupy an humble po- 
sition. The great distinction made in the 
English church between one class 
of the clergy and another dependent 
upon their rank in society as represented 
by Lord Macaulay,i2 so very humble and 
degrading to the humble priest, was a relic 
of that cruel distinction made among the 
Saxons between those who were connected 
with the families who Avere descendants of 
Woden and the great mass w lio constitu- 
ted the humble people. This great dis- 
tinction in the Anglo-Saxon society, be- 
tween the aristocracy who descended from 
Woden and the plebian people, continued 
without any encroachments upon it until 
the time of the great Godwin, who was 
probably the first instance of its violation; 
but it is probable that the success of God- 
win was wholly due to the change wrought 
in the condition of society by the Danes 
and their Avars. This humble condition of 
the great mass of the Saxon population 
continued at least to the Norman conquest, 
and it included all below the nobility, and 

32 M;ica\ilay's History of Ene-hind, vol. i, ch. iv, 
p. 2.0. 



was divided into two classes — the freemen 
and the servile. The Saxons, without any 
apparent compunction, ahvays recog- 
nized the right and institution of slavery. 
Into this mass of people the subdued Brit- 
ons were admitted upon the same terms as 
other plebian people. It was only those 
who were taken prisoners in actual war 
were made slaves. And history furnishes 
evidence that the subdued Britons frequent- 
ly held land upon the same terms as the 
free plebian Saxons. 

Before the Saxons attempted the con- 
quest and settlement in Britain, they had 
been for many years as pirates and maraud- 
ers, the terror of the Roman empire.i3 Du- 
ring that time they had become expert and 
relentless warriors ; and their religious no- 
tions rendered them fearless, and taught 
them to court danger and death in battle 
as the happiest event of human life. In 
the course of this experience they had been 
taught the arts of a rude war, and had 
learned what were the most deadly and 
effective arins, and what was their most 
eificient ai-mor in their wicked warfare. 
Their most efficient weapons were the bat- 
tle-axe and a club with spikes bristling 
from a knot at the end of it; and these 
were made with great length and weight, 
in order to give the most deadly blow with 
the greatest security, and fall with terrific 
eilect on their enemies. '^ They then sought 
to clothe themselves in the most efficient 
and protective armor — a shield, a helmet 
with metal projections to protect the head, 
neck and nose. With these weapons and 
defensive armor they generally' went into 
battle in a close solid body or in the shape 
of a wedge. They were generally success- 
ful, as any body of men, thus armed and 
disciplined, would be ; but still they often 
found their match amongst the Britons, as 
when Hengist was driven back into the 
sea by Vortimer;'- or at the great battle of 
Badon Hill, and under Arthur.i*'- But 
slow and progressive success attended 



13 About 170 years, from the time of Cara usius 
about 2S0, to the time of Hengist in 450. 

14 Vaug^han's Revolutions, p. 108. 

15 See ante, B. iii, ch. i, § . 

16 See ante, B. lii, ch. i, § . 



Chap. IV. I 

tlicni ; prinL-ipiillv bv ineuns ol" the Britons 
permitting them to acquire a settlement on 
tlie sea shore, without taking the alarm as 
to the consequences, until after a new race 
ot' native Saxons had been tixed in the 
country ; and also for the reason that tiie 
part ot" England which first became subject 
to tlie Saxons, was the countrv of the 
Lloegrian Cvmry, who did not resist with 
that vigor, wliich characterized the Cam- 
brian Cymryi' qj- the Cymry proper. The 
Lloegrians more readily united and assim- 
ilated with the Saxons than the Britons of 
Cambria, and it was their country wliich 
■was first taken. There, until Offa's time 
(^about 777), the western line of the Saxon 
conquest remained as the western line of 
Wcssex, Mercia and Northumbria, before 
any poriion of C;unbria was taken by them. 
But tlie mystery of the conquest consists 
in the fact, tiiat t'rom the commencement 
to the end there was a continual re-enforce- 
ment and acquisition of men from North- 
western Germany. From the time of the 
Romans to the time ot William the Con- 
queror (about 600 years) there was a con- 
stant stream of Germans going to Britain 
to rind a grave there, until the lives of mil- 
lions were spent in making that conquest. 
On the other hand the Cymry had no such 
aid or resource, and in the battles with the 
Saxons their numbers were constantly 
being reduced. The force that is perpetual- 
ly increased must eventually overcome that 
■which is on the decline without a re-entorce- 
ment. 

During this time, from the year 450 to 
1066, was the period which in the history 
of Europe is properly called the dark ages; 
when all science, literature and impi-ove- 
ments were on tlie decline, consequent up- 
on its being overrun by the barbarians of 
the north; and all these objects by them 
subverted, until all Europe had become a 
scene of desolation; all commerce, friendly 
and civil intercourse between nations lost, 
and Europe thrown back into its original 
savagery. The first circumstance of im- 
provement in the condition of the Saxons 
in Britain, was their conversion to Christi- 



17 See I Thierry's Xonnan Coiiqucsf, p. 2j 



CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE. 2S5 

unitv. But that improvement, though a 
decided one, was slow in making its way 
against the principles and practices of the 
devotees of Woden. 

The next improvement was that ]iroduced 
by Alfred the Great. This was after they 
had been in Britain about four hundred 
vears (A. D. 450 — 870). The exertion made 
by him to establish peace upon solid basis, 
and the exertion by him made for the intro- 
duction of science and literature, produced 
an almost incalculable advancement in the 
condition of the Saxons; and from this 
time forward their improvement was pro- 
gressive. And strange as it may appear, 
the coming of the Danes was an actual im- 
provement to the Saxons, though they 
complained that the Danes were savage 
pagans, who brought war and desolation 
with them — the slaughter of their people, 
and reduction of man}- of their towns to 
heaps of ashes. These complaints may 
have been only the just retribution of 
Providence, in inflicting upon the Saxons 
the very same misery and injustice which 
they had previously inflicted upon the 
Britons. But it taught the Saxons a severe 
lesson of the demands of. justice and hu- 
manity ; and the benevolent doctrines of 
Christianity, which the}' had slowly adopt- 
ed, gave them an opportunity of practically 
studying its benevolence and humanity. 
But wherein the Danes were of the great- 
est advantage in improving the Saxons, 
was the partial reform they produced in 
their form of government, and their social 
and political relations. Although the 
Danes were a people of the same pagan re- 
ligion, and social relation taught by Woden 
to the Saxons, still the Danes were not so 
thoroughly bound, in that aristocratical dis- 
tinction which divided the Saxons, politic- 
ally and socially, into the few, who claimed 
descent from Woden, and the great body of 
the plebeian people, who could never hope 
to rise to their condition, however great 
might be their merits. The Danes were 
the cause of the first breaking in upon this 
principle of the Saxon government, and 
were the cause of elevating the first plebe- 
ian Saxon from a herdsman to one of the 
greatest and most powerful men in the 



286 



THE SAXON PERIOD. 



land, in the person of the great earl God- 
win. is This break was of great conse- 
quence to the common of the Saxon peo- 
ple. 

§3- — 77/^ Condition of the Britons during 
the Saxon Period. (457 — 1066.) 

As already stated, it is held tliat the 
Britons at the time the Saxons became first 
permanenllj settled in Britain were a civ- 
ilized people, with cultivated arts, science 
and literature. Upon their condition the 
coming of the Saxons had the most de- 
teriorating and lamentable etlect. Christi- 
anity had been for many years firmly es- 
tablished in all South Britain, and their 
theology had been recognized as sound ana 
correct at the various councils previously 
held on the continent, at which their bish- 
ops had attended. Archbishops had been 
established at York, London and Winches- 
ter; and in the course of the excited con- 
troversy upon the subject of Arianism and 
Pelagian heresy, the true doctrines of 
Christianity had been firmly engrafted. 
But in the course of a hundred and fifty 
years, the Saxons had expelled from that 
part of Southeastern Britain, of wliich thev 
had taken possession with special hostilitv, 
all evidence of Christianity with its bish- 
ops and priests, and destroyed all churches 
and schools. Those who were not dis- 
posed to submit, as the clergy and officials, 
fled — some to Armorica among their 
brethren there, and others to the Cymrv in 
the west, while the great body of the peo- 
ple remained, principally in the cities, and 
were eventually swallowed up by their 
conquerors and became Anglo-Saxons.' 
But in the meantime the Cymry, west of 
the Saxons, did all in their power to pre- 
serve Christianity, literature and science, 
so far as it was possible in that dark age, 
when a war was prosecuted against every- 
thing of the kind, and all communication 



iS See ante, B. ui, ch. — . 

1 This is so declared repeatedly by the British his- 
torians. The triads say: "That the '^Lloeg-rians, en- 
ticed by the Coranians, entered into a conspjracy 
with the enemy and became Saxons." This positive 
declaration is in accordance with common sense; 
and no one with that sense will believe that ihey 
were cither expelled or put to the sword. 



[Book III. 

and commerce with southeastern and civ- 
ilized Europe were cut off and destroyed. 
The_\- did all in their power to preserve 
Bangor is y coed, on the Dee, and Cierleon 
on the Usk, as centers of religion and 
learning. The first of these, Bangor, was 
destroyed about A. D. 605, by Ethelfritli, 
the stout and destructive king of North- 
umbria;2 tji© second, Crerleon on the Usk, 
was wonderfully preserved amidst all hos- 
tilities, so that in the time of Giraldus 
Cambrensis, about the vear 1185, it especi- 
ally attracted his attention and description 
as wonderful specimen ot the architecture 
and works of more ancient times. In the 
midst of those wars and hostilities of the 
Saxons, and then the Danes, the Cymry 
maintained their attention to literature and 
the Christian religion, as is fully pro\ed by 
the prose writings of Pelagus, Gildas, Nen- 
nius and Asser; but especially by the pro- 
ductions of the bards during the sixth and 
seventh century, during Western Europe's 
darkest hoin-, as is sufficiently pro\ed b_\- 
the poetic productions of Taliesin of Ban- 
gor, Aneurin of Cmnbria, whose great epic 
poem, Gododin, describing the circum- 
stances of the great battle of Cottraeth, in 
which the poet himself was engaged as a 
warrior. The merits of this poet is such as 
to designate him a.s the sovereign bard of 
his times. These were folk^wed by ninner- 
ous other poets and Ijards, as Llywarch 
Hen, Mvrddin and numerous others, who 
ha\'e not only recei\ecl the admiration of 
their own eountrvmeii but of generous and 
impartial Englishmen and others.-* Of 
Aneurin it has been said, that his descrip- 
tion of manners are happv, and the inci- 
dental allusions are strikingly illustrative 
of the age ; but his chief power consisted 
in his pathetic lamentation, and his elegies 
have many fine sentiments These literary 
efforts of this people were continued to the 
time of Howel the Good, Avhich jiroduced 
his code; and survived the dark and gloomy 
times that followed him; and again burst 

2 See ante B. iii, ch. — ; Henry of IIuntin;>d()n, H. 
iii, p. S2. See, also, the article Caerlenn. in Cham- 
ber's Encyclopedia: also CJiraldus Cambrensis. 

3 See Tiu-ner's Vindication; Prof. Arnold's Study 
of Celtic Literature; also the writings of Southy 
and Wadsworth; also the able essay of Stephens on 
the Literature of the Cymry. 



out in a revival of literature in a subscciuenl 
age, in that of the Iwelt'th century. 

At the connneiicenient of OtVa's reign in 
1 he year 755, west of the line already de- 
>cribed as then the west line of Wessex, 
Mercia and Northunibria, the people 
throughout Western Britain were almost 
t xclusively Cyniry; and this includes the 
peninsula of Cornwall west of the Avon, 
Cambria \ve>t ot the .Severn, Cumbria from 
the Dee to the Firth of the Sohvay, Strath- 
Clvde. running far into the northeast of 
Scotland; including the Picts, who were 
the descendants of some of IJie Ancient 
Britons who fled from the oppression of 
the conquering Romans to the protection 
aftbrded in the recesses of Scotland. These 
were in part the descendants of those gal- 
lant men, who defended their country un- 
der Galgacus. The exception to this, if 
there be any, wci-e the Scots, and the High- 
landers in the northwest of Scotland. The 
Scots were, midoubtedh, originally Britons 
who fled from the invading Romans, first 
to Ireland, and afterwards passed over to 
Scotland; and by their enterprise and en- 
ergy gave their name to the country. For 
the reason that the Scots last came from 
Ireland, they are frequently called by the 
ancient historians Irish ; but were probably 
descendants of the Ancient Britons. The 
Highlanders were Gaels — the elder Celts, 
who inhabited Britain before the coming of 
the Cymi-\-. These three Celtic nationali- 
ties— .Scots, Picts and Gaels, so nearly re- 
lated, by an union foi'med the new nation- 
ality of Scotland — a countrv and people 
who ha\ e most gloriously retrieved them- 
selves from the fierce and sa\agelife which 
the Romans compelled them to seek for 
freetioni and independence: until now llle^■ 
have, in literature and science, in arts and 
manufacture, and in the requirements of 
peace and wai\ placed themselves upon an 
equality witli the first peO]i'ie of the world. 
Such are the Si-()ts. iun\ made up of the 
Gael- and Cyniry of .\iicienl l]ritain, with 
a small sprinkling of Anyflo-Saxon.^ 



4 Thicrrv (in his Xonium Conquest, Vol. i, B. i. 
p. 51.) sav.s: •'After tlie dfiUli of E,y:rrilli ol North- 
innlnia, ('A. D. 6S4,) the I'icts and S.-nts iinpi-ovcd 
liiin- victory and advanced south ol" the Tweed, the 
banks of wl'.ich thev dicn made the limits oC Iheir 



CONDinON OF THE PEOPLE. 2S7 

It is rather strange that we have so many 
undoubted evidences of the love and cher- 
ished fondness of the Celts of this Western 
Europe to literature, and their devotion to 
it under such adverse circumstances. Be- 
sides the Cymric names already mentioned 
in connection with their literature, there 
are names of Scots and Irish, equally en- 
titled to oia- regard and admiration. The 
production of Ireland and Scotland in early 
times, when we might justly expect noth- 
ing from them; some of whom aie claimed 
bv each country. But whether Scot or 
Irish, they are equally due to the Celts. 
Ossian is one of these; and though his ex- 
istence has been denied by the "Celt-hater," 
yet that has been abundantly vindicated by 
fair and able men. Mr. Giles in his history 
of the Ancient Britons places Ossian in 
the time of Carausius, and says that he re- 
fers to him by the nameof Caron. Anoth- 
er is John Scotus Erigena, who has added 
to the fame of his coimtiwrnen, but added 
to the enlightenment and literature of 
Europe. Though we have abundant evi- 
dence of the extraordinary production of 
literature at this period hy the Cymry, the 
Irish and the Scot, vet the greatest devel- 
opment of it belongs to the next period, in 
the twelfth century. 

Since the commencement of tlie Chris- 
tian era, literature, ci\ili2ation and Christi- 
anity have always gone on hand in hand; 
and civilization requires the true and gen- 
uine principles of Christianity for its great- 
est development. Here again the Celtic 
population of the west may justly claim 
priority and the superiority over the rest of 
Northern Europe. They were the earliest 
missionaries to the heathen. St. Patrick* 
was induced to devote his life to the con- 
version of Ireland, which was attended 
with cxtraordinar\- success about the same 
time that the Saxons began to overrun 



territorv. This limit the inhahitan's of the South 
never afterwards altered, niakinji- from that day the 
new point of sej)aration between the two parts of 
Britain. The tribes of Ani;lian race who inhalnted 
the plains between the Forth and the Tweed became 
bv this clianfje embodied with the ))opulation of 
Picts and Scots, or Scotch, the name which this 
mixed population .>;oon took, and from which was 
formed the modern name of the countr\ ." See ante, 
n. iii, ch.— . 

^ See ante, V>. iii, ch. — . 



288 



THE SAXON PERIOD. 



England and extinguish Cliristianity tliere. 
Out of this mission to Ireland came St. 
Columba, who, about 550 or some earlier, 
established his mission on the Isle of lona 
on the coast of Scotland, which afterwards 
became celebrated as the great seat of learn- 
ing and religion. The follower* and stu- 
dents of Columba appear to have rendered 
great service to Scotland, and even to 
England, in matters of learning and re- 
ligion. Teachers were often sent from 
among them to the seminaries of England 
and the continent; and they undertook mis- 
sionary enterprises to Norway, and even to 
Rvissia. They taught, in a great measure, 
the principles of primitive Christianity, and 
rejected the ceremonies of the Roman 
church. But eventually lona became svib- 
ject to the Roman Catholic, and fell to ruins 
in the progress of the Reformation. It had 
produced the conversiwn of the Scots and 
Picts to Christianity. It ^vas among these 
Scots and Picts that Osricand Eanfrid, two 
young princes oi' Northumbria, when ban- 
ished during Edwin's time, took refuge and 
became Christians, but on their return, af- 
ter Edwin's death, they abandoned their 
Christian faith, and again became pagans 
among their Saxon people.*) 

At this time the Celtic people, it is prob- 
able, were the foremost in literary attain- 
ments, and the most advanced in Christian- 
ity, of any people of Northwestern Europe. 
Elsewhere it was a dark period in the liis- 
tory of Europe, during which the northern 
barbarians were carrying on a wav of ex- 
termination against civilization. 

One of the most striking incidents of the 
times, which aflected the condition of the 
Cymric people during this period, was tiie 
continual scene of war in which they Ii\ed. 
This is speciall}' observable vvitli them from 
the death of Ilovvel the Good to that of 
Edward the Confessor, (A. D. 948 — 1066,) 
a period of one huntircd and eighteen 
years; during which there was almost a 
constant war, either with tlic English gov- 
ernment, or the Danes, or marauding par- 
ties, or the dissension of partisan aspirants. 
P^ither external or internal war was com- 



6 See Ileiirv "t" Iluiilinijclon, i'. iii. 



p. 90. 



[Book III. 

mon with them. But to this they were 
compelled by the continual pressure and 
war brought upon them by the Saxons and 
Danes. They were compelled to keep 
their armor on, and to live the life of a 
warrior. Their enemies were always upon 
them ; and in times of external peace, their 
enemies were constantly aiding one party 
out of power against another in power, for 
the purpose'of keeping them in war and 
dissensions among themselves; and for this 
purpose advantage was taken of any pre- 
tended claim or right, to aid it against the 
peace of the country. But this has ever 
been the unhappy fate of all people similar- 
ly situated. Tacitus said, that it was the 
acknowledged policy of the Romans ahvays 
to aid the factions and contensions, against 
those in power amongst their enemies ; and 
for this purpose they frequently aided and 
allied the most pretentious claimant. The 
same was the case with the Saxons. This 
has brought upon the Ancient Britons the 
charge that they were contentious and 
quarrelsome; Avhich instead of being a 
charge against their national character, 
should be laid to the charge of human 
weakness; for we find the same weakness, 
under the same circumstances, among all 
brave people jealous of their rights and 
liberties. 

This charge against the Ancient Britons 
is principally supported by what is said by 
the querulous Gildas. He dealt in fault- 
finding philippic; liut was no historian 
dealing in tacts. He was a jiriest probably 
accustomed tb preach in florid generalities, 
and not in precise tacts. He was out of 
temper with his countrymen, and laid 
everything to their charge, because they 
were not more successful against their en- 
emies; wlien perhaps that success was be- 
yond human power. The language of 
Gildas is looked upon as untrue and unjust, 
as applied to the Cymry or Ancient Britons, 
more than to anv other people of whom 
warrior'^ could be made. 'l"he Io\'e of war, 
and a pugnacious disposition is no more 
manifest, if as much so, in the Cymr_\- as 
in the Saxons. In this respect the Ancient 
Britons have sustained one unitorm charac- 
ter from the earliest time in history to t!ie 



Chap. IV.] 

present day. Tacitus represents them as a 
people who well understood their business 
— easy to be led by kindness, but hard to 
drive. "Serving the government with alac- 
rity, provided they have no reason to com- 
plain of oppression." In this respect, Tac- 
itus pays the Britons the highest commen- 
dation ever given to any people.7 After 
the Roman conquest under Agricola, the 
Britons for nearly four hundred years were 
as peaceable a people as any in the empire. 
So they were even during Saxon times, 
when they had to do with such men as Ed- 
gar the Peaceful, or Alfred the Great. So 
they were under their own rule, during the 
long reign of Howel the Good ; and so are 
they now since the just goverment of 
Henry VII. But they are a people who 
know and understand when they are in- 
jured and oppressed, and when that is the 
case, they will resent it; and when neces- 
sary, will fight for their rights. 

§4. — The Condition of the Saxons at the 
Close of this Period. 



CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE. 



2S9. 



The Saxons when they first settled in 
Britain were the most hopeless people as to 
civilization. They had been marauding 
pirates — entirel_y destitute of literature and 
science, and without any pretension to any- 
thing except their capacity for war. Their 
religion was the most hostile to civilization 
of any that was ever invented; it made war 
the supreme end of man, and death in bat- 
tle as a sure passport to the felecity of 
heaven. For a hundred and fifty years 
they carried on a most implacable war 
against civilization and Christianity, and 
the special objects of their hatred were 
Christian priests and Christian churches. 
The Britons took them to be so incorrigible 
pagans that there was no hopes for them in 
Christianity; and they must have been sur- 
prised, if not astonished, when Augustine 
proposed to make Christians ot such sub- 
jects. The Britons had been too glaringly 
injured by them to liave any other opinion 
of them. With the Roman priests it was 
otherwise. But tlieir conversion of the 



Saxons to Christianity was to them and to 
the world a great boon, and was the first 
step in their improvement. But still their 
progress in improvement was very slow. 
The Roman priests in some measure intio- 
duced to them letters ; but until Alfred'.s 
time, about three hundred years after the 
introduction of Christianity, their progress 
in literature and science was slow, and al- 
most nothing. The good Alfred did all in 
his power to cultivate a taste for these mat- 
ters among his people; and in this he was 
greatly aided by the learned Cambrian, 
Asser, who was his friend, companion, and 
his biographer. F^rom this time to the 
Norman conquest their impro\ement was 
considerable. 

During the time just alluded to, witii 
very few exceptions, the Saxons were in 
almost continual state of war, either with 
the Britons, in taking from them their land, 
or with each other. The seven states com- 
posing the Heptarchy were frequently at 
war with each other when not particularly 
engaged in robbing the Cymry ; and in- 
ternal, partisan war for the sovereignty was 
not uncommon. Although Christianity 
greatly improved the condition of the 
Saxons, and ameliorated their native rude- 
ness, yet it was a long time before the 
habits and principles inculcated into their 
nature were entirely worked out of them. 
The love of war, with its exciting scenes of 
blood and slaughter, for a long time re- 
mained with them ; and long did they pro- 
fess Christianity, before its first principles 
of brotherly love and that golden rule, to 
do unto others as they would wish that 
others should do unto them, could be in- 
culcated into their nature, as to induce 
them to respect the property and rights of 
others. When rights were inquired into, 
it was too common a matter for the swoi-d 
to be exhibited as evidence of their title, 
and the means by which it was acqinred.i 



7 Tacitus' Agricola, ch. xiii, p. 595; sec ante, B. 
ii, ch. — . 



I In ;( note to Henry of IIuntin«-don (B. iv, p. 146) 
is Ihu followinjc: '•These tables, wliicli embrace a 
period of little more than a cenliny and a half, ex- 
tendinjj- from A. D. 6S1 to S36, contain a melancholy 
record of the vmsettled .state of the times. War, rev- 
olutions, treason and mm-der so did their work, that 
of the forty-live kinn-s of the He])tarch.y enumerated 
in the lists, fifteen only, and three of these after x 
vei V short reis^n, died peaceablv,_ and in the posse '• 
sion of their kinudoms. Of the remainder, elever. 



290 



THE SAXON PERIOD 



This love of war was taught and im- 
pressed upon the common people, so tliat 
thej were always readj to fight; but the 
great mass of plebeian people had no con- 
trol over it. That was a matter which be- 
longed, h\ divine right, to those who could 
claim their descent from \V^oden. In war, 
as in ci\il matters, none were presumed to 
command but the king, his nobles and 
chief men who were able to show their 
right to command and to be obeyed, by 
showing their descent from that di\ine 
personage which thej all worshipped, when 
the form and principles of their govern- 
ment were established. This caste, nobili- 
ty and family arrangement was not inter- 
fered with by their adoption of the Christian 
religion. It was not changed until Danish 
war, and Norman conquest, had beat them 
out of it. 

It has already been claimed that the 
statement so frequently found in English 
history, that the Saxons on their conquest 
of the country expelled all the Britons — 
that those who did not flee to other coun- 
tries were all slaughtered— ''i)ut to the 
sword," was not and could not be true: and 
this is a question which materiallj' affects 
the condition of the people of botli races. 
In the first place, it is contrary to the his- 
tory of German and barbaric conquest in 
all other countries, as well as being incred- 
ible in it.self Historians universally say 
that it was the ])ractice with the German 
conquerors to divide with th.e conquered, 
and onh- lakt- one-third of the land to 
themselves ;i and this would be in accord- 



[Book III. 

ance with what might be expected, and it 
would accord with that which would sub- 
serve their best interest. The victors 
would be only the warriors, the fewest in 
numbers; the conquered the great mass of 
the people— the disabled, women and chil- 
dren. The conquerors would seek to turn 
these, as far as possible, to their advantage. 
The choice of the Avomen they w-ovild make 
their wives'^ others they would make pay 
tribute in some shape. They would first 
take the rural part of the country, and di- 
vide it, to supply their wants of its products. 
Wherever terms could be made, the cities 
and towns would be spared, to supply them 
with clothing and other articles which the 
towns could produce. London and other 
towns were never taken by the Saxons. 
These were left under their own municipal 
regulation, as they existed in Roman times." 
Christianity was expelled from the country ; 
and in the course of the long time that 
elapsed between Hengist and Alfred, the 
Britons who submitted to the Saxon rule, 
became Saxonized; and the union of the 



were tinvcii tVoni tlm thront;: L-ltvcn diid violent 
deaths, some in battle, but most of them niurilered 
by their reliellious .sul1iel■t!^ ; ami eight became monks, 
as nnicli, Henry of Iliintinadon admits, to escape a 
violent death as from motives of pietv. The kinij-- 
(lom ot Northiunbria presents the worst .S])ectacJe. 
'I here, of thirteen kinys diirina- the period above 
mentioned, three only died possessed of the throne, 
one ol them lallin<r sick and dving- in the second 
year ot his i-eii.n. It is remarkulile.'also, that all the 
tliree died m less th.in half a century of the j.eriod 
referred to. Afterwards, for a century and a quar- 
ter, not one ot tlie kini<s wlio successively filled the 
throne ot N'ortliumbria died in it. Kour were' ex- 
pelled by their subjects; and of four who were killed 
erne only tell in baUle: the rest \yere traitorously 
niurdend. and two became monks. "■ But these kin<'s 
ot Northumbria were fully matched in their love Tif 
war, their crimes and casualties, bv such kiu"-s is 
Penda and Olla of Mercia. and IJeortric and his 
■ijueen l-adburfja, of Wessex. 



2 See 2 .N'iebiiur's I,ectures. 



p. 44. 



.5 Palgrave (Anglo-Saxons, ch. x, p. 170) says; 
"The city [Exeter] was a kind of a little republic, 
like the tree cities of Italv or Germany; or like Mar- 
seilles, which, though f;/r/«?'<'^rt' in France, had all 
the rio^hts of a free state, until it was seized bv the 
French kings. And this, I think, may have been the 
case with many other great towns and cities of Eng- 
land, which probably enjoyed their franchises and 
liberties before any one of our Anglo-Saxon kings 
had a crown ujion his head, or a sceptre in his 
'y^nfl-" .Ajr^iin, (on page 1S5) he says: "From the 
Kibble, in ]^ancashire, up to the Clyde, there existed 
a dense population, consisting of Kritons, who pre- 
served their national language and customs, agree- 
ing in all respects with the Welsh of the present 
day. So that even in the tenth century the Ancient 
Britons still inhabited the greater part of the western 
coast ot the island, however much they had been 
compelled to yield to the political supremacy of the 
Saxon invaders." Also (page iSS): "The Britons of 
Strath-Clvde and Cumbria gradually melted awav 
into the surrounding population; arid losing their 
language, ceased to be discernable as a separate 
race. ' See, also, pp. 195, 22;. 

(iibhon .says (Vol. i, p. 527, ch. 3S): "Neither 
reason nor facts can justify the unnatural supposi- 
tion, that the Saxons of Britain remained alone in 
the desert which Ihev had subdued. After 'the san- 
guinary barbarians had secured their dominion, and 
gratified their revenge, it was rheir interest to i)re- 
serve the peasants, as well as the cattle of the unre- 
sisting country." To the same etlect Woodward, in 
his history of Wales (page 2;,o\ says: "We know 
that there was not only a dense British population 
in the western shires of England, but numbers of 
the descendants of the original possessors of the 
whole island were to be found even in East Ani,Hia 
a short lime before the concjuest." Turner (in'liis 
.\ns^lo-Saxons, i Vol., p. 219; is equally decisive up- 
on this subject, and says: ••■I'here is no doubt that 
the majority <.f the British jiopulation was preserved 
to be useful to their conquerors." See, also. Miller's 
Anglo-Saxons, p. SS; Florence ot Worcester's 
Chronicles, pp. i; and ^i. 



C"l)a|). i\.] 



CONDITION OK THE PEOPLE. 



291 



(wo nici's prociuced wlial is calleti Anglo- I Saxons. 

.Saxons — or the English people. This was j London in Saxon times, when it ceased 
specially the case with Mercia. which in- j to be under its own independent govern- 
•cluded the ^leal hodv ot" the interior of ment, became a part of Mercia; and these 
?^nglanii, where the ma>-s of the people facts in relation to the population of Mer- 
\mited In mutual ai^reement, and with(iut cia, will) what must be equally true in rela- 
much or an^ wai'. The people o\ Mercia \ tion to other ))arts of England, must .-.atisfy 
were Lloegri,in> who were C\ mric. and the \ the candid student tliat a very large portion 
Coranians who were of a more recent tor- j of the Ancient Britons were assimilated 
■eign element; and these were accused by j with the Saxons, in forming the present 
the western Cymry to haye readily united ] population of England. 'J'he fact that the 
with the Saxons, and became a jiart of ' Saxon language became the basis of the 
lhemselyes.^ But it vyas London, with its 1 English, is no yerystrtmg argument against 
great population, that, more than any other I this; tor it is no strange matter for one 
locality, aided in forming the character of race to adopt the language 01' another — as 
the English people; tor with them there the French making the Latin the basis of 
was a constant intercourse with other ]iarts their language instead of the Celtic, or the 
of the Heptarchy. In thi^ manner the j Africans in America becoming English in 
Saxons, who came nwv a> warriors, and | their language. But the English is a very 
aiot as emigrants, uniteti with the nati\ es j mongrel language, being borrowed almost 



and tbrmed a new combination and nation- 
ality, diflering in character from either, but 
partaking of many of the qualities of both ; 
but differing most decidedly from their an- 
cestors :md brethren they left in North- 
\yestern Cjermany . 

The vast country occupied by w hat was 
called Mercia, extended from the H umber 
to the Thames, and from the (jerman 
Ocean to the confines of the .Severn. This 
extensive and fertile region was thickly 
peopled, generally Lloegrians; but the 
Coranians occupied a large tract of it, in 
and about what is now Lincoln and Leices- 
ter shires. This Mercia ccjuntrv remained 
untouched by the .Saxons, for nearK a bun- 
dled and fit"t\ years after Hengist came; 
and then their progresj, was slow, and ap- 
jiarently without much war. Crid.iandhis 
son, Peda, made some progress in acc|uir 



from every other language with which it 
has come in contact, as will be hereafter 
more fully showm. 

What is here said is suj^ported by many 
English and Dther candid historians, as is 
said by Palgrave: •T'))on the conquests of 
Ofia and his predecessors it is necessary to 
make one important observation, namely, 
that the political subjugation of Powys and 
the adjoining countries did not necessarily 
lead to the total expulsion of the British 
tribes. English colonies were partially in- 
troduced, but the British peasantry con- 
tinued to dwell upon the soil, though the 
domain was transferred toother lords; and 
so numerous were they that the country 
continued British in .appearancte exen until 
the reign of King John, when, in common 
language, Heretbrd was still considered to 
be in Wales, in fact, the whole of this 



ing a rule there, but a general government border was held and peopled neajly 



\vas not established over Mercia imtil Pen- 
da's time, about A. D. 6j6, and the e\-idence 
<jf history is strong that all this ancient 



see Monmouthshire at the present day. 
The mass of the peojile are Cyiiiri. * * 
* * Very many of the territories ruled 



paratively few .Saxons in fomiing the sub- 
sequent po)nilation called the Anglo- 



populati<m was swallowed up with the com- [by the Anglo-Saxons had thus a double 

aspect — Anglo-Saxons if you consider them 

as a state, British if you \iewed the popu- 

lacv b\- which 1he\ were lilled; and by 

„ , , , ... ■ •■ ,1,1 recollecling this circumstance, we may 

\ Pal-iTavt- ( Aiiylo-.Siaxons. cli. 11. p. 40) whore he " _ _ ■' 

■<ays: ••'vw Rniuanized Hritons of l.oeariu appear to | reconcile and explain many seeming anom- 
have united more readily to their invaders. lappre- 1 ,. , i i- .• • " 1 • ^ »ir 

hend thai they po.sscssea less nationality: and some- ' «'ie-^ il"'' contradictious m Our history. » 
iinu-s I'.vcn national prejudices are the sateg-nards of 
indcpendenee." 

19 



5 I'alt;Tave"s .Vnj^^lo-.Sax., th. iv, p. 71, 



292 



The .saxox period. 



[Book III. 



But though tlie Britou'^ who tlius re- 
mained became subjects of the Saxon gov- 
ernment, jet it is very certain that they 
were not sla\es; tor the Saxons considered 
only such as were taken in battle; except 
the nobles, there were two classes of sub- 
jects — the free and the slave. But all the 
people, both Saxons and Britons, were un- 
der the abject rule of the Saxon nobility, 
in whose hands was all the political power 
— who were a caste formed of only the 
children of Woden, to which none other 
were admitted. These were generally 
called ealdermen, and constituted the king's 
council — his Witoiageiuot. The king- 
seemed to possess monarchial and almost 
unlimited power; and his council had but 
little or no power over him when he pleased 
to call them in council, or when thev re- 
belled and deposed him. The aldermen 
were subject to his orders, but thev pos- 
sessed all the political power under the 
king, and held and controlled the landed 
property of the country, which they let to 
the freemen and villains upon such terms 
as they chose. The freemen had no pol- 
itical power, unless it nuiy be some police 
regulation among themselves. If a plebe- 
ian, he had no hopes to exercise any part 
of the government or become an alder- 
man. The tirsl instance of such elevation 
was that of Godwin ; and this was produced 
by the disturbance and upsetting of all gov- 
ernmental matters bv the Danes. The 
Danes themselves were governed bv the 
principles and institution of Woden; but 
they seemed not to hold so closch- to an 
oligarchy as the Saxons. But thi- close 
institution of the .Saxcjns \\ as gradually 
broken in upon by the Danes and the Nor- 
mans; and finally abolished b\- the English 
people themselves. No government in 
Britain e\'ei" existed in which the mass of 
the people was kept at such a distance 
from the government as that of the Sax- 
ons.s It was a close oligarchy, in \vhich 



6 HalgTiive's Anglo-Saxons, ch. v, p. SS: "Some of 
th(; Danish chieftains iniatjined that Ihcy possessed 
a'rifijht to the jj^overnnient of tlie Ang^lian states of 
Britain. The Danish king's were sons of Woden, 
like our Ang^lo-Saxon monarchs. Wahrminid ixniX 
Ofla, who appear in the ijenealog-ies ot Mercia, as 
before mentioned, were the ancestors of the Norwe- 
gian "se;i kinjfs." And the allusions in the Sag^as to 



none particij-)ated except those who could 
claim divine rights as a descendant from 
Woden. 

In English history there are many things- 
said for the purpose of impressing upon the 
reader the belief that the gox'ernment es- 
tablished In- the Saxons in England was a 
very tuie institution, in \\ hich the condition 
ot the people was equal and just; that the 
body of the people had a controlling influ- 
ence over the government by their repre- 
sentatives in the Witenagenwt^ as the coni- 
mons in the present day are represented 
in parliament. But nothing can be further 
from the truth. All that is said tor the 
purpose of coineying the idea that the 
people liad a iiist control over the go\ ern- 
n-ient for the purpose ot" preserving t heir- 
own rights and liberties, according to the 
notion and practice of the English people 
of the present day, is creating a very false 
notion of the government of that day.. 
From the very first establishment of the 
Saxon government until after Alfred's 
time, a period of very nearly five hundred 
years, and perhaps not imtil after the Nor- 
man conquest, there was nothing in the 
Saxon government for the protection of tlie 
libeities and freedom ot the people, or to 
establish a just and equitable government, 
which can be traced to or found in the- 
English government of the present day,, 
except that the Witenagemot hail some 
distant resemblance to the House t)t' Lortls, 
in case the parliament was so changed as' 
to abolish tlie comn-ions antl lea\ethe king 
and nobles to rule the coimtry without any 
restraint or balance of power. Fh'cry king' 
carefully traceti his descent fi-om M'ndeiu 
and eveiy aldei'man in l)l<5od and lineage 
was coni-iected with, him, and these only 
were members of the Witenagemot: and 
then only as tliey were siunnioned by the 
king as his dear cousin. The mass of the- 
people were entirely excluded. These- 
were divided- into two bodies — the freemen 
and those wiio were not freemen, the xil- 
lains anti the slaves proper, ami e\'en in 



the conquests efl'ectcd by the Danish heroes in l!vtt- 
ain, at a very earh' period, can only be explained In 
.supposina: that they related to the rhicttains bv 
whom our island was colonized.'' 



Cha]-). i\ .] 



CONDITION OF TlIK PKOPLIi. 



■93, 



the rime of Edw;utl llic Comessor the^o I Al tluit time grciit distinction \\a> niatic 
constituted more than one lialf' ot" the peo- among the clergy l)et\veen' those who were 
pie. The treemeii had no political power, i oranohle birth and the plebeian prit-t. It 
except police regulation among themselves. Kvas nearly six iuuidred \ears before the 
The king and nobles, during this long pe- i great (jodwin, a plebeian, became the tir>t 
riod, exercised all political power — made who was recognized as an alderman. The>e 
laws, established peace or ■ war, regulated i Saxon nobles were governed with some 



the taxes, controlled the landed jjroperty, 
and owned most of the per.sonal property ; 
and all this was so exercised and regulated 
as to promote and preserve their power, 
louring this long period, two events trans- 
pired to ameliorate this .Saxon rule: First 
the introduction of Christianity; and sec- 
ondly, the coming of the Danes and Xor- 



sense of liberty and justice among them- 
selves; but in that the mass of the people 
exercised no influence or authorit\', the 
nearest approach to it was their right to 
present a petition as to w rongs ami griev- 
ances to the Witenagemot, which wa- the 
great court of justice and political affairs of 
the kingdom; and in which the king usual- 



mans, and breaking up the government in i ly presided, and therefore the kinglv and 

a most violent manner; and though that | executive powers were nt)t separated from 

was very much like the homely operation ^ the iudiciar\-. 

of jumping out of the hy ing-pan into the | 

fire, it actually aided in imi)roving the 

condition of the people; — the greatest sut'- 

ferers were the nobilitx-. 

The introduction of Christianit\- made 
but a slow and I'aint impression upon the 
form of go\-ernmeiit or its action. It then 
vers- r!ghtt"ull_\ assiuned not to inter- 
fere with the government. Cm. then war 
existed for no other cause than a desire to 
plunder and take spoils — to make slaves 
and enforce tribute. The right to make 
slaves in war, and to buy and sell them, 
was always a principle exercised and con- 
tended tor bv the Saxons until \X'ry mod- 
ern times. We read, however, of bishops 
and high clergymen becoming memljers of 
the Witenagemot; but whether they were 
not themsehes of the nobility, in e\erv 
<:ase, is not ver\- certain. The great and 
violent bishop DunsUui was iiimself a no- 
ble man bv birth— of the Woden caste." 



^^5. — Co}iditio>i of the Cvinrv at tlie Close of 
t/n's Period. 

There was reason to lielie\e that there 
was no distinction made between tiie rights 
and privileges ot the Britons who submitted 
and the native Saxons. Thev were either 
freemen or sla\'es by the rules as the Sax- 
ons themselves wei\'. If there was anv 
ditlerence it was in fa\or of tlte J-Sriton-; 



7 P;ilui-;ive (.Viiivlo-.Suxon;-;, cli. iv. p. 60) suys: 
"Our .\nfi;^lo-S;i.\<)ii :ildcrinfn coiistituled ;i kiiul of 
i^iilinuf c:iste or tribe, all soii.s oi Woilcn, pcrhiips 
aniicnlly invested with siicoiJolul functions — the 
priests, as ^vcll as the lawjiiivcrs ami leadi-rs of the 
nation. Collectively as a caste, and individually 
over their own iii\inediate followers and retainers, 
the V possessed tjreat dominion and intiueiice: l)ut 
Ihere was no political power of any wide extent 
|<iucrv as to this] vested in am one individual, except 
duriui; hostilities. A chieftain was then elected to 



savs; "Without tile possession of a certain (.piantity 
of landed property, tlu- dii;nitv of sittin;^- in the 
VV'itenatfeniot conld not he enjoyed." Mr. Turner 
still differs from the mow-; here expressed, and con; 
tends that the Saxon people were represented in the 
j Witcn:i<^eui')t lin H. viii, ch. iv. p. i<)i), with wjiich I 
I cannot agree; Still he says: ''The nr.nihers of the in- 
I dividuals comiKisinar those cla.«.ses were very niuch 
j smaller indeed thantheir present amount. '11ie<iTeat 
I hidk fif the -Vnlo-.Saxon po|)ulation was in a servile 
[ state, and therefore without anv constitutional risjhts. 
Al! the villanii, horari. .tc, that is all the working- 
' agricultural p<ii)ulation. and n-.ost <.'f those who occu- 
pied the station of sum 1 1 fai-iners. * * *'• * and 
all persons analayous to out- inferior artisans and 
mechanics, were tlie projjerty of their respective 
lonls, and with no more political rii^lits thnti the cat- 
tle and furniture svith which tlK.'y were classed and 
Iranslerred. Two-thirds, at least, nit>re probably 
tluee-fourlhs. of the .Auijlo-Saxon poiudation wei-'e 
ori^in-allv in this state, until voluntary or jiurchased 
enranci))ati(>ns. and the etVecls of war -.ind invasions, 
"-radually increased t!ie number of the free. t>oiues- 
dav-b'K)k shows tliat e\eri in the reinii ol' the Con- 
fessor, the largest ))arl of the English pojjulation 
was in the servile slate." .-Xnd back on ]):it;e 335. 
Turner a^^aJn savs: --.A freeu-ien anionji our ancestors ' 
was not that diu-nilieil independent beinif, -lord of the 
lion heart and eayle eye." which our poets t;tnc> un- 
der ilns appellation: lie-was rather an Antflo-Saxon 
not In the servile state: not property attached to !he 
were; he was freed from oppres- 



lead the nation, but his rule e\))ired with the- urtfen 

<y which had ^iven it birth, and all the :ildermen j land as the sla\ 

vvere- alike ag-aiu. Such was the jcovei-nment of the 1 si*e arbitrary bondage; he was ot"ten a servant, ;u:tJ 

'O/c/Saxons.' " All th,- aldiriitr-ii r-.v/v ulikragdiii' .' had a master, bvit he had the liberty to iiuit the .ser- 

Th-at may be; but what diiTerence did thai' make , vice of one lord and choose another." And I can 

with the'sjreat body of the people? hardly conceive liow a jK'ople could he put in a more 

1 Tiirner's Angfo-Suxons (15. vii, ch. ix, p. .'J4) , humble condition, as to rights and privileges. 



294 



THE SAXON PERIOD 



for the most of th 14111 were tlie burghers of 
the towns and cities, and inaiiitaiued their 
guilds and corporations ti-otii the Roman 
times down to the present da\'. They were 
the nianulaiturers and artisans upon whom 
the .Saxons greatly depended. But the in- 
termixture of the Saxons and Britons took 
place by the conquest in the manner point- 
ed out, but also by alliances and ordinary 
intercourse between any two people; and 
they Mere not always at war. We have 
seen the great coalescence between Cad- 



[Book III. 

Christian world to have been sound in its 
doctrines and practices, except the Roman 
priests complained that the British clergy 
did not adopt the right tonsure and did not 
keep the right day for easter ; but -whether 
they considered this as an absolute obstruc- 
tion to the Briton's way to heaven or not, 
we are not informed. 

Although there were frequent and severe 
wars between the Britons and Saxons, 
principally on account of the continual ag- 
gression of the latter, yet there were manj 



walla, the British king, and Penda, the things between them in common, and many 



king of Mercia. Their armies were united 
in all their ojiei-alions. In Mercia, where 
the great bod\' of the Ancient Britons who 
had united with the Saxons, the\- had no 
war or fighting; but the great war of this 
alliance was against the Angles of North- 
umbiia. Frequent maniages took place 
between the jirinces of the two nations, as 
the relation which took place bv marriage 
between Cadwalla and Penda, and other 
instances mentioned in tliis history. But 
such relations look place lietween the Cvm- 
rv and the Mert'ians, hut also between 
them and other Saxon ]>eople ol" other 
states of the 1 leptarchy, to a tar greater ex- 
tent than history discloses. Where the 
j^rinces marry we must suppose that mai'- 
riages take place between the humble peo- 
ple to a far greater extent than history- 
notices. Of such unions is that of Cen- 



of their old institutions becoming that of 
the Saxons. But where they differed the 
most during this period was in their laws 
and institutions in relation to the adminis- 
tration of justice, which ha\'e since been 
adopted by the- English people, and have 
become a part of the common law of Eng- 
land. The first of these is a matter which 
has always appeared in their political or- 
ganization, that the judiciary must be kept 
distinct from the executive and the legisla- 
ti\e departments. This was so adopted 
and acted ujion in the time of the druids. 
Another was, the equal distribution of the 
estate Ota descendant among all his male 
heirs of the same class equally, and thus 
discarding the principle of primogeniture. 
This has always been adhered to by the 
Cymry, until it was otherwise regulated by 
the adoption of the English laws in very 



bert, king of Wessex, marrying the daugh- i recent times. This mode of distribution is 



ter of Cadwaladvi", the king of Wales, whose 
issue was Cadwalla, king of Wessex. tlieir 
eldest son; and hi-- successor Ina was a 
near kinsman, who always took great and 
aliectionate care of (ilastonbury, because 
Artliur, whom he considered one ot" his an- 
cestors, was buried theie. But we mav 
]>articularl\- refer to the Iriendlx inter- 
course between AltVedand Asser and his 
W^elsh friends. 

Atter the con\ ersion of the Sa\()n>- to 
Christianit\', some better vmderstanding 
mutualh" existed between the twf) people, 
the chiu'ches of each were ujion the same 
terms and the like principles united with 
the churih of Rome. But before such 
union the P.rilish church \\as an independ- 
ent apostolii' cluin-h, acknowledged hv the 



called in the ]%nglish law gavel-kind ten- 
ure, and has been retained by the people 
of Kent from the British period, imder all 
changes and revolutions, an their most fa- 
vored institution. A thiixl difl'erence may 
be noticed in the institutions of the Saxons 
and the Britons, was the limitation that the 
latter always held over the ]iower of their 
kings, exercised by the jieople and their 
general assemblies. Cadwallon excused 
himself to C;esar I'or what was dpne, by 
reason of his licing controlled by his peo- 
ple. So probably would ha\'e said Carac- 
taciis, Arthur and Cadwalladyr; lor the 
institution of the general assembly of the 
people was always specially acknowledged 
as a controlling power o\er the monarch 
and people. It is not probable that either 



Chap, tv.] 

Penda, Ofta or Ethfllrith wouUl over have 
acknowledged any siuh liiiiilation (i\er 
their powers; for there wore none, except 
the Witcnagemot, which was only con- 
vened ai the pleasure of" the monarch, ex- 
cept when the throne was vacant or in the 
hands of an imljet;ile sovereign; and when 
assemhled it consisted of onlv the noV)ility~ 
none of the people, none of the plebeians, 
however great tlieir wisdom may have been. 
The comtnons was not represented by any 
institution .Such representation is of a 
modern English growth, since the Norman 
conquest, and partakes more of the Ih-itish 
general assembly than any ir.stitution of 
the Saxons. And we may notice in the 
fourth place, as a decided difference in the 
laws of the Saxons and the British, in the i 
decided acknowledgement and protection 
given by the former to slavery and the op- j 
position to it. The individual man was | 
always protected b\' British laws as a man, 
that "nothing should be done to unman 
the man." From one end of the island to 
the other it has ahvays Ijeen claimed by 
the descendants of tlie Ancient Britons 
that "man was a man for all that." What- 
ever there is in modern English law which 
goes to the protection and elevation of 
man, it is more to be attributeil to the 
Britisli law tlian anything of a .Savon ori- 
gin. 

The present Englisli people and their 
institutions are more the outgrowth of this 
mixture of people and their laws and hab- 
its on the island, than anvthing imported 
or brought b}' the .Saxons from the mouth 
of the Elbe or the Eider. Macaulay was 
therefore right in saying: "louring the 
century and a half which followed the 
[Norman] conquest there is, to speak 
strictly, no English history. * * * Early 
in the fourteenth century the amalgama- 
tion of the races was all but complete ; and 
it was soon made manifest, by signs not 
to be mistaken, that a people interior to 
none existing in the world had been formed 
by the mixture of three branches of the 
great Teutonic family with each other and 
with the aborijjinal Britons."i But while 



I I Macaulay'.s History of Ensfland, p. S— 14. 



CONDITION OF THE I'EOPEE. -!9.=; 

he acknowledges his inability io attribute 
much or anv of ihe recent elevaiion of the 
English people to .Saxon origin, he does 
great injustice to the Brilon>N and Iheir Cel- 
tic origin in diminishing or ignoring their 
great inlluenee in producing the result 
which he so mueJi gloiifies. Tlie Nor- 
mans were at least halt' Cymric Celts; and 
when the Saxon-; came to llie island, in 
their ignorance and barbarity, they foimd 
the island highly cultivated and improved 
by British iiulustry and perse\-erance, 
guided b\ Roman taste and art^. The 
Saxons found in Britain a people highly 
civilized and cultivated, with the true apos- 
tolic Christian religion ostahlislied among 
them, witii its bishops and archbishops, its 
chiu-ches and monasteries and schools of 
learning well established. Ijion these the 
new comers for a hundred and lifty years 
made an exterminating war, with an utter 
hostility and contempt for everything that 
was Christian or civilized. All priests 
and bishops were compelleti to tlee; all 
churches, monasteries and schools were 
destroyed wherever they conquereil; all 
oPHcials expelled and the people subjeetc-d 
and compelled to suhmit to the rude cus- 
toms and practices of their .Saxon con- 
querors. 

But in the slow progress they were able 
to make, so mucii slower than the conquest 
the same northern barhai ians were able ti> 
■ make on the continent, it was impossible 
but that the objects of civilization they 
\ found there, especially iti the towns and 
with the people who bec:ame a part of thefr 
families and society, should jkiss otf w ith- 
out making an impression upon them. 
And so it did ; and it so cuiti\ated the peo- 
ple of Kent and preser\ed the people of 
London that they readily, and more readi- 
ly than any other part of the Heptarchy, 
accepted Christianity when ^Augustine 
came to preach to them the doi-trines of 
.salvation. After that England made slow 
progress in the recovery of the arts and 
civilization; it made a spasmodic effort un- 
der the great Alfred, but it still required 
the "amalgamation" of Teuton and Briton, 
spoken of by Macaulay, in the fourteenth 
century, to lay the foundation for the pres- 



../, 



THE SAXON PERIOD. 



cut civilization of England. But tiiat amal- 
gamation and mixture lias been going on 
ever since its commencement, of Briton 
and Saxon, of Cvmry and Angles, and of 
Celt and Teuton, to make the distinguish- 
ing character ot the people of England ; 
and there has not been a day since its com- 
mencement, when any great act or event 
took place, which added to the glory of 
ETigland or became renowned in history, 
but that when all these elements of the 



[Book iir. 

English people were apparent in their ac- 
complishment. Every battle fought for 
the glory and renown of England, from 
that of Crecy to that of Alma, but in which 
Cymric blood and Celtic valor has not aid- 
ed in producing English success; nor has 
there been an achievement in English lit- 
erature, arts or science but in which the 
descendants of the Ancient Britons hare 
added to its accomplishment. 



STORY OF THE ANCIENT BRITONS 



AND THEIR DESCENDANTS. 



BOOK IV.— THE NORMAN PERIOD. 



CHAPTER {. 

nil-: XORMAX CON'yi.EST TO THE ACCES- 
MOX OK EinVARI) 1. A. D. I066 TO 12J2. 

^i. — T//r Yor/iKii! Coin/t((\<f, A. D. luf^G. 

Ainonu- the inaraiidtTs and freebooters 
w ho came tram the north tc ravage and 
phmder upon the coast ot Gaul and Brit- 
ain tliere was one I'ompam- under the di- 
rection and guidance ot Rollo or Roh. 
Tliis man was a nati\e of that part of Nor- 
^^■a\ then under the so\'ereignt\ of llarolii 
Hartager; and liad been brouL;lit uji in tiie 
biisines of tlie vikings, and enured to the 
fatigues and dangers of a pirate. He was 
till! and atliletic, aiui coiUd h\ his muscu- 
lar power, as well as b\ his gooii sense and 
iudgment, command the respect and ol^edi- 
ence of his comrades, without rei'erence to 
his parentage. He was too tall to riiie on a 
small horse without his feet touching tiie j 
■{(round, and therel'ore generallv chose to j 
walk, at which exercise he was so expert 
that he acquired the appellation ol" Ciang- 
Rollo, or Rollo the \Valker. On an occa- 
sion when lie and his partv w ere in want, 
the\' liad indulged in taking by plundering 
in their own countiv , lor which oiiense 
Harold had banished them; for Harold's 
sense ot justice woulii not jiei'mit them to 
do at home what ihe\' were encouraged 
and freelv permitteti to do abroad. As ex- 
iles he and his part\- sailed south, seeking 
■plunder, and hoping that they might by 
chance improve their condition. Tliey 
touched at some of the British islands and 
in the north of Gaul, w here they had in- 
creased their force in men and \ easels. At 



length they arrived at a place on the river 
Seine, a few miles below the city of Rouen. 
The report of the arrival ot the pirates 
filled the city with consternation and ter- 
ror. 

But the equanimity of the archbishop 
saved them. He approached the maraud- 
ers with terms of accommodation, by which 
the\ were invited to the city and hospita- 
hl\ treated \\\>o\\ the terms agreed upon; 
hv a treat V between Rollo and his compan- 
ions on the one part and tlie city on the 
other, and b\ which in consideration of 
their admission to the city, they guaran- 
teed that no violence should be committed 
bv them. L'pon examination of the city, 
its rajn))arts, its quays, its fountains, and 
various improvements, they tbund them 
so much to their taste that they at once 
resolved to make it the capital of their new 
dominion, which they then determined to 
establish. 

Having thus obtained possession of their 
new dominion, and made arrangements to 
secure it, thev jM-oceeded up the ri\er to 
Paris, and soon laid siege to the city. This 
was in the vear S96, when Alfred was in 
the height of bis prosperity and power; 
and Paris and France were governed by 
Charles the Simple, a feeble descendant 
of the great Charlemagne. Without tak- 
ing the city, but after ravaging the coun- 
tr\ around Paris and making much spoils, 
thev returned in haste to Rouen, and soon 
proceeded to lake Bayeux by force, and 
capture Eureux and several other towns. 
Thev soon made themselves masters of the 
I province to which the name of Nustria 
had been given. This acciuisition of Roll* 



298 



THE NORMAN PERIOD 



and his Norinan companions was witnessed 
with great repugnance by the French and 
their simple king. I3ut the Normans held 
on with vigor and boldness worthy ot" a 
better right and title; but after inuch ne- 
gotiation and threatened war, the matter 
was accommodated by treaty in the year 
912, sixteen years after the arrival of these 
invaders in the waters of the Seine. F^v 
that treat\ Charles the Simple acknow- 
ledged the right of Rollo to liis acquisi- 
tion in the \alley of the Seine, occupying 
a certain territory, with Flanders to the 
north of them, and I>riltany on the south, 
and extending up the Seine about halfway 
from the sea to Paris. The chief of these 
Norman adventurers was to become a 
tenant in fief and vassal of the French 
king, as count of his territory; to become 
a Chri•^ti^u^, with a change of his name 
from Rollo or Rolf to Robert; and to have 
the .daughter of the Frencli king, Gisela, 
as his wite, and his former wife married 
imder pagan ceremony, now treated as a 
nullity, to be dismissed. These stipula- 
tions were carried into effect; during the 
performance of the requisite ceremony, 
Rollo and his companions displavedagreat 



[Book IV. 

ius and taste for e\ery thing requisite for pro 
gress and improvement; they became archi- 
tects, and built large and sjiacious buildings. 
They paid atterition to Hteratui-e ; aiid their 
clerg\- became learned and refined tor that 
age. And in the midst of progress and im- 
provement in every department they be- 
came noted for the progress they had made 
in jurisprudence. But what particularly 
distinguished the Norman in the rising 
generation was his enterprise and gallant- 
ry — and this he accpiired from his Celtic 
mother — and his attention to military at- 
fairs, so that he was looked upon as the 
embodiment of the knighth- warrior. These 
striking characteristics became developed 
by favorable circumstances; but princi- 
pally b\- the union of good qualities of tw(» 
races; the enterjirise and endin-ance of the 
Norwegian, and the taste, quickness and 
tlie love of literature and refinement of the 
Celt. And in the union of the Norwegian 
with the Celtic people of Nustria, there 
was probably a double union of Celtic and 
Cymric blood. When the C}mry or Cim- 
bri left the Cimbria Cliersonesus, it is not 
iiriprobable, and tl>e idea is supported by 
authors and circumstance-; in historv,' that 



deal of rude independence and indiflerence some departed north to Norway, a> well as 
to tlie usual etiquette and ceremonies of 1 others went south ; autl tliese ttiev were who' 



the I'^-ench court. Henceforth, however, j have given to the Norwegian 
this iliiet beiame known in histoi-y as Roll- ' a character from others who 



cri, iluke of Normandx'. 

These northern adventurers, who now 
became the acknowledged masters of Nor- 
mandy, with the landed territory- divided 
amongst them as lords of manors, were 
generally warriors and >ingle men, now 
took native Celtic women tor wi\es, who 
were Cyinric Celts. Though the govern- 
ment was entirely in the hands of these 
Norwegian men, except church and clergy, 
yet the native population greatly outnum- 
bered them ; and these liberal and enter- 
prising men readilj' adopted the manners, 
customs and language of the people among 
whom they had thus settleci. \ rigorous 
system of feudal tenures was adopted, and 
the mass of the peasantry became feudal 
tenants ; jet great and rapid progress was 
made in every kind of improvement in the 
course of civilization. Tiiey displayed a gen- 



■o different 
hum to be 
Teutonic: tlieir qviickness. their loxe of 
literature and enterprise. lIo\ve\er this 
may be, the Normans, in fact, did make a 
progress in everything which constitutes 
the improvement of our race, far beyoiui 
and taster than any other people of jiurope 
of that day, lietween A. D. 91J and io6f».. 
In these hundred and fiftv-four \ ears iheii' 
progress was %yonderlul; and tor this rea- 
son many of the elite of other parts ot" Eu- 
rope sought Rouen and the Normans, and 
aided them in that progress. 

Rollo was succeeded in his dukedom by 
successors who were worthy of him. Of 
these, those whose names are connected 
with our history are Richard II, surnamed 
the Good, the grandson of Rollo; and Rob- 
ert 11, or Robert the Devil, the father of 



I Prof. M. Arnold, in liis essay on Celtic Litera- 
tvirc, supports this idea. 



TO 'I'lIK ACCESSION ()!-' KDWARD I. 



Chap. 1. 1 

William tlie Coiuiucror. 

The first matter liiat i.c)imcclcd aiul in- 
volved Britain with Norniandx-, was the 
marriage of Etlieh-ed the Unready with 
Emma, the sister of Richard II, the Duke 
of Normandy, in A. D. looj; and from 
that time to the accomplishment of tiiu 
conquest by William, England and Nor- 
mandy were always more or less involved. 
There had hcvn some signs of hostilities 
between the two countrie--. which was fol- 
lowed by a treat\-; and this pacificition was 
followed by the marriage iust mention- 
ed. On Emma coming to li^ngland, a large 
retinue of com-tly persons of the Normans 
accompanied her, who by their accomplish- 
ment and ambition obtained many honora- 
ble ant! lucrative places in the government, 
to the great annoyance and chagrin of the 
Saxon people. Between this time and the 
conquest being accomplished, the English 
people had many difficulties of this kind to 
encounter, while tiie country was lieing 
constanth' overrun with Norman aspirants, 
as priests and civilians; and Ethelred, and 
his son Edward the Conlesso'r, were con- 
stantly manifesting great" attachment for 
Normand\' and her people. 

William Hie Conqueror was the illegiti- 
mate son of Robert II, Duke of Normandv. 
This Robert was a fierce man, and for his 
habitual violence had obtained the surname 
— the Devil. The mother of William was 
said to be the daughter of a tanner, and he 
was frequently annoyed with frequent allu- 
sions to leather; and being surnamed the 
Bastard. When only sc\ en \ears of age, 
his father was seized with tlie desire to 
make a pilgrimage on foot to Jerusalem as 
penitence for his man\- sins; and wJien this 
was opposed by his barons, as being inad- 
visable for them to be left without a duke, 
Robert characteristically replied: "By my 
faith, I will not leave you without a lord. 
I have a little bastard, who will grow and 
be a gallant man, if it pleases God; and I 
am certain that he is my son. Receive 
him, then, as your lord ; tor I make him 
my heir, and give him from this time forth 
the whole duchy of Normandy."2 The 

2 Thierry's Norman Conqut-st, B. iii, p. 134. 



-'W 



barons were pleaseil w itli the reply : pleaded 
to do as requested: and forthwith swort- 
fidelity to the child. .Soon alter that Duke 
Robert died on his pilgrimage; and a party 
rose against those who supported the title 
of tlie young duke, claiming that a bastard 
could not command those who were legiti- 
mate, and a battle \\as tbught between them 
upon the question, in which tlie partisans 
of young William were successful. As 
the youth ad\ani.:eit in ^•cars iu- liecame a 
general faxorite, and became dear to hi-^ 
people. He was apt and skillful in all his 
exercises, especiallv in what concerned 
military, which then ga\e b<>pes to his 
people of his future success. 

When duke William'' arrived at proper 
age he took a faiicv to visit England; and 
when he arri\ ed there. !u- met so nunn 
Normans in ollicial positions he did not 
seem to lia\e lett his own countr\'. lie 
was graciously recei\ed bv luiward the 
Confessor, whose education .uiii habits were 
Norman, and theretore their meeting very 
cordial. Cii'cumstance^ were such, that, 
though he prudently kvpl all sign>- of hi> 
ambition to himself, he coidd not lielp t(» 
imagine a hope that he might be the sue- 
ccNSor to the aged king. 

Godwin anil his sons wei'e now at the 
zenith ol" tlieii' power; and the kingdom 
divided u)> into earldoms between them. 
Of those sons Harold was the most ad- 
mired and promising. l'",ither business or 
fancy induced Harold to visit William in 
Normandv in the vear 1065, contrary to 
the advice of his king, who said : ••! know 
duke William and his crat'iy mind: Iic 
hates vou, and will grant \<)U nothing, un- 
less he gains gix'atly b_\- it." Harold, with 
honest eonluleme, disregariied the jirudent 
ad^•ice; and either storm or accident look 
his two \-essels too tar noiMli, and he land- 
ed in a tempest at the mouth of the .Sonime, 
within the territory of Gu\, count 01' I'on- 
thian. In manv places, in those days, con- 



3 1 Pictorial Ent;l;ind, B. ii, cli. i, )). iSi: "\\illi;iiu 
wiis the natural son of Kohcrt duko "I" Nonnany, 
the younii-er brother of t^nke Richard III, and son of 
Richard II, who was brother to Q^ieen Kniina, the 
mother of Edward the Confe.ssor and the nnirdereil 
Alfred, by lithelred, and al.so of the pieredint;- kini;-, 
Hardicanule, by her second husband, Canute ttu- 
Great."' 



300 THE NORM 

trary to humanity and justice and tlic 
rights ot hospitality, it was custoinarv to 
i-Iaiin all property thus thrown ui)on their 
shore, and to demand ransom toi- ail per- 
fsons belonging to such \essels. Harold 
was taken and imprisoned by count Guv, 
in order to secure tne ransom. Harold 
•claimed that as he was the bearer of a dis- 
patch irom the king of England to the 
riuke of Normandy, ]\\>. imprisonment was 
iinhiwful, and sent a message to that effect 
to duke ^\'illiam, requesting him to obtain 
his release, that he might come to him. 
William dill not hesitate to comph-; and 
immediately .demanded of the count that 
he >-h()uUl liiierate the English official so 
illegally detained. But Guy was inexora- 
ble, and would not comply until the ran 
som or a large bounty was paid him. Har- 
old proceeded to Rouen, ami the bastard 
rejoiced that he then had in his power the 
yon of the Englishman who was the great- 
est enemy to the Normans; and who 
might be his greatest opponent to his hopes 
to the English crown. The duke received 
the Saxon chief with great display of hon- 
or and apparent C(jrdiality. He did e\ erv- 
thing in his power to entertain his guest 
and to show him every place of attraction 
within the duchy. This agreeable deten- 
tion was done with a view to a more effect- 
ual accompli-liment of the matter the duke 
had in view, which connects itself so inter- 
estingly with the \isit and the historv of 
the time. Afler a while the wily duke 
took an occasion to tell Harold of the inti- 
mate friendshi]! which subsisted between 
him and king Edward, and the pleasant 
tiuK's he had spent with him in his vouth. 
"We lived," he said, "like two brothers, un- 
der the same roof; and Edward promised 
me that if he e\ er liecame king of England 
lie would make me his heir. Now, Har- 
old, if you wouki aid me in realizing this 
promise, be sure that, if I obtain the king- 
dom, you shall ha\e of me whatever you 
Msk." Harold was taken bv surprise, and 
incautiously made some taint promise, 
which he could harttly lielp, to complv 
with his wishes. Upon this the duke be- 
gan to disclose plans of future operation, in 
which the luiwilling Englishman was to act 



AN PERIOD. [Book iv. 

an important part. "And since you con- 
sent to serve me," continued the artful 
duke, "you must give your sister in mar- 
riage to one of my barons, and yourself 
marr3' my daughter Adeliza; moreover 
you must give me some guaranty for vour 
promise." Harold now began to feel the 
peril in Avhich he had placed himself But 
William steadily pursued his plans of en- 
tranniieling his guest. On arri\ al at the 
castle of Bayeux, the duke held a court 
\vhere everything was arranged for tlie ac- 
compHshment of his object. Here the 
duke, while on his throne in the midst of 
his court, calls upon Harold and sa\s: 
"Harold, I recpiire of you, before this no- 
ble assembly, to coniirm by oath the prom- 
ise you have made me, to aid me to obtain 
the kingdom of England after the death of 
king Edward, and other matters agreed up- 
on on that event." Again most artfully 
surprised, Harold saw he could not with 
safety withdraw ; and the most solenm ar- 
rangement had been taken to have him 
sworn over a tub lull of the relics of the 
saints. The \ictim of this intrigue was 
constrained, and could not safely retreat 
from what was now prepared for him. He 
held up his hand and was sworn in due 
form, "if he lived and God aided him." AH 
the assembly replied, "God aid him."'' Har- 
old N\as now permitteti to depart, and re- 
turn to Engkmd. 

in a lew months al'tei" these imtoward 
e\enls, of which Harold was the imwilling 
\ ictim, king Edward the Confessor died, in 
January, 1066. There was no rightful heir 
in the kingdom; and both Haiold and Wil- 
liam, the duke of Normandy, were near 
relatives by blood or marriage, and both 
claimed the succession by the dying be- 
quest of the Confessor. Harold was a pow- 
erful loicl, and present: and arrangements 
Avere soon made by which he was invested 
with the sovereignty of England. When 
William was informed of these events he 
assumed to be outraged; heaped upom 
Harold the name of traitor and perjuror, 
and prepared to contest the matter. A 
striking circumstance had already trans- 

4 I Thion-y, Ibid., p. 1 (9. 



Cliap I. 



TO Till-: ACCESSION OF KDVVARD 1. 



301 



piled in his tin or. Tostig, a brother of 
Harold, had been made earl of the extcn- 
si\c pro\ ince of Northiiinbria, where his 
bad and tyrannical conduct caused him to | 
be expelled h\' a rebellion of iiis people. 
This earl wa-- inoi-tally otiendeii, because : 
his powertul tainilx tlid not tieteiul him and | 
>ecure his rule; anil llaroki was so con- | 
vinced of" his deser\ed punisinnenl that he j 
telt he could ^•!^e him no aid. To^ti;^ 
therefore Ibrmed a confederation with liar- 1 
fa«er, king of Norway, for the aid of a tleet 
'iuid army; and the duke of Normandy was 
also rendering him aid and I'omlort. Raji- 
id mo\-ements were made by these ;irrange- 
ments to bring war into the north of Eng- 
land to restore the exiled earl. Tosiig was 
a turbulent and bail man; and always at- 
tected a ri\alry \\ ith his lietter and more 
worths- and popular brother Harold, lie 
had already made a numljer of diversions 
against the government, did the country 
xjme inii:r\ , .nid caused much trouble and 
anKiet\. lie was now approaching North- 
umbria, ami tlirea'ening his coimtry with 
the hostilities- of the powei-ful tieet and 
army at' Norway. In tlie meantime the 
diike ol" Normandy «'as making great pre- 
parati(3n to entbrce his pretension ; and 
Harold, in the full conti-ol of the English 
go\'ernmeiit, was making actix'e prepara- 
litius to meet. the conflict. 

William, the duke of Norma ndv, while 
in his park hunting, near Rouen, was 
startled with the news of the death of lul- 
ward, and that Harold had prevailed upon 
the prelates and nobles to present him with 
the crown. Both of these men. the one 
being the cousin ot Kdwai-d, and the other 
his lirother-in-la\\ , claimed their jij-etension 
upon a supposed dexise of the deceased 
monarch in t"a\or of each, and against the 
other. Neither was heir to the crown; for 
that was admitted to be righttiilly de\olved 
upon Edgar Atheling, the son of Edward 
the Outlaw, 5 as the descendant of Edmund 
the Ironside, who had been li\ing all his 
life at a great distance as an exile in Aus- 
tria. Notwithstanding Harold's success 
and popularity, there was amongst the poli- 



5 PalgTave, Ibid., ch. .\v, p. 30+; i Thieir\ , pp. 
152 — 156; Henry of Huntino^ton, Anno., 1057, p. -JOv 



ticians some division ol" opinion and parti- 
san feeling as to who should be king. 
Some claimed that the English sovereignty 
was not subject to a devise or an election; 
and those who were more Saxon claimed 
that no one had a right to the throne wh» 
could not derive their divine right and lin- 
eage from Woden. But Harold was at 
least </-• /f/cA; king; and William the Nor- 
man was, with his usual vigor and resolu- 
tion, prejiaring to contest, w liich was about 
to culminate in one ol tlie most notable 
and rex'olulionaiy contests ot" Western Eu- 
rope. 

William i)roceeded to lay the foundation 
t"or asserting his claim, and for the com- 
mencement of the war. He f"orthvvith sent 
a messenger to Harold to remind him of 
his oath, and demanded a pert"ormance of 
their agreement. Harold promptly an- 
swered: "It is true that I swore such an 
oath to duke William ; but I swore it un- 
der compulsion. 1 promised that which 
did not belong to me, and w Inch 1 could 
not perform ; for royalty is not mine, and 
1 cannot divest myself of it without the 
consent of the country: nor without the 
consent of the country can I many a for- 
eign wife."t> Other messages were sent, 
protesting against Harold's conduct more 
: \ ehemently, and oilering greater induce- 
i ment to comply with the duke's wishes. 
But no accommodations could be at- 
tained, and William was left to pursue 
the best course he might. 

Besides his negotiations with Tostig, 
greatly to the injury of England, he had 
represented to the Pope the unpardonable 
crime of Harold's perjury, and violation of 
his oath over the saintly relics. The ec- 
clesiastics of the church were greatly moved 
by the representations, and es)>ecially with 
the consideration of the little influence of 
the church over England. The Pope was 
induced to pass sentence, that William, 
duke of Normandy, was permitted to enter 
England, to bring back that kingdom to 
1 the obedience of the Holy See, and to estab- 
lish there fore\er the tax of Saint Peter's 



6 Iliirold was alreadv married to Alj^itha, the sis- 
Wr of Edwin and Morkcr of Mcvcia, and ihe widovr 

of Griffitl), thclutc kint,'ot" Wuk-s. Six- ante; P:ii- 
ufi'ave's Ant^lo-Sa.xons, p. 314. 



302 



pence. A l^iill oteKconiimuiication against 
Harold and liis adherents was delivered to 
William's messenger, with a consecrated 
banner, and a valuable ring containing one 
ot the hairs ol" St. Peter. With tliis demon- 
stration of the church and religion in his 
favor, he dismissed all doubt in resolutions, 
and determined upon the invasion. He 
now assembled a council of his friends and 
the nobility, and demanded their advice 
and assistance. "1 lis two brothers by his 
mother's side, Eudes and Robert, one of 
them bishop of Bayeux, the other count of 
Mortain; William Fitz Osbern, seneschal of 
Normandy, or ducal lieutenant for civil ad- 
ministration, and some high barons, at- 
tended the conference. All were of the 
opinion that it was proper to make a de- 
scent upon England, and promised to serve 
him with body and goods, even to selling 
or pledging their inheritance."" But when 
the people more at large were consulted, 
though .some were as ready as his special 
friends, others hesitated and debated, while 
still others opposed the measure. Thev 
alleged that they had already- more debts 
than they could pay. .Some replied that 
the duke was their lord and had a right to 
their service; "if you fail him now, and he 
gains his end by God he will remember it; 
prove, then, that you lo\ e him, and act ac- 
cordingly." Others replied, "he is our lord 
-we know; but is it not enough tliat we pav 
him our dues.? W^e owe liim no aid bevond 
the sea; he has already oppres.sed us enough 
with his wars; let him fail in his new en- 
terprise, and our country is undone." But 
notwithstanding, the duke had sufficient 
influence with his people to carry his re- 
quest. 

When the matter of the invasion of Eng- 
land had been determined upon, all the 
people of Normandy made gieat exertions 
for the preparation; and .some of the no- 
bility showed great devotion to the cause 
of the duke in providing at their own ex- 
pense a large amount of shipping, men, 
provisions and arms. Of these Fitz Os- 
bern was specially distinguished. The 
duke issued his proclamation, announcing 

J Thierry, Ibid., p. 159. 



THE NORMAN PERIOD. | Book iv. 

his intention, settinLT forth tlie heinou^ness 



of Harold's pcrjui-y, the fa\or>orthe Pupe, 
and the excoinnumication ot lii> opponent ; 
and sending Iheni to all tlie adjoining coun- 
tries, inviting ail l)ra\ e warriors and gal- 
lant men to join him in recovering his 
rights, offering good pay and the pillage ot 
England to those who ^\•ould serve him 
"with lance, sword or cross-bow." All this 
excited and inciea>ed the popular ardor; 
every one diil what he could; mothers sent 
their sons to em-oll their aiames, as they 
thought, for tlie s;dvation of their souls. 
Multitudes came iVom all the adjoining 
countries. "The\' came from Maine and 
Anjou, from Poitou and Brittany, from 
France ai\d Flanders, Aquitaine and Bur- 
gimdy, tVom the Alps and the banks of the 
Rhine." Such was the madness, reckless- 
ness and want of intelligence on the part 
\ of the people; some rimning ahead from 
j interested niotix es of gain at the expense 
of others; while others blindh' followed 
I without iiH|uiry as to what right thev' had 
I to bring this great caiamit\' upon the peo- 
t pie of England, or how they would like the 
same measiu"es to I)e pur^ueti upon theni- 
j selves. During the summer the>e entliusias- 
: tic efforts, right or w long, were properix or- 
; ganized o\ the tluke intoagreat tleet, an im- 
I mense army, and necessary provisions lor 
i the invasion ot" England, with the hoj)es to 
j expel Harold ai\d take upon llinl^elf the 
! sovercigntx , ni^t onU without an election, 
but against the express \\\[\ of the people; 
an example whicli has been often repeated, 
and «ill be again if the peo]>le sulimit to 
j it. 

! In the meantime, towards nudsimimer, 
j Harold Harfager, the tlien present king of 
Norwa\ , ap]iroached England, at the insti- 
gation ofTostigand in the interest of the 
duke ot Normandy, w ith an immense tleet 
and army, which had called tbrth to hk% 
requisition one-half of the population of 
Norway fit to bear arms, who were now 
borne over the ocean in five hundred ves- 
sels of the largest class. These arrived in 
the Tyne, and were joined by Tostig, the 
traitor to his country and the avowed ene- 
my to his brother. Such examples had 
been Avitnessed in unhappy Britain before, 



TO 'JTtK ACCKSSKJN OF EDWARD I. 



Chap. ..! 

bill iioiR' worse. Till' conibiiKci ami allied 
force onU-rod the ) lumber and landed their 
farces a shorl distance helow the citv ol" 
York. ) lere the Norweyian monarch un- 
furled his standard, (August, 1066) and 
Tosii^"- Irieiids and retainers rallied in great 
numher> ami enthusiastically' joined the 
Norwegians, adding strengtli and conti- 
dtnce to his army. Edwin and Morcar, in 
coinn)and at York, issued toith to niCet 
rlie enenn- with all the force the\ could 
muster; hut alter a desjierate cont^it't (Sept. 
-Othj tliex were ymt to l^ight, antl in such I 
contusion that more men were tirowned in 
their attempt to cross the river than were 
slain on the iield ot battle. Many of the 
men of the neighborhood joined the Nor- 
wegians, and others tied; so that Ilurfager 
liad York at his command, and the inhab- 
itants paid homage to the victor, who held 
In's courts and administered justice agreea- 
ble to usual forms, as sov ereign of the 
countr\. This disclosed the intention of 
Tostig and Harfager to hu to attain the 
government of all England, and not mere!\ 
tliat t>t' Norlhumbria, or the Danish jior- 
tion ol it. 

^V'hen Harold heard of the huuiing of 
] hu-fager and Tostig, he hastened thither 
with all the forix" at his command, with the 
greatest expedition, anci arri\ ed at the seat 
of war tour or live days at'ter the battle. 
Harold endeavored first to detach Tostig 
tVom his ;dly by offering liini the earldom 
of Nortiiinubria. \\'lien Tostig asked the 
messengei- what land would Harold give to 
his ally, J laiM'ager, he was answ ercd : ".Se\en 
feet of land tor a grave." 'J"o this lie re- 
plied in a spirit deserving a better cause, 
and said : "Kide liack to }-oiu- master, king 
Ha\old, and de-ire him to girt! himsell' for 
the liglit; for ne\er shall it he said in Nor- 
way that earl Tostig abandoneii Harfager 
anii went o\ei- to hi- toes." 

ilarfager had encani]ied at Stamford 
Bridge, long atlerward- known as the 
Bridge of IJatlle. The Xoi'wegians were 
firmly arra\ed target close to target, and 
tbr)iied what was called a ''fortress of 
shields," bi-istling with spears, w hich could 
not be liroken bv the English, who were 
idmpelK'd tt> retreat. This induced the 



:^^^ 



Norwegians to open their ranks and begin 
a pursuit. The English instantly turned 
around and attacked them again, which 
w as attendeii w ith success. Harfager now 
fought with frantic desperation, and struck 
deadlx blows all around him, and no shield 
could resist his strokes; but an arrow 
brought him to tiie ground, and a pause 
ensued. Tostig now took the command, 
and rallied for another effort; but Harold 
sent a herald to of^er peace to liiiii and the 
Norwegians \et ali\e. But they gave an 
unanimous answer that the\' woidd not 
take quarter. Tlie battle then raged again, 
and in this conflict 'i'ostig fell. The fatal 
banner was now seized by a warrior named 
Evstvnn Orvi, and a third conflict began. 
I'he Norwegians fought with desperatit)n, 
and in this conflict many of the English 
fell; but they idtimately maintained their 
ground. Late in the e\ening the battle 
was terminated by the death of almost every 
Norwegian. 

The next morning after tliis desperate 
battle a messenger from Sussex came to 
Harold and announced to him the landing 
of his mortal foe, the duke of Normandy, 
with his whole arm\. Harold immediately 
marched south with what men lie had; 
made a short stay at London to gather 
what forces he coidd, arrange aft'airs, and 
prepare for an imitiediate attack upon the 
invaders of the country. But he found un- 
expected hostilities at home. Politicians 
appeared to scent coming dilficulties, and 
declined, when they could, to commit 
themsehes. No ardor was infused into 
the true cause of tlie country ; and the gen- 
erality of the people seemed readv to take 
either master, as victory might determine 
bv chance or good management. None 
thought or acted as though it was a (jues- 
lion at stake in which the people them- 
selves were lieeph interested, \vhich should 
be decided h\ themselves for themselves. 
No pulilic meeting of the people was held 
or thiiught ol, as we woulci now ha\e done 
in the L'nited Stales, to consult and deter- 
mine wliat was to be done for the best in- 
terest of themselves and the country. 
Thing.s must ha^e appeared discouraging, 
if not desperate, to Harokl; for he had lost 



304 



THE NORMAN PKRIOD. 



[Book i\'. 



many of his best men in the recent battle, 
and re-enlbrcetnents came in slowly and 
comparatiyely lc\y in numlier. Tlien some 
of those from \yhom he liad a ri;;lit to ex- 
pect aid and comtbrt gaye him a cold slioul- 
der. Edwin and Morcar, his two powei-ful 
brothers-in-law, stood aloof; and Agitha, 
his wife, quitted him and abandoned him 
to his fate.'* His motlier, Githa, \yas weep- 
ing bitterly oyer the death of her son Tos- 
tig; and many friends earnestly dissuading 
him from giving immediate battle to Wil- 
liam; but of these the most earnest vyas 
his brother Gurth, earl of Suliblk, who sus- 
tained a reputation for many yirtues and 
merit. He pointed out to Harold many 
dangers; that his army Avas fatigued and 
exhausted — the Normans fresh and yigor- 
ous. That his oath might rest heayy upon 
his soul tvhile in the field of battle, and of- 
fered to relieve him of the danger and take 
the command for him. But Harold was 
determined by a strong self-willed resolu- 
tion, declined the offer, and disiegarded all 
remonstrances — being led fo)-\\ ard b\ strong 
hopes or desperation, apparently placing 
much confidence in tiie arm\ he vyas able 
to raise,-' which he had some reason to be- 
lieve was superior, at least in mimbei's, to 
that mider his opponent, the duke: and 
Avithal was rather too much elated with 
his recent victory to listen \o the most pi-u- 
dent advice. 

'J"he duke of Xormandv, b.aving com- 
pleted his preparations and arrangements, 
had passed o\'er the sea with a large ai-ma- 
ment, and successfully landed on the shore 
oftheba_\- of Penensey, in Sussex, (Sept. 
2Sth, 1066) w itliout any opposition, as Har- 
old had gone north towards York to meet 
Tostig and the Norwegians. The amounl 
of William's armament and forci's aie un- 
certain. It has liL-en said that he crossed 
the waxes with a \ ery large fleet \ai'iousl\ 



S Palijravc, as ;il)()vt-. All this is very smpi isintr 
when wo know the Saxons ;intip;ilhv againsl the 
Normans. Thierry doi^s not nolici- .so much coldness 
on I he part of" tin- .Saxons towards II;'.rold: Ihoufjli 
both of the.se autliors have well inv('stiu:ated the .sub- 
ject. .See also V'aughan's Revolutions, jj. j^^. Tur- 
nci- in liis history does not state the number of the 
army, bill intimates their fleet to be larsje: Vol. ii, p. 
69. 1 I'ictorial Hi.story, 199 — 205. i Hume's History 
«*f" t-ing'land, p. 140- 151. 

9 1 'I'hierry. p. 17J: PaljiTiive, ut supra, p. .^19. 



estimated from six hundrtd to three thou- 
sand \ essels, and troops from t\yent\-iive 
to sixiv thousand. But the larger esti- 
mates ha\ e been fVequeiilly questioned, 
and im'piigned by judicious calculation." 
However the pi-ecise number may be, Wil- 
liam's army was large, well appointed, 
spirited and hopeful, as invaders generally 
are, at least until tht\\' meet A\ith some re- 
verses. From the day of the landing to 
the day of the battle (October 14th) the 
Normans \yere constantly in the expecta- 
tion of an attack, and were wondering at 
its delay: but in those days it was dirticult 
to < btain rapid information ol' the mo\e- 
ments of an enemy, its ]iews did not Hj with 
our present ra]>idit\ . They in-oceeded to 
secure and fortify a proper encampinent in 
the vicinity, near Hastings. This was kept 
well guarded with outposts of cavalr}- to a 
considerable distance. In thus securing 
their position and reconnoitering about tif- . 
teen davs were spent in anxious expecta- 
tioti of seeing their opponents. 

Al length Harold and his army came in 
sight, and William, lirave and lieteriuined 
as he \sas, eoidtl not but have been anxious 
for accommodations, and desirous to ac- 
quire a kingdom and people without a battle 
if possible: but determined upon a eon- 
quest if that accommodation was not had. 
He sent a message to Harold that if he 
woidd eomiih- with his oath he shoukl 
ha\e all Ihe land north of tlie Himiber, and 
would give his brother (iurth all the land 
that Godwin held; and if these terms were 
refused, he charged his messenger to pro- 
claim before all the people thtit he was a 
perjurer. The day was sjxMit in fruitless 
negotiations. The liattle seemed to be in- 
eviiiihle. .Some of the .Saxon ehiets ad- 
\ isi'd Hai-oki, a [xtliey \ erv apjiaient, to 
a\()id a liatlle. to return to\\ariis London, 
and ravage the countrv in livnl of the en- 
em\ ; and thus starve tin.' foreigners out. 
Harold received this advice, which under 
many circumstances would lie llie v ery l)est 
policy, indignantlv as a i-harge upon his 
fidelitv and braverv, and replied : "1 ravage 



10 .Sec Macintosh's History of Kncland, p. 97: 
Sismi)iidi Hist, ties bVanc. iv. -5:;:;. .ind I'rol. l-'iske's 
Kssav. 



rO THE ACCESSION OF KDWAKl) !•• 



Chap. 1. 1 

the i-ouiitr_v wiiiih lias been eonlided to my 
care? By my faith, that wore indeed 
treason, and I prefer takint^ the chances of 
battle with the tew nien 1 have, my cour- 
age, and tnv ^j;ooi\ cause." Perliap.s, also, 
he too much feared delay, and the con.=;e- 
quence of it in his rear, to follow so good 
advice. \\ iierc tlie vital interest of the coun- 
tr\- and peojile were in peril. 

(^n both sides they were now preparing 
tor a battle, which Harold did not expect to 
bring on until after the coming day, and on 
that night to attack his enemies In- sur- 
prise. Of this the vigilant William became 
aware, and well conceiving that any delay | 
would be advantageous to his opjxjnent, de- 
termined that the battle should be brought i 
en the next day, and thereby defeat his op- 
ponent's intended night attack. He order- 
ed arrajigements to be made accordingly. 
It is said that on the night previous to the 
' battle, that the Normans spent their time 
mucli more judiciously than the .Saxon.s. 
The first in sol)er ;nid prayerful considera- 
tion of their situation and duties, while the 
Saxons were engaged in noisy rexelrv and 
drinking. 

The morning light of the memorable day 
of the battle had arri\ ed, and the Norman 
camp was in motion. William in full ar- 
mor, mounted on a fine charger, addressed 
his officers, to satisfy them of the justice 
©f his cause, and to excite their cupidity. 
Raising hfs voice, he thus addressed them: 
"Fight your best, and put every one to 
death; tor if we concpier. we shall all be 
rich. What 1 gain, vougain; if I conquer, 
you conquer; if 1 lake the land, you shall 
share it. Know, however, that I have not 
come here merely to take that which is my 
due, but to revenge our whole nation foi- 
the felon acts, jjerjuries. and treason of 
these English. Thev put to ilealh the 
Danes, men and women, in the night of 
Saint Brice. Tiiey dessimated the compan- 
ions oi m\' relation, Alfred, and put him to 
death. On. then, in God's name, and chas- 
tise them for all tlieir misdeeds."" 

William arranged his arm_\' in three di- 
visions ; and the third he commanded in 



J I I Thierry's \orni;in C"oiii]uf>.t, B. iii, i). 17,!;. 



person, and where hi^^ own uanner wa.- 
placed. How the Saxons were arrayed v\e 
have Utile or no information; but we may 
be assured, that as they were now nati\es 
of British soil, and descendants of Caracta- 
cus a- well as ot" Alfred and iCdgar. and 
had been animated by the i-ecital of the 
glorious deeds of .Vrthin", the_\' were not 
wanting cither in courage or duty on the 
field of Hastings. Harold had selected tor 
his position a range of rising ground; and 
his fi-ont somewhat ])rotected by a palisade. 
They iiad, unperceived by the encnu', dug 
pits some distance in front, which were 
slightly covered over, so as not to be able 
to bear up cither a body of horse or men. 
Between the palisades and the hidden pits 
Harold's army w'as drawn up in form of a. 
wedjje, and protected by a wall of their 
shields and the palisades. W'hen the Noi-- 
mans were tbrmed read^■ to adxance. a 
Norman, named Taillefer. spurred liis 
horse in tro\it of I he ari'ay, and .is a liard, 
began the song, famous throughout Gaul, 
of Charlemagne and Roland. As he sang 
i lie played with his sword, thro\ving it high 
in the air, and catching it as it fell in InV 
right hand; the Ncjrmans re]ieating the 
burthen and shouting. 

The Normans at length charged u(xjn 
the Saxons, who were so well and stronglv 
tbrmed, that they were unable to make any 
impressions, am! the Saxons struck so 
heavy blows with their hattle-axc, as to 
break a lance, or cut through a shield or a 
coat of mail. L'nable to make a penetra- 
tion u[)on the linglish position. In' a direct 
attack in iVont, the duke ordered the arch- 
ers to advance again and shoot high in the 
air so as to fall on their enemies liehind 
their shields antl palisades; In- which niean^ 
manv of the Englisii were woimded in the 
face, .\gain an attack ot iniantr\- and cav- 
alry was made with great sli()ut> llul 
again they were driven l:)ack, and this time 
the Norman men and horses fell upon one 
another into the i:)its, and thus a great mun- 
ber perished. A cry was once raised in 
the midst of this terror that the duke ^\•as 
killed; which was not quieted until the 
duke was able to raise his \izoi- and show 
his lace, when he was able to stop liie re- 



^o6 



THE NORMAN PERIOD 



treat and renew the assault. Now the 
duke ordered an attack of a thousand horse 
to he made, and then an immediate retreat. 
This ruse succeeded in bringing the En- 
glish incautiously from their position, and 
were at once fiercelv attacked b_\ the main 
Ibrce ot" their encmw A terrible wf/ce en- 
sued, in which the duke was wounded and 
unhorsed; and Harold killed by an arr«w 
which pierced his brain, through one ot" his 
eyes. The Normans broke through the 
English lines, and captured their standard. 
After nine hours of hard battle, at the 
close of the day, and after the two brothejs 
of Harold, Gurth and Leofwic, were slain, 
the \ictory of the in\adei-s was complete. 

It was nearh- dark when the success ot' 
the Normans procureil tbi- themselves the 
victory in a battle fought on both sides with 
desjieration — a battle which has created a 
revolution in the history and aspect of 
England. When the English were com- 
pelled to tlee, the night and the woods in 
the vicinity afforded them protection from 
the pui-suit of thr Norman cavalrv that 
would otlieiwi^e ha\ e been fatal to man\ . 
But as it was many a bard contest was had 
between those who were compelled to flee 
and their pursuers. \V'e have no reliable 
account of the number of troops engaged, 
in this celebrated and well contested battle, 
on either side; nor the number slain. It 
lias been slated in a loose mannci", that 
William hail sixty thousand, and that 
Hai-old connnanded one hundi-ed tiiousand 
men. But if may be that neither had half 
of their i"espective ninnbers. It is quite 
lirobable thai Harold iiad nuniericallv the 
most men; Inil then it should lie remem- 
bered thai llarokl had lost inan_\- of his 
best \ eteran troops at the recent battle at 
.'Stamford Bridge, and many ol' his men 
were raw but brave \olunteers just from 
their <:i\il \'ocations, badly armed and un- 
tlisciplined to war. On the other hand 
William's men were the daring and ambi- 
tious men — the ciile colleited t'lom all the 
covmtries around NormancK . There were 
in their i-anks not oul\ Normans, but brave 
and daring nun fioni lJrittan\, trout 
.\niou, Maine, I'oiton, and \ arious other 
))a)-ts of France, ami t'i-om Elander.s. They 



[Book IV. 

were probably the best armed and discip- 
lined body of troops that ever appeared in 
that age in Western Europe. In point of 
equip7nent they had greatly the advantage; 
but they found their equals in their oppo- 
nents iu poini ot" courage and bravery. 
The result ua> w hat ought to have been 
expected under the circmnstances. Harold 
was more patriotic and comageous than 
wise and prudent in rejecting the judicious 
advice to temporize and harass William'.s 
means of procuring provisions, until he 
was able to meet him upon equal terms. 12 
But it was a bloody battle on both sides. 
The .Normans acknowledge the loss ot a 
t'ourth of their men, and the loss was prob- 
ably fully as great or greater on the part of 
the English. It is claimed by the friends 
of Harold that in the course of the night 
they found and identifted his dead body 
amongst the slain, which they had properly 
biu-ied; but there is another romantic story 
told upon the subject, that he survived the 
battle, but in despair retired to a monastery, 
i>icooi/ifi<>, in a distant part of the country, 
where he li\ed iinkn(j\\n many sears.'-' 

jjj. — ]\'illi<nii tilt Ci'in/mror^ from //is Coro- 
viition to liis Dfatli. A. D. 1066 — 1087. 

After the battle of Hastings, William 
spent some weeks before he proceeded to 
London to enjoy the ("ruition of his victory. 
Yny a w bile he made Canterbur^■ his head- 
quarters; took Dover, a ver\- strong fortifi- 
cation, without resistance; and now it 
appears \er\ strange, instead of proceeding 
to convince the people that they had good 
luck in the exchiuige of rulers, be proceed- 
ed to ravage the counties near him south of 
the Thames, as though he w ished to con- 
\ince the people tlu-v had now a master 
who was hartl to deal w ith, and that it was 
their intei\'st to make submission as soon 
as jxjssible. The lOnglish people were ap- 
parently in a moodv conditioit, as though 
the_\- were at a loss what to do. Af"ter a 
while William proceeded with his army to- 
wartis London, without am" further serious 



12 Sec Cliarles V. cclt-liiMtud crntraiutuntn I'Vance, 
wiiere he was utttily (k-tcatcd liy lhu.--f iiii^uns. 
Kdbinsoii's Charles V. 

13 Sfc r'als»Tave's Any hi-.'^axons, <•)!. w, |). 329. 



•Chap i.| 

opposition; but halting a few iiiiles out of 
town, sent forward a detachment of soldiers 
to construct a fortress for his residence in 
the heart of the city. Some of his follow- 
ers became impatient at this clela\ in as- 
suming the crown and the fruit of their 
conquest, lie hypocritically replied : "That 
if it vi-ere (jod's will that he should become 
king, the time to assume the title had not 
yet arrived — too many counties and too 
)nanv men still remained to be subjected; 
besides, he had not come to England for 
his own interest alone, but for that of the 
whole Norman nation." At length it was 
arranged that the coronation should take 
place on the following Christmas, and for 
that purpose the Abby Church of West- 
minster was decorated, as when the lawful 
sovereigns of England were received by 
the willing and loyal acclamation of their 
subjects. William well knew that such a 
reception was not to be his; he therefore 
had all the avenues froni the camp to the 
church and around it guarded bv strong 
line> of his men and ca\alry. William 
during" the ceremony was surrounded by 
two hundred and sixty Norman chiefs; 
and when Eldred, the archbishop of York, 
put the question to those present: "Will ve 
have William, Duke of Normandy, for 
your king.''" the shout of the Normans 
was so loud,i that the soldiery on the out- 
side suspected it to be some act of treason, 
that some rushed there with drawn swords, 
while others set fire to some of the houses 
with a view to plunder. Upon seeing this 
those in the chiu'ch rushed out, and the 
ceremony was concluded b_\- a few tremb- 
ling ecclesiastics; while the new king was, 
equally alarmed, reciting his pledge that he 
would govern the English people according 
to their own laws, and in all things as justly 
and hinnanely as the best of their kings 
had governed them. 



TO THE ACCESSION OF EDWARD I. 



307 



1 Viiujfh;in's Rt volutions. B. iii, cli. ii, p. 2S0. See 
I 'I'hicrry's Nonn;in C'onqiust, B. iv, p. 189, where it 
is stated that the cpie-stioii was iirsl put hy GeotTroy, 
iiishop of CimUmcc, in the Fienrh lanyfuucre, and 
then arclibishop of York pu' the question' in the En- 
glish lang^uaife. when t'.ie response was .so vehement. 
This would intimate that this response was of the 
Knglish. But if true, we c-,u> readily conceive that 
the Normans could jifalher there as many weak 
En^lishinen to make such response as to jjet the arch • 
bishop of York to |)erform the ceremony. 



For a short time William only claimed 
that he came to the sovereignty as heir of 
Edward the Confessor, and did not set up 
his title as conqueror. B ut it was not long 
before he and his friends set up that title ; 
and ever since he has been known in his- 
tory by the title of William the Conqueror. 
They were not slow in letting the English 
people know by what title they did claim. 
At first even William thought it was only 
a question whether he or Harold should be 
king, and that being settled by the battle of 
Hastings, he thought his future course in 
obtaining possession of the government 
would be easy and as a matter of course. 
It must be that many of the English nobil- 
ity thought in the same way; for in no oth- 
er way could the conduct of Edwin and 
Mocar, the earls of Mercia, in declining to 
aid Harold efficiently, be accounted for. 
It is probable that those scions of Woden 
did not deem that Harold came in by divine 
right, to induce them to interfere in his be- 
half It is probable, also, that many of the 
Saxon nobility thought in the same way. 
But whatever might have been the cause 
which operated upon them, they soon by 
bitter experience had cause to repent of 
their impatriotic decision. In all these 
questions and movements, the rights and 
liberties of the people — their right to have 
a stable and just government, in which 
their property, labors and earnings should 
be cared for and protected, were entirely 
overlooked as though all rightfully belong- 
ed to him whom chance or impudence 
placed in the government. The Saxon no- 
bility considered themselves by habit and 
action a caste, — proud, haughty and super- 
cilious, withal ignorant, illiterate and hold- 
ing the great mass of the people in a very 
low position,'" and consequently held them 
in great contempt. The Normans by their 
intermixture with the Celtic people had be- 
come greatly distinguished for quickness 
and taste, were taking pleasure in literature 
and objects of science; and although they 
adojited the feudal teniu^e, by \\hich the 
landed property of the country was placed 
in the hands of the nobility, as it was with 



See ante, B. iii, ch. 



3oS 

the Saxons, yet they treated the mass ot 
the people more kindly and on an equality. 
The Normans looked upon the Saxons as 
a people more slow and stolid, and less 
given to adopt improvements, and subject- 
ed them to much contempt. It is hard to 
determine how it was that one battle, and 
the operation of four or five years, an en- 
tire revolution and change of govern- 
ment — a conquest, was brought about; 
when with the Britons it cost the Romans 
many battles and forty years of war; and 
the Saxons innumerable battles and four or 
five hundred years of war to accomplish 
the same conquest. It can only be account- 
ed for upon the indifference of the Saxon 
people towards their, nobility, who held 
themselves as a divine caste, born to rule, 
and who held so exclusive a government 
over them, and especially as to real proper- 
ty. It must be that the Saxon people 
looked upon it as a mere question of a 
change of masters, in which they had no 
decided interest, and not that patriotism 
love of country and freedom, which dis- 
tinguished the Britons or the people of 
England of the present day. But the En- 
glish of that da}^ were soon taught by sad 
experience that the Normans were determ- 
ined to make the most of their conquest; 
and that they were really the masters, in 
possession of the government and people; 
and controlled the land and property for 
their own best interest. The Normans 
soon found some desultory and unorgan- 
ized hostilities ; and the first manifested it- 
self in the vicinity of Exeter, where there 
was the strongest mixture of the Ancient 
Britons, and where the first confiscation of 
property took place.3 

Soon envy and hatred increased between 
the two people. But the Saxon nobility 
were losing by the change of government 
more than the people themselves. With 
tliem it was only a change of masters. Still 
in one respect the Norman nobility were 
not so offensive as the Saxon, for they did 
not so offensively claim that they ruled by di- 



3 1 Thierry's Norman Conquest, I?, iv, pp. i04 — 
208; Vaugrhan's Revolutions in English History, pp. 
281— 2Ssj Macaulay's Ent^lanJ, pp. S and 9; Henry 
of Huntangdon, 213. 



THE NORMAN PERIOD. [Book iv. 

vine right as the descendants of Woden; 
and therefore they might politically hope 
for more from them on the score ot com- 
mon humanity. The Saxon nobilit\- soon 
lost their right and title to the landed prop- 
ertv, for the manor> were ultimately trans- 
ferred from Saxo.i lords to Xormati lord>; 
the people generally retained their posses- 
sions upon similar term-, and only changed 
their lan-dlords. The Saxon common peo- 
ple could not have been, for this reason, so 
attached to their country as the same class 
of people with the Britons; for with the 
latter the absolute ownership of the land 
was with the people, and its mode of de- 
scent was that of the gavel-kind ; — the land- 
ed estate, therefore, was not the manor, hut 
the farm of the family, very much as it is 
now practically in England, but with a \ ery 
unequal division among the families; but 
as in fact it is in the United States with all 
the people. The landed property of Eng- 
land, before the conquest, was held in large 
estates (manors) by the Saxon nobility, 
and therefore the transfer frt)m a Saxon 
lord to a Norman made but little or no dif- 
ference with the tenant, as it would have 
done if he had held the tee. They might 
therefore be very indiliereut as to the change 
which was going on ; for w ith him it was 
only a change of landlord, and sometimes 
there was a gain in the change of masters. 
William was a good executive sovereign, 
and well enforced the administration of 
justice; yet his followers soon became 
clamorous for all the honorable and lucra- 
tive positions in the government, both civil 
and ecclesiastic, and for the confiscation of 
the property of those who had o])posed 
them, and the division of such property 
among themselves. Much of this was im- 
mediately done, and every occasion was 
taken advantage of to extend it, from time 
to time, and from bad to wor.se. until the 
government and most all the real pro|)erty 
of England was in the hands of the Nor- 
mans. The two most powerful earls, Ed- 
win and Morcar, who were the earls of 
Mercia and Northumbria, and the head of 
the Saxon nobility, who had played so cold 
and indifterent a part towards Harold, a 
brother-in-law, now became alarmed, and 



TC3 THE ACCESSION OF EDWARD [. 



Chap. 1. 1 

appealed to their ielati\es in Wiiles, the 
family ot' the late king Grittith. Fhis was 
discovered, and made the pretext of dis- 
posing of their power and estates f(jr the 
benefit of tiie special favoiMtes of the king. 
The Catiiolic church had given William 
much aid with but little cost, bv sending 
him a banner, the Pope's bull, and excom- 
munication of Harold upon the assumption 
of liis perjury. This brought the majority 
of the priesthood, both in France and Eng- 
land, in his favor; and this the new king 
was not disposed to forget. ^Vhercvcr an 
excuse could be made tor it, the king re- 
moved the native clergy, and gave the 
place to a Norman. A host of Norman 
clergT attended hini in the expedition, 
among whom was his brother, Odo, arch- 
bishop of IJayeux; all of \s iiom became 
provided for ■ with rich places. Neither 
warrior nor clergyman was neglected who 
had been serviceable, nor was the churcli 
nor Pope forgotten; but all pa \ came at 
the expense of the imfortunate Saxons. 

Within three months after the battle of 
Hastings, the king upon some pretext de- 
termined to return upon a \isit to Norman- 
dy ; and he did this with great display of 
what he had acquired by his conquest. He 
placed the administration of the govern- 
ment in the care of Odo and Fitz Osbcrn, 
as a regency while absent; and he took 
with him a large number of the most dis- 
tinguished and influential of the English 
nobility, for the double purpose of gracing 
his retinue and exhibiting his success ; and 
also holding them as hostages in his power 
for the security- of his government in Eng- 
land during his absence. This \isit was 
made the subject of great exhibition and re- 
joicing in Normandy; but the imeasy af- 
fairs in England soon called him there; tor 
his repre-^entatives were found to be unable 
to manage aftairs with the same vigor and 
success as he himself. When he had re- 
turned to England he found great diflicul- 
ties and dissatisfaction in various parts of 
the country, without any concerted and 
well formed action for the reliet and deliv- 
erance of the country. Every effort was 
now made to bring the coimtry to a quiet 
subjection, and to complete the conquest. 



509 



The pnjperty of tho.sc who opposetl him, 
and were acti\e in regard to the action at 
Hastings, had already been confiscated, and 
divided among the Normans, and there 
were in his retinue abiuidance of foreign 
aspirants crying for more, and every new 
manifestation of discontent was made the 
occasion for urging further confiscation. 
William appointed a commission to ascer- 
tain ami report w hat opposition had been 
made to him, ami who the persons were 
wlio were continuing such o(iposition. L'p- 
on this inquir\ and report, proceedings 
were had, and c:ontiscation made, until in 
the course of a i'cw years almost the whole 
of the real property of the kingdom had 
become transferred from a Saxon nobility 
to a new and Norman nobility,' from whom 
many ot the present English nobility de- 
rive and hold their right and title. 

The reader of British histoiy is aston- 
ished to find this revolution in |-]nglish af- 
fairs to have been aec(jniplished by con- 
quest, with onl\- one great and well organ- 
ized battle, in defense of the principle, that 
every people have a right to govern them- 
selves; and that native patriotism which 
arouses a people in fa\'or of" a native organ- 
ization in opposition to a foreign one which 
comes in to rule o\er them and oppress 
them. Almost inunediately after the bat- 
tle of Hastings, pulMic matters began so to 
develop themseKes, so that there could be 
no doubt as to tlie position to be assumed 
bv tiie conquerors at Hastings. Indeed the 



4 See Vaug-han's Revolution in Ilisloi y, B. iii, ch. 
ii, p. 2S2. Kiii<i William took the lion's share of 
both real ami pcr.sonal property. It is easier to fol- 
low the real i)ro])ertv, which had been held by the 
Saxon nobility in lari^e estates, and cultivated by the 
common people as serfs. These larjjje estates were 
called by the N'ornians manors; and could be easily 
de^i^nated and translerred friim the Saxon to the 
Norman. Mr. V'aui^-han states the ap)>ropriation of 
the real properly aniont;- the conquerors thus; '''I'lie 
Crow n had more than 1400 manor.s, besides other 
property not fully described. The earl of Mortauie, 
the Coiicjueror's half brother, became possessed of 
nearly S(X) manors, spread over nineteen counties. 
The earl of BretaR-ne, who commanded the rear in 
the battle of Hastings, had 44J. Odo, bishoj) of 
Uayeux, brother to William, had 4.59, _ which i;ave 
him aiiUioritv in seventeen counties. The bishop of 
Constance, who, in couunon with Odo, was aLso a 
soldier, had jSo. llotfer de IJresli hail 174 \n Nt.t- 
tinjihanishire. Ilbert de Laci 164. chierty in \ori;- 
sliire. Williuni Perceval, the Conqueror's natural 
son, had loz. llobert de Sanford, 150. Roovr d; 
Laci, 116. Husch de Montfort, more than 100. Wit 
liam de Warren had territory allotted him m Sussei 
and eleven otlier Enj^lish counties." See, also, 1 " 
Hume's English Hist., p. 19-;; afso 450, appendix ii. 



THE NORMAN PERIOD 



intercourse belweon the English and Nor- 
mans had been fsucli for many years, that 
they had no reasonable grounds to expect 
any different result from that which did 
happen. However that may be, it was sel- 
dom, it" ever, any people endured so intol- 
erable a government as the people of Eng- 
land did during the first half of the 
Conqueror's reign. Not only was the 
landed property takeji trom the original 
proprietors, and bestowed upon a new for- 
eign aristocracy, but the Norman adven- 
turers took Avithout compunction or control 
whatever they chose. It is repulsive to 
humanity to contemplate the oppression 
and injustice perpetrated by the invading 
conquerors. Not onlv was the sword doing 
its work in accomplishing its object, but 
Ihf cluuchman was as eager as the ^^■arrior 
for spoils, and to enrich himself and the 
church. In a few years every native arch- 
bishoji and bishop were remo^•ed and their 
places taken by foreign clergy. 

Those to whom William had promised 
land, received it of the dispossessed 
English; the barons and knights had \ast 
domains, castles, villages, and e\en whole 
cities; tlie simjile Aiissal had smaller por- 
tions. Some receive_d their pay in money, 
others had stipulated that they should have 
a Saxon wife, and William, says the Nor- 
man chronicle, gave them in marriage 
noble dames, great heiresses, whose hus- 
bands had fallen in the battle. One" only 
among the knights mIio had accompanied 
the Conqueror, claimed neither lands, gold, 
nor wife, and would accept none of these 
spoils of the conquered. His Tiamc \sas 
Guilbert Fitz Richard; he said that he had 
accompanied his lord to England because 
such was his duty, but stolen goods had 
no attraction for him, and that he would 
return to Norniand}- and enjoy his own 
heritage, a moderate but legitimate heritage, 
and, contented with his own lot, would rob 
no one."'' 



5 1 Thierry's Nomian Conquest, B. iv, p. 191. 
This noble man, Guilbert, is far more deserving U> 
he reniemliercd and honored than the Conqueror. It 
seems thiit in those days almost every one thoug;ht he 
had a riijht to take what he could; even the clergy 
practiced upon the .same rule. It seemed that they 
had f'orgdtten the jfolden rule of their profession, and 
left it to be rerriembered and practiced by Guilbcrl. 



[Book IV. 

By the year 1070, W"illiam liad reduced 
the w hole of England to subjection ; from 
the Tweed to the South, and from the Ger- 
tnan Ocean to the Severn, his army over- 
ran and controlled everything. The last 
serious opposition was made by the Danish 
people, who constituted a large portion of 
the people of Yorkshire and the country 
to the north, tbrmerly known as Northum- 
bria. It is singular not only, that only one 
great battle was fought by the English for 
their independence, but that the leading 
Englishmen made their most effectual ap- 
peals to the Danes of ^'orkshire, to the 
Cambrians in the neighborhood of the Dec, 
and the people in the vicinity of Exeter, 
where the descendants of the Ancieitt 
Britons did mostly prevail. All these were 
successfully put down by the Conqueror, 
without any serious rising in the central 
portion of England itself. When we no- 
tice this, and also the fact that at the com- 
mencement of the conquest the tvio great- 
est men of England, in wealth, in power, 
and in political influence and experience, 
Edwin and Morcnr, the earls of Mercia 
and Northinnbria, kept aloof and turned a 
cold shoulder towards Harold and his cause 
until it was lost; and the people themselves 
never manifested a serious determination 
to resist the conquest. ISIay not all this be 
ascribed as resulting from the organization 
of the Saxon government.'' Edwdn and 
Morcar belonged to the old aristocracy, the 
descendents of W'oden, a caste who ex- 
cluded every other family from a participa- 
tion in the high and honorable offices of 
the government. Harold, as we have seen, 
was of a plebeian origin ; and though in 
the days of his power he Avas able to pro- 
cui'c their sister for his wife, yet now in the 
contest with William they were able to 
persuade her to abandon him. They prob- 
ably at first preferred William from a hope 
that he would best subserve the old aristoc- 
racy ; and may ha\ e conceived that it woidd 
result onh in a change of sovereigns, with- 
out otherwise "interfering with the govern- 
ment. But on the other hand the great 
mass of the people had been kept by the 
aristocracy at that distance from the real 
government, and all the lands in the hands 



Chap. I.] 

•f that aristocracy, — they cared but little as 
to the result; at most it was but a change 
«i' masters; and hoped that their new mas- 
ters would not be so exclusive a caste. 
This is the only manner in which we can 
satisfactorily account for the English peo- 
ple submitting, with so little resistance, to 
such a decided conquest. All at first hoped 
for better things, — it was the Saxon nobili- 
ty, those who claimed their right to power 
as descendents from Woden, who sustained 
the great loss and injury ; the great mass 
of the people lost but little, and perhaps 
gained much in tlie end by the revolution. 

As already stated, the Saxon population 
were divided into three classes : first the 
nobles, who were comparatively few, the 
descendants of Woden, and the holders of 
all the land. These were called thanes,'' 
and, as aldermen, ruled the land, and held 
all the great offices. Secondly, the freemen, 
who were less than one-half of the people; 
exercised some police regulations among 
themselves; were generally, for their own 
safety, the retainers or clients of some lord ; 
and their greatest freedom was a right to 
choose which of two or more lords to 



TO THE ACCESSION OF EDWARD I. 



3" 



den should ascend a throne which for the 
past 600 years had known no other; and 
especially so as to Harold, who was but 
one generation removed from the peasant 
and the herdsman. That he was then the 
most talented of Englishmen; the one who, 
by his education and experience, best quali- 
fied to occupy the position, was no reply to 
them — he was a parvenu. With them, 
therefore, as a matter of feeling, the ques- 
tion was a matter of indifference whether 
Harold or William should be king; it was 
only a change of so^•ereigns, and with the 
latter there was some claim of a remote 
descent. 

With common people it was a question 
of a great deal more indifference. They were 
excluded from any participation in the 
government and politics; and they had no 
landed property. All this belonged to an 
hereditary aristocracy; and if the landed 
estates should be transferred to Norman 
lords, they might be able to make fully as 
good terms, or better, with the new lords 
as with the old. With them there was no 
ownership in the land— no yeomanry, with 
small holding of their own, as a guaranty 



serve. And thirdly, the slaves, who in- j for their patric^tism and devotion to the in- 
cluded the villain, the serfs as well as the dependence and freedom of their country. 



menial slave ; and were the laigest portion 
of the people. These were often sold and 
transferred with the land to which they 
were attached. There can be no doubt 
that the Normans in like manner claimed 
them with the manor which had been as- 
signed to them. The proud position now 
eccupied by every intelligent Englishman, 
as commoner of England, is a position at- 
tained long after the conquest; which it 
probably aided rather than retarded. 

The indifterence of the .Saxon people to 
the consequences of the conquest, at its 
commencement, was the logical result of 
their form of government. The aristocra- 
cy, who were almost the only class interest- 
ed in the question, could not tolerate the 
idea that a person not a descendant of Wo- 



6 In confirmation of the clo.se olijjarchy or caste 
which existed in the Saxon g-overmnent, tlunie (1 
Enijlish History, appendix i, p. 161) says: "We know 
of no title which raised any one to the rank of a 
thane, except noble birth and rhe possession of 
land." 



In these respects there is no safety for a 
country when its go\ ernment and landed 
estates are in the hands of an aristocracy. 
But since that time the commons and the 
yeomanry of England have grown up and 
made Britain what she is proud to be, the 
foremost people in the world. When Wil- 
liam landed at Fervency there Mere no 
commons or yeomanry, as the.se only existed 
in the times of the Tudors and Cromwell. 

The effect that may be produced by an 
aristocracy upon the spirit and patriotism 
of a people may be well illustrated by the 
condition of things in the Southern States 
previous to the great rebellion. There one 
half of the people were sla\es (Africans); 
and the landed property was held in large 
estates, in the hands ot a few of the? leading 
and most promising of the \vhite people. 
They represented the wealth and intelli- 
gence of the country. Between these and 
the slaves there was a large class of white 
freemen, who in every generation were be- 



THE NORMAN PERIOD. 



I Book IN'. 



coming poorer and more abject; despised I a severe struggle, and in their enthusiasm 
by both the slave and his master, as the not only expelled everything Norman, but 
foor T-'Jittc man ; and the slave denominated i foolishly demolished the Norman castle 
them, as a matter of contempt, ^'■sandhill and its ramparts, which they soon found 
crachcr^'' The slave-holder was the aristo- 
crat of the country-, and the governing race 
in the state. He was the .senator and rep- 
resentative in congress; member of the 
legislature or governor of the state; and 
holding all important stations and official 
appointments. There was no law fixing 
or securing" all this, hut it was so arranged 
as securel\- as tholigh it was in the consti- 
tution, by merely a social understanding 
among themselves. Among tliemselves 
the slave-holder was a genuine patriot, and 
always in favor of independence and free- 
dom; and frequently the most devoted 
democrat. But this was always for home 
consumption — the poor white man and the 
slave were ne\ er bentfiled by such display 
of patriotism. Between the slave-holder 
and the slave— the upper and nether mill- 



cause to wish they had preserved. 

When William was informed of his re- 
verses in Yorkshire and the fierce opposi- 
tion of the people to hiin there, he swore 
vengeance against them and hastened back 
to England in order to perpetrate it. He 
first cautiously proceeded to buy off every 
aid and alliance upon which the people of 
York had placed any reliance, and then 
proceeded with a joowerful army against 
them, with a fierce determination of effect- 
ing a conclusive conquest; and in that he 
was fully successful. York was retaken, 
and all north of it he brought to the most 
cruel and abject subjection. The war and . 
revolution had produced in the north of 
England a severe famine, and to this ca- 
lamity William was adding that of the 
sword and fire, in exterminating man and 
stone, the poor wliite man was ground to I beast, and destroying every habitation in a 
powder. He was generally distinguished I large portion of the country to the north of 
as the ignorant, uneducated man, without York; and in the process of converting it 
industry or ambition ; tor there was no ob- into a park for w-ild animals, upwards of 



]ect ilpon which to ajiply them. By social 
arrangements the_\' were kept within the 
bounds. Now one juav Avell imagine that 
the freeman in .Saxon times, being between 
the nobililv. 'aIio were a familN" caste, and 
the sla\e, w;is tlic "poor white man" of his 
time; and if so, it may have been a happy 
event that the Saxon nobility was exter- 
minated by a Danisli and Norman rule. 

Aftei" William had fiercely suppressed 
tlie opposition that his conquest had met 
with tVom the people in tlie \icinity nf lixe- 
ter, in io6S, the next serious opposition was 
from the people of Yorkshire and the north. 
The Normans did not attempt the conquest 
north ()l"the 1 lumber for about three years 
at'ter the battle of Hastings. In the year 
1069 they encountered considerable oppo- 
sition in taking possession of "^'ork, and 
securing it to their possession, by a castle 
and intrenchnicnts w ithin the city. Before 
the next year, and while the king was on a 
N'isit to his honu' in Normandy, the people 
of Yorkshire, by a patriotic effort, succeed- 
ed in recovering possession of York after 



one hundred thousand people were de- 
stroyed. 

Upon this anotlier apportionment of con- 
fiscated territory was made amongst the 
followers of the conqueror; as to William 
de Percy was donated over eighty manors, 
the origin of the great estate of the family 
under the name of the duke of Northum- 
berland; and to others were granted like 
favors. This being accomplished to the 
north, the king next turned his attention 
to the west. That portion of the island 
west of the Cumberland hills, north of the 
Mere}' and south of the Solway Firth, 
which had been sometimes known as a 
part of the kingdom of Strath-Clyde, and 
sometimes as Cumbria, Avas gi\'en over- to 
some of the Norman captains to bring over 
to their rule. This was done in the usual 
style. This country had been known as 
the home of the Cymry of Cumbria; and 
during the sixth and seventh centuries had 
been distinguished for its Christian an d 
literary attainments. It is celebrated as 
the home of Aneurin, the author of the 



•Chap. 1. 1 

great epic poem ol" Gododiii, and of Ihe 
historian, Nennius. After that it had been 
disturljed by the Saxons and plundered b\- 
the Danes. Many of its principal citizens 
had left and taken retuge in either Wales, 
Irelaiui or Annorica"; but the maif)rity ot 
the people were still Cyinr\-, mixed with 
Saxons and Danes. The countr\- was now- 
taken by the Conqueror's officers; and the 
chief of them divided the possessions among 
•their retainers. "The land of marsh and 
moor, called Westmoreland, was also 
brought under the power of a foreigner, 
who divided am<mg tlieir soldiers the rich 
domains and beautifid women of tlie coun- 
try. The conqueror gave the three daugh- 
ters of Simon Thorn, proprietor of two 
)uanors, one to Onfroy, his squire, another 
to Raoul Tortesmains, and the third to one 
Guillauine de Saint Paul."'' In those days 
of terror and injustice, wherever the sol- 
diery of the Romans, Saxons, Danes or 
Normans went, the- unfortunate tenuile 
beauties of the country were made either 
their wives or mistresses; and the great 
body of the people their serfs. 

After this reduction of the north of Eng- 
land the Conqueror immediately (A. D. 
1070) marched with his armv- to the border 
t)f Wales. The tirst place he attained was 
the city of Chester, the C;erligion of the 
Britons and Devana of the Romans. It 
was nearh' four hundred years after Hen- 
gist's time before this city was taken from 
the Cymry by the Saxons, A. D. 828. It 
was probably liere that the Conqueror saw 
tlie greatest remains of the Roman times. 
Chester was on the right bank of the Dee; 
and that river was the line between Eng- 
land and W;des ; and up to that line the 
Conqxieror was not much delayed. But 
soon the Norm;ms manifested a dis-position 
to cross that line, and OfFa's dvke presented 
but little opposition to their entry upon 
Cambrian territory. 'J'he Normans crossed 
the line and the Severn west of Shrews- 
bury, and upon Welsh territory, sixteen 
miles from the last named city, built the 



TO THE ACCESSION OF EDWARD I. 



313 



ot the subjugation of Wales by the Nor- 
mans, and which these conquerors of Eng- 
land diligently pursued for about two hun- 
dred years before its accomplishment at the 
death of prince Llewellyn, in 1282; and 
after the same object had been previously 
prosecuted over five hundred years by the 
Saxons; so that it required the continued 
exertion of these two nationalities over 
seven hundred years of unjust and cruel 
war, from the invasion of Wessex upon 
the Se\ern to the death of Llewellyn, to 
subjugate the Cymry, tliese descendants of 
the Ancient Britons. This fortress was 
called by the C_\'miy Trc Paldxvin, the cas- 
tle of Baldwin, but the name retained by 
the Normans was A[outgomcr}\ in honor 
of Rodger de Montgomerv', earl of Shrop- 
shire, as reated bv the Cconqueror.8' 

After A. D. 1070 the conquest seems to 
have been complete over the whole of Eng- 
land, and the form of its rule and govern- 
ment established. It was an arbitrary 
monarchy, uncontrolled by any fixed par- 
liament or house of lords. Everything de- 
pended upon the will and pleasure of the 
Conqueror. He was once or twice induced 
in order to quiet insurrection, to promise 
that the laws of Edward the Confessor 
should be observed and enforced; but that 
did but little better it, while those laws 
were only enforced by Normans according 
to their own notions and prejudice. There 
were the great lords he had created; but 
they were his sworn vassals, and creatures 
of his own creation. They forined no great 
established coiuicil, controlling as a neces- 
sary part of the government. They had, 
undoubtedly, their influence, but William 
summoned them and consulted with them 
as he thought best. Courts were estab- 
lished, records kept, and the ordinary ad- 
ministration of justice improved; for in 
learning and the science of the day the 
Normans were far ahead of the Saxons; 
but then the whole was under the control 
and influence of one presiding head. 

The government of England became far 



first fortress in \iolation of the rights of more arbitrary and despotic than that of 
the Cymry. This was the commencement | Normandv. At home William was a duke, 



7 I Thienv's Norniiin Cdnqucst. B. iv, p. J29. 



S I Thierry's Norman Conquest, 15. iv, p. 233. 



3H 



THE NORMAN PERIOD. 



in England a monarch. After a while this 
became distasteful to some of the Normans 
themselves. About the year 1074 the .special 
friend and right arm of William, Fitz Os- 
bern, died a violent death while on the 
continent. Hi.s .son Robert assumed his 
rights and dignity in England as earl of 
Hereford, and control of the vast estate in 
England. "He took upon himself the 
charge of providing tor and portioning his 
young sister, Emma, and negotiated a mar- 
riage for her with Raulf de Gael, a Breton 
seignior, who had become earl of Norfolk. 
For some reason or other this alliance was 
displeasing to the king, who sent an ex- 
press order from NormaiKh- not to con- 
clude it; but tlie parties paid no heed to this 
prohibition, and on the day fixed for the 
celebration the marriage took place at Nor- 
wich, which proved fatal to all who were 
present at it.'"s Bishop.s and Norman bar- 
ons were there, Saxons, friends of the Nor- 
mans, and several Welshmen, invited by 
the earl of Hereford, prominently iigured 
at the atiair. The sumptuous repast and 
generous wine rendered them imprudent, 
loquacious and ambitious; great complaint 
was made of the arbitrary conduct of the 
Conqueror, and his ingratitude to those to 
whom he was the most indebted for his 
crown, especially to Hereford, the son of 
that Fitz Osbcrn to whom was mostly due 
his great success. He was accused of hav- 
ing forgotten his origin, and frequentlv 
called the bastard. A conspiracy was 
then formed, and a rebellion raised bv col- 
lecting troops both east and west, in Nor- 
folk and on the Severn, where many of the 
Welsh on the border were induced to join 
them, either for pay or out of hatred for the 
conquerors, who menaced their independ- 
ence. But all this demonstration was ef- 
fectually put down by William's go\orn- 
ment before lie had returned from Nor- 
mandy, which was tbllowed by the usual 
cruel punishment of the rebels who fell 
into their hands, some by death, others by 
mutilation in having a limb, either an arm 
or a leg, cut ofl". This was the most seri- 
ous attempt made at rebellion during Wil- 



9 1 Thierry's Norman Conquest, B. iv, p. 2VS. 
Matth. Pari.s 1,9. > f i 



[Book IV 

liam's sovereignty, which lasted about tea 
years longer. All the amelioration and 
improvement in form and constitution of 
the English government are those matter* 
which have taken place long after the reign 
of the Conqueror ; — there are none of them 
which go back for their origin to the time 
of the Conqueror, or that of the Saxons. 
They are the growth of British soil since 
those times. 

It has already been noticed that when 
the Saxons as a conquering army took pos- 
session of various portions of the island, 
which has since become England, a great 
mass of the British population must have 
remained and become assimilated with the 
Saxon conquerors, as was the case in every 
such conquest, and especially with the 
Normans. The Saxon lords were disposed 
of, but the conquerors took wives from the 
choice of the widows and daughters of the 
land. As was the case with the Saxons, 
this intermixture of races made them Eng- 
lish, instead of German, greatly Celtic in- 
stead of pure Teutonic. But this change 
of race characteristics was greatly augment- 
ed by the Norman conquest. The Nor- 
mans were more Celtic than Teuton, and 
this was especially the case with William,, 
in consequence of frequent alliance by mar- 
riage between his house and that of Brit- 
tany. But of the followers of the Conquer- 
or the Celtic character greatlv jirevailed; 
for besides those who were from Norman- 
dy-, the next greatest portion of them wt-re 
from Brittany, from whence came Alain 
and Brian, two of the sons of the duke of 
Brittany, Raulf de Gael, and other power- 
ful lords of that country, with their niuner- 
ous followers. From other portions of 
Gaul did they flock to the standard of the 
Norman; as from Maine, Anjou, Poitou 
and Aquitaine, the Cymric and Celtic por- 
tion of France. So important was the ser- 
\ice of these to William that he rewarded 
Raulf, as we have seen, by making him 
earl of Norfolk. It was not only the im- 
mediate followers of the Normans who aid- 
ed in making this change of race; but 
"when the conquest grew flourishing," says 
Thien-y, "not merely young soldiers and 
old captains, but whole families, men, wo- 



TO THE ACCESSION OF EDWARD I. 315 



Chap. I.] 

men and children, emigrated from almost 
every corner of Gaul to seek their fortune 
in England; thi.s country had become for 
foreigners, as it were, a land newly discov- 
ered, which had to be colonized, and which 
belonged to every comer. 'Noel and Cel- 
estria, his wife,' says an ancient deed, 
'tame in the army of Willianl the Bastard, 
and received in gift from the same bastard 
the manor of Elinghall with all its depend- 
encies.' According to an old rhymer, the 
first lord of Coningsby, named William, 
came from Brittany, with his wife Tiftany, 
his servant Maufas, and his dog Hardigras. 
Sworn brotherhood-in-arms, societies of 
gain and loss, for life and death, were 
formed between those who together ran the 
risks of the invasion. "i" Thus was the 
English people impregnated with an addi- 
tional portion of Celtic blood, which has 
been constantly increasing, and that too in 
the higher class as well as in the lower. 
This will hereafter be further noticed, with 
ether evidence of the truth of this fact. 

Between the Normans and the Saxons 
there existed, for many generations, the 
most hostile national antipathies," and the 
former exercised over the latter the most 
rigid surveillance and domination. Not 
«nly were most of the landed estates forci- 
bly transferred from the Saxon proprietor 
to the Norman, but in some instances the 
former, for the greater personal safety, re- 
signed their estate and voluntarily became 
serfs. The Cymry did not take an active 
interest in the matter of the conquest ; for 
there was a greater sympathy and afiinity 
©f race between them and the Normans 
than the Saxons. With the Normans they 
had greater friendship and association; and 
immediately upon the conquest of England 
numerous marriasrcs and family alliances 



10 I Thierry's Xonnan Conquest, B. iv, p. ^33, who 
cites numerous other instances of lilce names and 
circumstiinces. 

1 1 See 2 Tliierry's Norman Conquest, K. viii, |). 40. 
"Saxon women, seized upon and married hv force 
after the battle of Hasting-s, or after the defeats of 
York, had, amid their despair, borne sons to tlieir 
foremasters ; * * * * as soon as the conquest 
seemed complete, no Englishman w.is held noble 
enoug-h for a Norman woman to honor him with her 
Viand. * * * * Xhe mixture of races was in 
Enjjland, al this time, more favor.ible to the oppres- 
sor than to the oppressed, for the former lost his for- 
eign character, the inclination to resist diminished in 
the hearts of the latter." 



took place between these two friendly 
races, to which many families of the Eng- 
lish nobility refer their origin. But all this 
did not prevent the ambitious and unjust 
from seeking opportimities of conquest and 
extension of territory. That was a matter, 
in those days, that no obligation or atVinity 
had any restraint. 

After the lirst eight years, spent in fixing 
the government in its accustomed require- 
ments and routine of business, William did 
not meet with much opposition to his 
reign, which lasted thirteen years longer, 
when upon his death he was succeeded in 
the government by his son William Rufus. 
During the reign of the Conqueror, not- 
withstanding, it w as a rtile of severe op- 
pression and injustice towards the Saxon 
people, it was a period of great improve- 
ment in England as a country. The Nor- 
mans at once produced a change tor the 
better in everything which constitutes evi- 
dence of progress in civilization. Archi- 
tecture at once began to make a progress, 
unknown in England since the commence- 
ment ot the Saxon period. Large castles, 
churches, monasteries, and other public 
buildings, and as a consequence private resi- 
dences began to appear throughout the 
country in better style of architecture and 
taste. They introduced a far greater de- 
gree of literature, arts and science into the 
country, and applied it both in the affairs 
of the government and that of the private 
citizen. Writing and records became com- 
inon, which before had been greatly neg- 
lected, even in the ti-ansfer of real estate^ 
A great number of learned men and pro- 
fessors were called to tlie country and pat- 
ronized. The law became a learned profes- 
sion ; and courts of justice were placed up- 
on a more systematic and regular basis. A 
regular census was taken of the people and 
property of the country, registered in a 
book, the doomsday book, which enables 
the government with greater certainty t« 
adjust its taxes and requisitions upon the 
people. Abating its iniustice and oppres- 
sion, the Norman conquest was the com- 
mencement of a progressive improvement, 
and was not like the Saxon and Danish in- 
vasion, an indiscriminate robbery and plun- 



V6 



THE NORMAN PERIOD 



■der, and the wanton application of the 
sword and fire to the destruction of the 
country. It was the last time, now in the 
lapse of eight hundred years that the land- 
ed property of Britain has been by force 
and violence transferred from those who 
possessed and culti sated it to those who 
had no right or claim upon it; and it is to 
be hoped it will remain the last. 

^3- — The course of ezriits ni English history 
from the death of William the Conqueror to 
that of Henry TIL (1087— 1272.). 

William the Conqueror died in the year 
1087, after a reign over England of twenty- 
one years, and was succeeded by his second 
son William, surnamed Rufus in allusion 
to his red hair, which assumption is sup- 
posed to have been in accordance with his 
father's wishes, but in entire disregard of 
the right of primogeniture, or of any con- 
stitutional principle to support it. The 
government went on in its administration 
precisely as the Conqueror had left it, with- 
out any change in its constitution or prin- 
ciples. And so it continued as established 
and practiced by the Conqueror, with verv 
little modification, until after the accession 
of Edward I., A. D. 1272, except such as 
was produced by the charters granted bv 
John and Henry III., which were conces- 
sions wrenched bv the barons, rather than 
any constitutional principles procvn-ed b}^ 
any rising of the people themselves. In 
the Saxon government and that established 
by the Conqueror, there was no place or po- 
sition in which the people could act to con- 
trol or efiect the government for their bene- 
fit; for that was entirely in the hands of the 
liing and his hereditary nobility, and during 
the Saxon dynasty these were confined to 
the descendants of Woden. Thus this gov- 
ernment continued thirteen years under the 
administration of William Rufus, without 
any notable change, when in the year 1 100 
he met his death by a random shot from 
the bow of Tyrrel while engaged in hunting 
in a park. Immediately the government 
was taken possession of by his 3'ounger 
brother, Henr)- I., in opposition to the right 
of his oldest brother, Robert, Duke of Nor- 



[Book IV. 

mandy, Avho was then absent in Italy. His 
reign he successfully held for thirty -five 
years, without any material deviation from 
the usual course of administration of his 
father and brother, until his death in 1135. 
Henry was a person greatly distinguished 
for his personal appearance, and possessed 
many accomplishments, both natural and 
acquired, and sustained a vigorous govern- 
ment. Previous to his death he had done 
all in his power to secure the succession to 
his daughter, Matilda, known as the em- 
press dowager of Germany, and then the 
wife of Gt-oftrey, count of Anjou, and re- 
siding in Normandy. But his intention 
was thwarted by his nephew, Stephen, the 
son of his sister, Adelia, and daughter of 
William the Conqueror. Immediately up- 
on the death of Henry, Stephen, with much 
energy, proceeded to usurp the govern- 
ment and secure it against the rights of 
Matilda. This prince, though ungrateful, 
unscrupulous, and hypocritical, possessed 
many qualities which fitted him for his po- 
sition ; but his lack of legitimate right and 
his obvious usurpation brought on him 
and his country a distracted and disturbed 
reign of nineteen years, which near its close 
was brought to a final adjustment between 
the contending parties by a treaty, by which 
Stephen was to hold the government dvu-- 
ing his life, and that he should be succeed- 
ed by Henry, the son of Matilda, as heir to 
the crown. Soon after this the king died 
in 11.S4, and was succeeded accordingly by 
Henry II. This prince was one of the 
most able of the Norman dynasty, and 
ruled England forty-five years with dis- 
tinguished ability. The principal events 
which distinguish the reign of this monarch 
are, iiis war and difiiculties on the conti- 
nent in sustaining his right to territories he 
inherited there, as Normandy, Maine, Poi- 
tou, and others, which were only a misfor- 
tune and a clog to the welfare and interest 
of the English people. The next was the 
adoption of the charter of Claridon by the 
king and his barons for the purpose of re- 
straining the abuses of the Catholic church. 
It was important as a matter between the 
people and the usurpation of the church 
and clergy ; but it hardly touched upon any 



Ciiap. 1.] TO THE ACCESSK 

civil Of jiolitit'al rights of llic people. This 
brought on iiis difficulty with Thomas A. 
Becket, the great, and powerful archbishop 
ot~ Canterbury, who was the champion of 
the chm-ch in opposition to the restraints of 
the cliartcr of Claridon. This distinguished 
man was a plebeian bv birth, and had been 
raised, by the fax'or of Heniv, first to be the 
clumcellor of the kingdom and then made 
arc-hlnsho)i. But no gratitude due to his 
sovereign, nor patriotisin or political con- 
sideration due to his country and people 
could alienate him from contending for 
Avhat he considered the rights and interest 
of the church. Ti^is brought on great dif- 
ficulties ami disturbances in the country 
ami Avith the king; and the assassination of 
Becket, which only increased the difficul- 
ties ot'the King. This plebeian, on account 
of his nati\c powers and abilities, may well 
be classed w itli Godwin and Wolsey. The 
next measure of lleni-y was the commence- 
ment of the conquest of Ireland, which En- 
gland lias never abandoned. The la.st was 
a war with Scotland, instigated at the in- 
stance of the Saxons, at the instance of the 
old earls, Edwin and Morcna-, in w Inch they 
were unsucce>-ful, and resulted in l'a\'or of 
Henry. This long and able reign was 
brought to a close by the death of Henry 
IT. in the year iiSy. The last named king 
was succeeded by his son, Richard I. This 
king was not distinguished for any good he 
produced for his country, but for his gal- 
lantry in war and engaging in the crusades 
ot that day, and greatly distinguishing him- 
self in the war at Jerusalem and in the Holy 
Land. On his way home, in passing 
through Germany, he was captured and de- 
tained for a long time in prison by the em- 
peror, Henry VI., until the people of En- 
gland raised an enormous sum of money to 
he paid for his ransom. Soon after his re- 
turn home in England he proceeded to 
Normandy to reclaim that and other prop- 
ertv on the continent. W'hile engaged in 
this object he receixed a wound while tak- 
ing a place by an assault, of which he soon 
died, in 1199. By his great gallantry, dar- 
ing and braver\- he had acquired the appel- 
lation of the Lion Hearted — Cceur de Liou. 
Upon the death of Richard, the govern- 



)N OF EDWARD I. 3^7 

ment was assumed by his brother, John, in 
derogation of the rights of Arthur, the in- 
fant son of Richard. It is strange with 
what inconsistency and want of any con- 
stitutional principles that the sovereignty 
of England was transferred from one person 
to another during these times. Of the men 
who succeeded the Conqueror, John was the 
inferior. He soon had war on the conti- 
nent in defence of territorial rights there, 
which were not well managed, and were 
unsuccessful. His reign lasted seventeen 
years, during whicli his reign became more 
and more unpopular and odious. "His 
character," says Hume, "is nothing but a 
complication of vices, equally mean and 
odious; ruinous to himself. and destructive 
to his people." He had no skill to control 
or pacif\' his barons, upon whom depended 
all movements against him, and no other 
class of his people could call his govern- 
ment in question. His tyranny and op- 
pression were more keenly felt by his 
barons, and they, towards the close of his 
reign, were determined to bring him to as 
account and curb his despotism. The per- 
son most active in accomplishing this was 
cardinal Langton, an Englishman by birth, 
but educated in France, and who had been 
made archbishop of Canterbur\ by the 
Pope, without the consent ot the king or 
people: but his views of reformation in 
political affairs were so acceptable and 
plausible that he soon acquired an union of 
the barons in his views. The king was ex- 
communicated; .and to the barons' petition 
for redress and grants of freedom, he re- 
turned a decided denial. The barons im- 
mediatelv levied war, which soon brought 
him to a conference at Runnemede, where 
the Great Charter was agreed upon ; which 
secured important liberties and privileges 
to every order of men in England, and has 
e\er since been looked upon by every 
Briton as the palladium of their liberties. 
But contrary to received opinion, it is not 
in any sense the production of Saxon or 
Anglo-Saxon genius. It is not probable 
that a single Saxon had anything to do with 
its production. It was wholly the work of 
Langton and the Norman barons. The 
Norman barons had been so long oppressed 



3i5 



THE NORMAN PERIOD 



l»y despotism that thej began to have some 
feelings for human rights. Adversity and 
•ppression is a good regulator to produce 
this sympathy. It was for this reason that 
the Norman barons in securing the Great 
Charter had it worded so that in terms, in 
its general words, in securing their own 
rights and liberties, was so worded that it 
embraced the rights and liberties of every 
class; though none of the people under 
the class of barons or nobility had any part 
in its production. It was the beginning of 
those strifes for chartered and constitution- 
al rights, the growth of British soil, with 
which the Saxons previous to the conquest 
had nothing to do; and whose principles of 
government added nothing to its produc- 
tion. 

In the year 1216 this prince died, proba- 
bly regretted by no one, and was succeeded 
in the sovereignty by his son Henry III — 
a prince who in the reign of iifty-six years, 
•ne of the longest known in English his- 
tory, was principally distinguished for his 
caprice and weakness, and his incapacity to 
maintain a good government, though as a 
wian he possessed some merits and was dis- 
tinguished for his piety and devotion. He 
came to the crown at the immature age of 
eight 3'ears; but was fortunate in falling in- 
to the hands of the earl of Pembroke, the 
marshal of the realm, who was appointed 
protector; who was a man of great abili- 
ties, of integrity to the government, and of 
patriotism to his country. In the few re- 
maining years of his life, he placed the ad- 
ministration in a prosperous and satisfac- 
tory condition, which the government of 
Henry was never afterwards able to main- 
tain. The reugn was frequently distracted 
by turbulence of the nobility and civil war; 
the country greatly afflicted with lawless- 
ness, robbery and plunder; and the barons 
divided into partisan contest against the 
government. At the same time the people 
were misguided by the most corrupt and 
abusive practices of the church of Rome. 
Towards the close of this i-eign, in the midst 
•f a civil war, a parliament was called, by 
the earl of Leicester, which regularly con- 
sisted of the barons and great dignitaries of 
the church, but to which was now sum- 



[Book IV. 

moned or invited two knights from each 
shire and deputies from the boroughs. 
This is often referred to by English witers 
as the commencement of the commons. ^ 
It is uncertain what rights or authority 
these new members exercised there, if any, 
but certain it is there was no house of com- 
mons. To refer the origin of that great in- 
stitution, the British house of commons, to 
that event as its origin, is like referring the 
origin of the constitution of the United 
States to the May Flo\\-er. In the year 
1272 Henry III died and was succeeded on 
the throne by his son, Edward I, a prince 
then in the prime of life, — able and accom- 
plished, and worth\- of the position he as- 
sumed. 

^54. — Governmental Matters of tlic Cv/i/ry, 
(A. D. 1066— 1272.J 

Three years before the battle of Hastings 
and the conquest the distinguished sover- 
eign of Wales, Gruftydd, or Griffith ap 
Llewellyn, died ; and that event would have 
secured the conquest of Wales to Harold, 
if it had oeen at all possible; but against 
these brave and patriotic people it proved 
otherwise. Griffith during his sovereignty 
and very long reign had been much con- 
nected with England, both in war and 
peace. His wife was the sister of the great 
earls Edwin and Morcar, and this princess 
soon after she became a widow was married 
to Harold, and of course at the time of the 
battle of Hastings was queen of England. 
The Cymry took but little interest in the 
question of the conquest by William. They 
knew that the event would not bring more 
hostile neighbors, while the Normans 
courted them as kindred in race and sym- 
pathy, and bore towards them none of that 
personal hostility which they manifested to- 
wards the Saxons. But after some years 
they coveted the possession oi Wales as 
the Saxon had done, which brought on re- 



I 2 Hume'.s Eng-lish History, ch. xii, p. 53, wh» 
s<i)'.s: "Deputies from the boroughs, an order of 
men which, in former ages, hatl always been regard- 
ed as too mean to enjoy a phice in the national 
councils." This probably was the first time a class 
of men, beneath the barons, during the Saxon or 
Norman rule, ever held anv part in connection with 
tlie royal government. But it was long after this, 
before there was anything like a house of commons 
or the people haying any control on the governmeat 



Ciiap. 1. 1 

peated wars tor many years in its ai-com- 
plishnient. In those ancient times people 
were accustomed to look upon the sover- 
eisfnty as a personal right, whicli descended 
by inheritance in the same manner as the 
landed estate. The Cymry held their land 
in tee simple and in gavel-kind, and were 
greatly hostile to tlie feudal system, and 
therefore did not submit to the principle of 
primogeniture in the admission of the sov- 
ereign, imless the elder son was equally 
worthy in physical and intellectual abili- 
ties. When there was any question be- 
tween them, in these respects, for the eldest 
had only a //-/V«rt facia right, an election 
Avas had b}' the people. In such contest for 
the right to the sovereignty it was custom- 
ary with the Saxons, and the Normans after 
them, to coalesce with the defeated candi- 
date and bring on a w ar ; and by these 
means an internal war was frequently pro- 
duced. But otherwise the reign of their 
princes were long and peaceful. Though 
they were sometimes afflicted with internal 
and civil war, as unfortimately it ha.s been 
the case in all nations, but the great sources 
of their Avars were the inlerference with 
their right and independence by foreign 
powers, as the Romans, Saxons, Danes and 
Normans. Soon after the conquest the 
Normans absorbed within England that 
portion of Cumbria or Strath-Clyde south 
of the Solway Firth, which until then had 
been Cymric territory- ; and by that means 
the Cymry of Wales and those of Scotland 
became separated, ajid more distinct. 



ro THE ACCESSION OF EDWARD L 



3if 



al character. During this period there were 
several instances of such dissension, which 
in history were of no particular interest; 
but in the meantime there were long reigns 
of princes, who enjoyed at least the usual 
length of peace, when not interrupted by 
foreign invasion. 

At the conquest North Wales and Powys 
were under the so%ereignty of Bleddin, wh» 
was aided to the possession of his throne 
by Harold, in opposition to the rights of 
the lieirs of Grillith; and this stroke of 
policy was resorted to bv- Harold, when he 
found himself vmable to conquer Wales, 
when aided by all the power of Edward the 
Contessor. Notwithstanding that Bleddin 
was thus assisted to his throne against the 
rightful heirs, he is highly commended as 
an able and wise .sovereign ; a man of 
peaceful inclination and amiable manners; 
and anxious tor the good of his people. 
About the same time Rhys ab Tevvdwr, ab 
Einion, ab Howel Dda was elected king of 
South Wales. This chieftain was also a 
man of much ability and vigor, and was 
killed in battle at the age of ninety in the 
war against the Norman, Fitzhamon, who 
was then seeking a settlement in that 
country. These two Cambrian chieftains 
were favored with long and advantageous 
reigns, though siu-rounded with many as- 
pirants and conflicts, some by adverse 
claimants and some by rebel.s, encouraged 
and aided by the Normans of England, who 
were continually pressing them with these 
difficulties with a view to a conquest. Tw» 



It was imdoubtediv unfortunate for the i instances of the manner in which the Nor- 



Welsh, though linorable to individual in- 
dependence and freedom, that their coimtry 



mans sought to obtain possession of Wales, 
and to compel them to submit to their rule. 



was divided into different principalities, and and enforce upon the Cymry their system 
each considered a tribe, and their sovereign ! of feudal tenures, so objectionable to them, 
as a chief, subordinate to llie government j call for a more particular notice. 



of the whole. Whene^ei- one was elected 
pendragon, or brenhin Cyiiirii OU, such elec- 
tion sometimes brought on a contention 
and civil war. liut it is probable that such 
contention and ci\ il war was not more fre- 
•quent with them than with other people 
with such elective form of government; 
and therefore should be more attributable 
to their constitutional form of government, 
than to an\ difference of ethnical or nation- 



After the Conqueror in the year 1070 
first came to Chester, and took possession 
of it, as already stated, he put that place 
and the country in its vicinity into the pos- 
session and care of a Norman baron, Hugh 
d'Avranches, who was surnamed Lupus 
(the Wolf) for his savage and ravenous dis- 
position; and was created earl of Chester. 
He was a nephew of the Conqueror, as a 
son of his sister. This earj had granted 



320 



THE NORMAN PERIOD. 



[Book IV. 



the pos.session of Gwyiiedd (a piut ot" North 
Wales) to a countryman, Robert d'A\ - 
ranches, distinguished for liis rapacious 
farming, at the annual rental of £40. 
Grurt'ydd ab Cynan, who was then king of 
Gwynedd, had been treacherous!}' taken 
prisoner, by a competitor imder pretense of 
holding a treaty, and delivered o\er to earl 
Lupus, who imprisoned him in chains at 
Ciiester Castle. While the king of Gwy- 
nedd was tlius illegally retained in prison, 
earl Ciiester summoned a number of the 
Norman barons of Mercia and tlieir vas- 
sals, and with them made war upon tlie de- 
voted territory (in loSo); and proceeded to 
secure his hold, by the erection of a num- 
ber of strong castles in advantageous posi- 
tions, as at Bangor, Caernai-\on, Abarl- 
leinvvg in Mona, and other jilaces ; threat- 
ening subjugation to the imfortunate and 
disheartened people. The next year, while 
sucli was the state of affairs in North and 
South Wales, the Conqueror in person led 
a powerful army into South Wales, procured 
the liberation of many prisoners, both 
Normans and Saxons, obtained the homage 
of king Rhys ab Tewdwr, and subordinate 
sovereigns; and then, with much militar\- 
pomp proceeded to Myn_\\\, aiuf there 
made rich presents and paid his de\ otion 
at the shrine of St. Da\ id, \\ hicli hail al- 
ready accpured celebrit\', even among for- 
eigners. 

About the year loSy Rhvs ab Tewdwr 
expelled Einion, on account of some rebel- 
lion in which he had been engaged, who 
took refuge with Jestyn ap Gvvrgant, lord 
of Glamorgan, who engaged him on the 
promise of his daughter Nesta's liand, to 
obtain the alliance ol" the Normans against 
Rh\s. In piu'suance <.>(' tiiis agreement 
Robei"t Fitzliamon anti twelve knights and 
their retainers were introduced into .Soutli 
Wales. Rhys was defeated and slain in 
battle as already stated. This Rlns ab 
Tewdwr w<is the descendant of Rhodri 
Mowr, and the last regular prince of South 
Wales, which now became too niuch under 
the control of the Normans, and the inde- 
pendence of Wales confided to the north. 

Jestyn now refused the promised reward, 
haughtil\- returning tor answer that he in- 



tended his daughter for another man. 
Einion, indignant, jnusuaded Fitzhamon 
that Glamorgan could he easily taken from 
Jestyn. The bc-autitul and fertile fields of 
Glamorgan tempted him to undertake the 
enterprise so suggested. The neighboring 
princes and people holding Jestyn in detes- 
tation as being the cause of Rhys' death, 
kejit aloof and did not care to prei'ent the 
defeat ot str treacherous and dishonest a 
man. Fitzhanion and his Normans suc- 
ceeded in wresting this fair land from 
Jestvn. and iiartitioned it among themselves. 
It is supposed to be the first land of Cambria 
that was subjected to feudal tenures; and 
to its unjust and arbitrary- rules. 

L'pon this example many of the Norman 
barons became anxious to repeat the enter- 
j)rise of I'^itzhamon ; and procured from 
William Rufus liberty to do so; which was 
much easier to obtain than to accompli>h 
its object; and which \\as not accomplished 
to any considerable extent, for at least two 
himdred years longer, but defended by the 

I noble energ\- and best blood of her people. 

I Froiu this time, until the final extinction of 
the independence of W'ales b\- Edward I, 
repeated attempts were made e\ery tew 
vears, bv the etforts ot individual lords, as 
well b\- ever\- king of England, supported 
b\ her wholi.' resoiu'ces; liut rejX'Ued by 
the treedom-lo\ing ]ie<;ple \\ ith a brax'ery 
and devotion unexampled in the histor\- of 
the world. That story is yet to be tofd. 

It is impossible within the limits assigned 
to this abstract to do justice to the inter- 
esting history of the C_\ nu-_\- within the 
period from the lieath of Rhys ab Tewdwr 
to the invasion of the coimtry hv Edward 
1. It was a continual strife on the jwrt of 
some ot' the greatest monarch s of England 
of the Norman dynasty, to conquer and ab- 

j sorb Wales within their dominion, and a 
patriotic de\otion on the part of the Cymrv 
to maintain their independence and freedom. 
During that time the coimtry enjoved tlie 
long reign ot a number of able and dis- 
tinguished j)riuees: as Gruftydd abCvnan, 
Owen Gwynedd, Rhys ab Gruftydd (Lord 
Rhys), Llewellyn ab Jorw erth, and Llew- 
ellyn ab Gruftydd, w ho w ere all talented 
men and distinguished princes. Ne\er wa.s 



Chap. 1. 1 TO THE ACCEStilON OF EDW.VRD 1. 3-^i 

a country, for s-o long a period, sustained | were to meet tlie powers of Nonuandy 
witli more ability and patriotism against added to the accumulated wealth and pow- 
the overwhelming power of the Norman ! er of the Saxons. They were not only 
kings of England to conquer and oppress 1 compelled to meet the war of the Normans, 
their country, than that which so eminent- but also that of the Danes and other ma- 
ly distinguished these princes, especially in rauders, who in those time- continued their 
the repeated attempts of that very astute depredations, as well as freciuent intestine 
and able monarch, Henry II. It is also 1 civil war of the adverse claims of chieltains. 



surprising to see, while this war of con- 
quest was progiessing, the absence of tliat 
personal prejudice and hostilities which 
usuall\- characterizes the conflict of two 
people. Not only was their intercourse 
frequently marked by friendly associations, 
but also by frequent romantic inarriages. 
Fitzhamon, after the conquest of the terri- 
tory of Jestyn, took his daughter, Nesta, in 
marriage. Henry I, the son of the Con- 
queror, while prince, took another Nesta, 
the daughter of Rhys ah Tudor, in a pre- 
tended marriage at least; and from it came, 
as their son, that very distinguished man 



fostered and supported by their hostile 
neighbors. William the Conqueror twice 
invaded Wales with all hi^ powers; tirst in 
1070, after his successful reduction of the 
north of England, when he invaded North 
Wales by the way of Chester, and proceed- 
ed as far as the straits of Menai ; but w ith- 
out holding anything pL-rmaneiitly beyond 
the Dee. Again in 1081 he invented South 
Wales h\ way of Glamorgan, with a large 
army, and proceeded west as far as St. 
Davids, with about th*e sanie success. On 
these two routes William and his succe.s- 
sors erected numerous vast castles of un- 



anJ statesman, the earl of Gloucester, who I exampled size and strength, with a view of 



was niarried to Sibil, the onlv daughter 
of Fitzhamon and Nesta. Such alliances 
between the great Norman iiouses and 
those of Cambria became frequent; and 
many of them are the origin of the most 
distinguished hou.ses of the English nobili- 
ty, and intimately connected with their 
sovereiglis. But notwithstanding the 
merits of her people, Cambria was bound 
to yield eventually to this continual invas- 
ion of the men of the continent, as Saxons, 
Danes, and Normans, as the continual 
dropping of water will wear an adamant. 
The story of Cambrian independence, 
' from the time of W'illiam the Conqueror 
to that of Edward I, when it was extinguish- 
ed under Llewellyn ab Gruftydd, is i:om- 
plicated and ditlicult, and not to be fully 
told within the space allowed this work. 
That period covered more than two hun- 
dred years, during which every etiort was 
made by the powerful Anglo-Norman mon- 
archy to subject Wales and her people to 
their unconditional control. During that 
time the Cymr> were hariassed and an- 
nosed by every conceivable dirticulties. 
For six. hundred years they had been in- 
vaded, haiTassed and reduced by the con- 
tinual wars of the .Saxons, and now thev 



eventually holding these brave people in 
their subjection William Rufus twice car- 
ried on such war -with no better success. 
In iii4llenr\' 1 became enraged at the 
obstinancy of the people of North Wales 
and Po\v\ s in resisting his demands, he 
avowed the determination to exterminate 
them, and tor that purpose rai>ed one of 
the largest ai-mies of the times, said to 
contain 120,000 men. This vast army, after 
marching into Wales, gradually melted 
away before their opponents, and the people 
of Snowdon were still left to enjoy tiieir 
independence. 

Inthe long reign of Henry III three dif- 
terent attempts were made to produce the 
conquest of Wale>s; and it is said that 
eighteen of such invasions transpired be- 
I tween A. D. 1070 and 1420, in which were 
lost o\ er a million of men anil incalculable 
amoimt of property and human >utfering. 
But there is a factitious interest in tiie last 
conflict of Henry III with the NV'elsh, in 
consequence of its connection with the 
earl of I>eicester, and both prince Edward 
and prince Llewellyn being engaged in it; 
as well as it lieing the last before the linai 
conquest of Edward I. 

After the battle of Lewes, when kinj 



THE NORMAN PERIOD. 



Henrv and his son, prince Edward, fell in- 
to the hands and custody of the earl of 
Leicester, both parties drew to the borders 
©f Wales, probably to gather partisan sup- 
port from the people of that country. 
While there in 1265 prince Edward made 
his escape, and rallied the strength of the 
royal party in the valley of the Severn and 
Avon, where soon occiuTcd the battle of 
Evesham, in which tiiat talented and able 
man, Simon de Montfort, earl of Leicester, 
lost his life, and his party all hopes of 
further resistance to arbitrary power, and 
of popular reform. In that battle a large 
amount of Welsh troojis, engaged on the 
,side of Leicester, lost their lives; and 
prince Llewellyn, their commander, not- 
withstanding its unfortunate issue, became 
for life attached to the memory of Leices- 
ter, and the fortune of his house. That 
battle for some 3'ears settled the power of 
the government in royal hands; and by 
subserviency to it, peace was restored tor a 
few 3-ears both to England and Wales. 
During that time prince Edwjtrd embraced 
the opportunity for a crusade to the Holy 
Land. In the meantime, two or three 
years before the prince's return, his father, 
Henry III, died, A. D. 1272, in the midst 
ot that calm from war and political striie; 
but as it respects Wales it w as only that 
calm which precedes a greater and moi-e 
deadly storm. 

The most interesting subject connected 
with the history of the Cynu-y is their at- 
tachment and devotion to literature, and 
the manner in which they supported and 
defended it against the revulsion jiroduced 
bv the dark ages of Europe, when litera- 
ture and learning were almost extinguished : 
when the Ancient Britons — the Cymry, oc- 
cupving a mere border of Western Britain, 
resolutely defended and protected it while 
the Saxons and Danes were making their 
greatest exertion by war, conquest and 
plunder to exterminate them. But that 
they did sustain it is proved by their pro- 
ductions in literature in the sixth, seventh 
and eighth centuries, and fully sustained 
bv the noble vindication ol" Sharon Turner. 
But this is specially supported by that won- 
■^erful revival of literature in the twelfth, 



[Book IV. 

thirteenth and fourteenth centurie<4, as fully 
sustained by their numerous scholars; and 
especially proved and vindicated by Mr. 
Thomas Stephens and Prof. M. Arnold. 
This, however, is more properly the subject 
of another chapter, — the condition of the 
pes.ple. 

CHAPTER II. ♦ 

FROM THE ACCESSION OF EDWARD I. T» 
THE END OF THE PERIOD. A. D. I 272 

<i — 71te Reign of Edivard I. and Conquest 
of Wales. 

The reign of Edward forms a striking 
period, and produces a new era in the his- 
tory of England. Of the many things tliat 
are so admirable and desirable in the Eng- 
lish constitution and government, there is 
scarcely any whose origin is earlier than 
that period. In the words of Macaulay, 
"Here commences the history of the Eng- 
lish nation." It was after that the com- . 
mons first made their appearance as a pow- 
er in the government; and the house of 
commons became a separate branch and 
an institution of the government itself. 
Under the Saxons, the people were noth- 
ing — so far as the government Avas con- 
cerned, all was in the liands of the king 
and his hereditary nobility. Under the 
Conqueror and his earliest successors it was 
no better. It was h\ a suggestion of Si- 
mon de Monfort, earl of Leicester, a foreign- 
er — a Frenchman by birth and education, 
towards the close of the reign of Henry III, 
and just before the commencement of our 
present period, that any member of the 
borough or common people were first 
summoned to parliament — a measure 
strange to Anglo-Saxons — and even then 
it was uncertain what their function in 
parliament was, whether merely to repre- 
sent the condition of the country to parlia- 
ment, but no constituent part of it. But 
what was so important, then commenced 
that admirable system of courts and admin- 
istration of law, which has since become 
the admiration of the whole world. 

And in connection with this idea, we 



Cliaji II.] 



FROM Tllli ACCr:.SSION OF EDWARD I. 



3-3 



inav recall to our niemorv tliat il was Ed- 
ward who first by treaty severed England's 
connection with Normandy; a measure so 
wise and advantageous to the interest of 
Englishmen. Nor should it be forgotten 



of'j^lousy antl distrust, lie was therefore 
desimtkj of maintaining his association with 
the English nobility; and his kind and 
triendly intercourse and coalition with the 
great, but imfortiuiate, Leicester induced 



that it was after Edw-ard's time that Eng- | him, in grateful remembrance, to solicit the 



lish literature first made its apjiearance 
with Gower and Chaucer. It was then 
tliat the English people had passed the 
night of the dark agcs^ produced h\ the 
barbarian conquest of civilized Europe bv 
thenortli; and introduced to the morning 
of a more auspicious day. 

About two years had transpired after the 
death of his father before Edward 1 re- 
turned to England from the crusade and 
took possession of the government. He 
immediately applied himself, with great 
vigor, to a thorough administration of the 
government; and especially that of justice. 
He was a man of extraordinary abilities bv 
nature and acquirements; and confei-red 
upon his country a rule excelled by none 
of the monarchs of the Norman or Plan- 
tagenet line. After his administration was 
duly settled, the first object that attracted 
his attention was his relation with Wales. 
Llewellyn ab Gruftydd was then prince of 
Wales, who* was about the same age as 
Edward — well acquainted with each other; 
and had been iVequently engaged as oppo- 
nents in arms and friends in peace. Llew- 
ellyn had been elected prince in 1246; and 
between that time and his coalition with 
the earl of Leicester in the late rising of a 
large portion of the English nobility against 
the arbitrary measures of their king Ilenrv, 
prince Llewellyn had been successt'ullv en- 
gaged in repelling two powerful invasions 
made by Henry III upon his coiuitry, which 
were wonderfully defeated by this able 
prince and his gallant people. In some of 
these transactions Edwai'd activel\ i)artici- 
pated ; and these, as well as those in which 
Llewellyn had been engaged with the earl 
of Leicester, Edward did not now. in 127^, 
probably, either forget or forgi\ e. 

Llewellyn must ha\-e been well aware 
that his countrv was an object always cov- 
eted by the government of England, and 
that he himself, as the most powerful and 
potent vassal of the crow n, was an object 



hand of his daughter, Eleanor de Montfort, 
then residing with her widowed mother, 
the sister of king Henry III and the aunt 
of Edward, at a con^■ent in France. The 
king of France, Philip III, was her feudal 
guardian; to him and to the countess' 
mother was Llewellyn's emissary sent, 
with a lequest that the agreement between 
him and Eleanor should be no longer de- 
layed. The arrangement was consummated 
with an understanding that the marriage 
should take place, first \i\ proxy in France, 
and then personally in Wales. This was 
all so arranged. 

In the meantime Edward had repeatedly 
demanded that Llewellyn should come to 
England and personally do homage to him 
as his feudal vassal. From time to time 
the jirince excused himstlt for not com- 
plying with the siunmons, on the score 
that it would be personallv unsafe to him, 
without some guaranty from Edward for 
his personal safety. This the latter de- 
clined to give. This altercation produced 
still greater hostilities, which seriously 
threatened war. Edward had his emissar- 
ies in France, w ho disclosed to him the in- 
tended marriage, and the time when Elean- 
or would embark for Wales. He immedi- 
ately made an arrangement to intercept 
her, and take her as a prisoner. When the 
prince w-as informed that his intended bride 
was a prisoner in the hands of the king of 
England at London, his indignation, as 
might be supposed, hardly knew any 
bounds. He now demanded hostages for 
his personal safety in appearing before the 
king; and that his consort should previous- 
ly be set at liberty. Perhaps Hume speaks 
the truth when he says: "The king, having 
now brought the state to a full settlement, 
was not displeased with this occasion of 
exercising his authority, and sulxluing en- 
tirely the principality of Wales. He re- 
fused all Llewellyn's demands."' 

I .i Hume's Hist. Kng-., cli. \iii. p. 76. 



324 



THE NORMAN PERIOD. 



KJook IV 



Edward, now more tiei-ce, summoned 
the prince to apjiear betbre him to take his 
oath and do him homage as his vassal; and 
immediately proceeded to le\y an army 
and resources for a contest. He resorted 
to eveiy species of annoyance, in order to 
insure the success of the conflict. He pro- 
cured, by the authority of the Pope, 2 the 
excommunication of Llewellyn from the 
church, for his neglect to perform his feud- 
al duties. In June, 1277, the king crossed 
the Dee into Wales with a powerful army, 
backed and supported with all the resources 
of England; and proceeded with caution 
along the northern coast of the countr\- to 
the Menai straits. At every port his fleet 
was in readiness to aid his progress. He 
brought to his aid, also, an old resort of 
the enemies of the Cymry, which often 
preyed upon them, as history shows it lias 
done upon other people; and that was to 
encourage and foster any dissensions found 
among them. At that time three of Llew- 
ellyn's brothers, David, Owen and Rhodri, 
were complaining that Llewellyn withheld 
from them their rights in the administra- 
tion, and their propertv in the countrw 
This dissension Edward encouraged with 
the promise of redress and great reward 
for their aid in his expedition ; and David 
Avas now able to render him great services 
by his knowledge of the country and ex- 
perience in such aflairs. All the powers 
and machination of Edward were now 
brought close around Llewellyn, and the 
disparity between their relative forces left 
to the prince no recourse but to retreat to 
the difficulties of the mountains of Snow- 
don, bis native fortresses. Here the king- 
cautiously refrained from an immediate at- 
tack, but let the sterility and rudeness of 
the moimtains do his work. There was 
soon nothing lett for the prince to do, ex- 
cept to come to the best terms he could 
procure. He began to teel the hardships 
of his surroundings, and he and his people 
saw nothing but inevitable famine before 
them. All this induced a settlement of the 
conflict, by the treaty of Aberconway, 
which, under the circumstances, was high- 
ly favorable to the prince, and would in- 

2 Rynier's F"a;di;i, T. i, p. 86. 



duce one to believe that the sagacity o' 
Edward saw that there might yet be re- 
verses in case he drove his bra\e adversa- 
ries to extremes. By the hx'aty the prince 
was to pay Edward fifty thousand jiounds 
as a reparation of damages ; to do homage 
to tlie crown of England; to permit all the 
barons of Wales, except tour near Snow 
don, to swear fealty to the same crow n 
and he was reinstated in his principalitv — 
all matters in controversy compromised, 
and his brothers satisfactorily provided 
for. 

Edward, upon the performance of the 
other parts of the treaty, remitted to the 
prince the payment of the stipulated fifty 
thousand pounds, which probably the coun- 
try was very illy able to pa_\-. Soon af"ter 
this (December, 1277) the king publicly 
announced that he had taken the prince of 
Wales under his protection, until the en- 
suing Februm-y, who was committed, with 
his retinue, to the guardian escort of a large 
number of the nobility and high officers of 
the crown. During this time Llewellyn 
and Eleanor, the fair daughter of the great 
earl of Leicester, were married at Worces- 
ter,'"' in the presence of the kings of Engiand 
and Scotland, and that of a large company 
of the nobility. At length this long in- 
tended and happy match, in which the 
kings of England and France took so deep 
a part and interest, was consummated; and 
the parties to it retired to Aber, the princeV 
residence in Wales, with the hopes, but de- 
lusive, that the peace, now happily attained, 
Avould be of long duration. 

Wales was now surrounded by the greedy 
Anglo-Norman barons, who were called 
lords of the marches, or guardians of thi. 
'lines between the two countries, who hun- 
gered tfc) overstep their lines and make new 
territories their feudal manors. Encroach- 
ments were made and injuries committed; 
and possibly ads of retaliation were com- 
mitted. In June and July following, the 
prince complained to the king, in numer- 
ous letters, of various wrongs done to hitn 



3 Florence of 'Worccs., Chro. A. D. 1^78, j). jjS. 
AulUois differ as to where thu niarria!»-e took pUiot , 
some say at Worcester, others at London, and oiher- 
at Windsor: and tliey do not atcrec as to the pveci:^^.■ 
day when it took phice. 



Cliap. II. 



FROM THE ACCESSION OF EDWARD I. 



and his pcojilc by officers ol the crown. 
Tiie king in rcph- wrote temperately and 
kindly to the prince, appointed coinmis- 
sioners to make inquiry and report, and he 
himself, in August, visited the marches, 
when Llewellyn met him as a i'riend, and 
peace remained apparently confirmed. 

In July, 1280, the amiable princess wrote 
a letter to the king, begging him not to 
credit any reports of disaffection either on 
her part or that of her husband; and as- 
sured him of their kind recollection of the 
honors he had done them at Worcester. 
Still later in the year the princess sent an- 
other letter, earne.stly interceding the king 
to release her brother, Aylmer, who had 
been taken prisoner with her while on their 
■way from France, and ever since retained 
in captivity. While these matters were 
thus pending, the bonds of peace between 
England and Wales were broken by the 
death of this amiable woman, June 19th, 
1 281.' " j 

The approaches to the coming contiict 
are well stated by Mr. Hiune:'' ''Com- 
plaints of iniquities soon arose on the side 
of the vanquished; the English, insolent 
on their easy and bloodless victory, op- 
pressed the inhabitantsof the district which 
"was yielded to them ; the lords of the 
marches committed with impunity all kinds 
of violence on their Welsh neighbors; new 
and more severe terms were imposed on 
Llewellyn himselfi '■■ * =•= * There 
were other personal insults which raised 
the indignation of the Welsh, and made 
them determined rather to encounter a 
force which they had already experienced 
to he so much superior, than to bear op- 
pression from the haughty victors. Prince 
David, seized with the national spirit, made 
peace with his brother, and promised to 
conciu" in the defense of public liberty. 
The Welsh flew I0 arms; and Edward, not 
displeased with the occasion of making his 
conquest final and absolute, assembled all 
his military tenants, and advanced into 
Wales with an army which the inhabitants 
could not reasonably hope to resist." 

4 Florence of Wor. Ibid. Miss Williams' Hist. 
Wales, ch. xxii, p. 404. 

5 2 Hi'iiic Hist. Kiiy-., cli. xiii, p. 77. 



To the overwhelming force of this army 
Edward again resorted to every other means 
to aid it, in making sure of his conquest. 
Again the excommunication of the Pope 
was issued against the prince and his peo- 
ple. In the midst of these proceedings, 
and unlike so many examples of that age 
of so many war and fighting bishops, the 
archbishop of Canterbury honestly exerted 
himself, with great diligence, to comprom- 
ise matters and preserve peace. But be- 
tween Edward's determination to conquer 
and the prince's resolution to preserve the 
independence and freedom of his people, 
and not to sacrifice either his or their dig- 
nity, the good archbishop was powerless. 
Manv offers were made to induce the prince 
to yield; such as large estates in England 
with ample provisions tor him and his 
brother David, and their families and peo- 
ple, upon consideration that the prince 
should surrender and give up Snowdon, 
and that David should depart on a crusade 
and not return to England without the 
king's consent. The patriotic prince seem- 
ed to have no secret or interest of his own 
independent of his people; and to the coun- 
cil, composed of their leading and wise- 
men, were these terms submitted. The 
unanimity and spirited manner in which 
these propositions were rejected, both by 
the prince and his people, would do honor 
to Grecians in their better days. The re- 
sult of war was now inevitable. 

A number of battles were now fought in 
various places upon the borders of the con- 
tested territory, fierce and bloody, but inde- 
cisive; but sufficient to satisfy Edward that 
the contest he had entered upon would re- 
quire extraordinary exertion, and induce 
him to call on England for extraordinary 
recruit of his army and provisions. While 
affairs rested in this situation, Llewellyn 
was called to the valley of the Wye. While 
there, near Pont Orewyn, he recci\ ed an 
invitation from some man of note and pow- 
er, under pretense of friendship, but of real 
treachery, to meet him at a lonely place in 
the valley, as he was dissatisfied with his 
I connection with Edward. Having placed 
a .strong detachment at the bridge, of whom 
he said, wiien it was intimated they might 



THE NORMAN PERIOD 



336 

be fierceh- attacked : '-There's no fear of 
them ; there are men there who will hold 
their position against all the armies of Eng- 
land." Taking with him but one attend- 
ant, he descended on horseback, but with- 
out armor, to the appointed dell, since 
called Cwm Llewellyn- While here the 
bridge was attacked by Edmund de Morti- 
mer and John GifFord at the head of their 
forces. These were repulsed; but a party 
of Giftbrd's men crossed the river at a ford 
below and came upon Llewellyn unaware, 
■who was attacked by some straggling and 
unknown )>ersons, \\ho mortally wounded 
him. The prince fell from his horse, and 
the men who attacked and wounded him, 
not knowing who he was, left him there to 
die. A friar of a neighboring monastery, 
either with or without design, happened to 
be at hand, and came to the prince while 
dying and administered to him the consola- 
tion ot religion. The detachment at the 
bridge lieing now attacked on both sides 
were defeated, and a partv of the enemy 
returning to wlicre the prince was slain, 
discovered who he was, cut off his head, 
which, with the papers found on his per- 
son, AVPs sent to Edward at Conway. This 
was received by the king with great re- 
joicing and ti'iumph. The head of this pa- 
triot and hero was sent to I>ondon, and 
■with becoming harliarit\- of tlie times placed 



[Book IV- 

rounded Llewellyn on every side now be- 
set his brother David. He was soon be- 
seiged in Dolbadarn castle, into which he 
had retreated as his greatest safety. The 
fall of the castle became apparently inevita- 
ble, and w^as sin-rendered to the earl of 
Pembroke in the following April; and in 
the meantime David and his family had 
made their escape, and were vigilanth* pur- 
sued from hill to hill, forest to forest, en- 
during great hardship and suffering. In 
Juttte David, with his faniily, consisting of 
his wife, seven daughters and two sons, 
were betrayed into the hands of his enemies, 
and given up to Edward. And now Wales 
ceased to exist as an independent country ; 
and the Cymry, after a glorious and inter- 
esting resistance, for so many centuries, to 
the wrongs and injustice of Roman, Sax- 
on, Danish and Norman oppression, were 
compelled, l>v the inexorable course of 
Providence, to \ield up their independent 
nationa!it\. 

Now commenced that course of pro- 
ceedings, undei- Edward I, which annexed 
and made Wales and her people a part of 
England. In effect it was only the return- 
ing of a pact to its own, for it is probable 
that at that very time there were more kin- 
dred blood of the Ancient Britons in Eng- 
land than in Wales. 

In September, 12S3, prince David was 



on a pike and elevated tf) the top of a 1 brought to trial before a parliament sum- 
turret o I the Tower. Thus perished, De- „io,ied by Edward at Shrewsbury, where 
cember 2_'d, 1282, in the forty-eighth year ]-,£ .^^.j^ condemned and executed as a trai- 



of his age, one of the most noted and long 
to be remembered personages of history ; 
and, as said by the learned -Sclden, "as great 
and worthy a ]>rince ;is ever the third ]-)art 
of this iNland was ruled by." 

An asseml')l\- of the leading men of the 
Cvmrv, upon hearing of the death of their 
lamented Llewellyn, recei^•ed David as his 
successor, who, as prince, entered upon 
the administration; but was able to hold it 
only for a few months. He was ne\er 
able to connnand the confidence and re- 
spect which iiad been accorded to Llewel- 



tor. In the usual barbarous style of the 
times, he was himg, drawn, beheaded and 
quartered, his dissevered parts sent for ex- 
hibition to four different cities of England, 
and his head sent to London and exulting- 
ly placed in the elevated position, along 
side of that of his brother Llewellyn. 

Upon these imtoward events many of 
the Cymric chiefs, in despair, surrendered 
to Edward and his government; but many 
more stood aloof — were eventually out- 
lawed and dispossessed of their lands and 
property, and sought refuge in France, 



lyn; noreould the people forget that he once ' where they honorably distingiushed them- 



acted the li^aitor, 



d entered the ser\^ice ' sel\es in the militar\- and other service of 



of Ed^\ard against his own country and | that countr 



people. Tlie diifn'iilties which had 



Edwartl, thoiigii like liis ancestor, Wil 



Chap. II.] FROM THE ACCESSION OF EDWARD 1. 



327 



liam I, unscrupulous as to the justice ol" his 
conquest, was wise and judicious in his 
inanagenient. Though rigorous in enforc- 
ing iiis rule, he did much to reconcile the peo- 
ple to his supremacy, and to make the con- 
quest acceptable and easj. In accomplish- 
ing this, he spent more than a year in Wales, 
among his new people, in reconciling a 
brave and freedom loving people to their 
new condition. Most of the laws and cus- 
toms of the country he respected and pre- 
served, which were not inconsistent with 
the operation of the English government. 
It is said that he promised the Cymry a 
government under a native prince; which 
to them was very flattering and acceptable. 
In the midst of winter iiis queen, Eleanor, 
Avas sent tor trom London to come to Ca-r- 
narvon castle, there to give birth to an ex- 
pected prince. His second son, Edward ol 
Caernarvon, was born April 25th, 12S4, his 
first .son, Alfonso, was then living. Some 
time after this the king, at an assembly of 
the principal men of Wales at Rhuddlan, 
announced to them that, in accordance 
with their repeated request to be under the 
separate government of their own prince, 
he was now ready to comply with their re- 
quest on condition of their acceptance and 
obedience. The chieftains assured him 
that if the prince was of their own nation 
they would accept and obey him. The 
king said he would give them one born in 
Wales, unable to speak a word of English, 
and whose life and conversation no man 
could impugn. And it is said that upon 
the chieftains receiving the promise by ac- 
clamation, he presented to them his recent- 
ly born son as such prince. In connection 
with this, there is a controverted legend. 
It is said that in presenting the new prince, 
the king flatteringly made use of the Welsh 
words, "eich dyn," your man, Avhen Angle- 
cised; which have become a motto to the 
prince's arms. This has been controverted 
by saying the words were not Welsh, but 
Teutonic ; and that the three ostrich feath- 
ers and fillet belonging to the prince's coat- 
of-arms were taken by the B lack Prince at 
the battle of Cressy, trom the king of Bo- 
hemia, and the woids are "Ich dien" (I 
serve). Which of these legends is true 



may be controverted ; but certain it is that 
the first words pronounced in the iiearing 
of any Welsliman would be readily under- 
stood; but doubtfully so if pronounced to a 
Teuton. 

It is also said that the Welsh chieftains 
at Rhuddlan expected that the crown of 
England would go to Alfonso, then alive, 
and that Edward of C:eniarvon would 
come to them \\ ith a separate principality 
and government. However all this may 
be, certain it is that ever since the eldest 
son of the king of England conventionally 
becomes the prince of Wales ; and that the 
principality has been as fully absorbed 
within the crown and parliament of Eng- 
land as any other part of her territory ; and 
that her people have become so dift'erent 
throughout Britain, that probably at this 
day there are more persons of true Cymric 
blood — descendants of the Ancient Brit- 
ons—in London and Liverpool than in 
Wales. 

The wisdom and judicious torbearance 
which characterized the conduct of Edward 
towards his new" subjects were frequently 
disregarded and violated by his officers. 
They were grasping and unscrupulous in 
taking the property and rights of others 
whenever they could; and in the discharge 
of their official duties they were overbeai'- 
ing and supercilious, and this was what 
the Cymry ne\er endured but with in- 
dignitv. It Avas not long befoi-e many 
causes of complaint and injustice existed, 
for which it was difficult to obtain any re- 
dress. In the ten or twelve years succeed- 
ing the conquest these causes of complaint 
became so intolerable to the Welsh that 
they were driven to retaliation and* insur- 
rection. In the south the malcontents 
were conducted by Rhys ap Meredith, a 
prince of great abilities and conduct in war; 
in the north they were directed by the 
young Madoc ap Llewellyn. It was as- 
tonishing with what skill and success these 
princes managed their desperate cause; • 
fought great battles with success against 
some of the best generals that England 
could bring against them ; ot"ten in success 
under the most adverse circumstances, a 
vivid sense of their wrongs and oppression 



?28 



THE NORMAN PERIOD. 



[Book IV. 



buo3ing them and their people to desperate 
exertions to sustain their rights and recov- 
er their freedom. But all was in vain with 
such vast power and odds against them. 
After a gallant and well contested struggle, 
these princes Avere compelled to yield to 
Edward's vast resources and power, and 
were taken prisoners; Rhys was taken to 
York, there tried and executed as a traitor, 
in the cruel and barbarous manner of the 
da\. Prince Madoc was taken prisoner, 
and confined in the tower in London, Avhere 
alter a number ot'j'ears he expired. 

Edward, while engaged in an unjust war, 
in the vain hope of a conquest, with Scot- 
land, died A. D. 1307, and was succeeded 
by his feeble son, Edward of Caernarvon, as 
Edward II. 

^-. — From i//e Acre.<stO!J of Edzvard II i» 
that of Henry VI. A. D. 1307 to 1422. 

We are no longer to follow the Cjinry, 
as the Ancient Britons, as a separate and 
independent nationality. All of that peo- 
ple south oi"a line drawn from the Solwav 
Firth to the mouth of the Tweed have be- 
come annexed to and a part of the govern- 
ment of England, all on the island north of 
that line have become a part of Scotland, 
and of the Scotish people. With these two 
countries and nationalities have these an- 
cient people become imited, and their iden- 
tity only to be traced as a part of the peo- 
ple of England and Scotland — a process 
that has been going on since the coming of 
the Saxons. 

At the death of Edward I he had left to 
his successor that Avar which he had for 
some \;ears been prosecuting against Scot- 
land, with a hope of conquest as he had 
succeeded in Wales, with equal destitution 
ot justice, but which that brave people re- 
sisted with gi'eat de\otion to their country's 
rights and freedom. In that Avar William 
Wallace signalized his patriotic devotion to 
his country in a manner which commends 
itself to the admiration of the world. That 
war A\ a> soon closed bv the great battle of 
Bannockburn, so fatal to Edward II, and 
so glorious to the Scots. No great event 
signalized the reign of this weak and inef- 
ficient monarch, which was closed after a 



period of twenty years by a revolting mur- 
der, committed by his own officers an«i 
people. He was succeeded by his son, the!* 
a minor, Edward III, in a reign of much 
vigor and success, which continued for fif- 
tv years (A. D. 1327 — 1377)- This Edward 
was frequently engaged in war with Scot- 
land and France, as well as civil wars at 
home, fi=equently arising from arbitrary 
measures and excessive taxation. In con- 
nection Avith these Avars, two battles Avere 
particularly noticeable, which took place in 
France, Avhere a considerable number of 
Welsh troops wei-e engaged for EdAvard, 
who had now beconie his subjects. 

Edward had noAv been on the throne 
nearly twenty years, Avhen he determined 
to iuA'ade France for the purpose of pro- 
tecting his rights in the province of Gui- 
enne; and Avhich culminated in the battle 
of Cressy. He started upon this expedi- 
tion with an army of upAvards of thirty 
thousand, of Avhoin ten thousand Avere 
Welsh infantrA'. He landed in France on 
the peninsula on which CherbonoAvy now 
stands, and from thence ti-a\-ersed the Avhole 
length of Normandy from the Avest to the 
northeast; everywhere, as AAas the misera- 
ble and barbarous custom of the day, plun- 
dering and maraudmg upon the countrv, as 
Avas then the practice^ sacking everA' town 
that gave them any opposition, and plun- 
dering and taking av hat they chose; often 
slaughtering the people and leaving the 
town in ashes. Soon Philip VI, of France, 
Avith a large armv, came in opposition to 
him. He moved on, crossing all the rivers, 
the Seine, and at length the Somme below 
Abbeville. Philip A\'as now threatening 
him Avith a large army, at least more than 
three times his own number. Edward saw 
that a final crisis must soon come, and pre- 
pared to meet it by selecting an advantage- 
ous situation near the village of Cressy. 
Here he had his army most advantageous- 
h' posted and arranged. In his incautious 
pursuit, the king of France came upon liim 
in the latter part of the day, with a large 
and heterogeneous mass, made up of vari- 
ous materials, French, Genoese, Germans, 
Savoyard and others, with at least three 
crowned heads and their retainers, of Avhom 



FROM THE ACCESSION OK EDWARD 1. 



Chap, ii.l 

the kiui;- of Bolieniia was one. These at- 
tacked the English in a confused and ir- 
reguhir mass. The battle was soon changed 
to a confused and irretrievable tlefeat. When 
the firmness of the English armv had put 
their enemy at a stand, a body of Welsh 
infantry, seeing the situation of affairs, ad- 
vanced through the ranks of the mcn-al- 
arms and archers, who made way for them,' 
and, with what some historians have called 
large knives, but in reality the Roman 
short sword, came upon the French when 
in this stand and disorder, and fell upon 
the very eli!e of their army. In some 
parts of the battle there was sonie hai-d 
fighting, and the prince of \Vales, the 
king's son, Edward, who was then not over 
>ixteen _\ears of age, but afterwards cele- 
brated as the Black Prince, wa> thought to 
be in danger, and word was sent to his 
father, the king, for aid. The king, from 
,an elevated position had been viewing the 
contest, and seeing its probable success, 
senl wonl back that he was confident that 
his son would show himself worthy of the 
honors recenth" conferred upon him, and 
that he would be able, ^^■ithout his assist- 
ance, to repel the eiiein\-. Th\s being re- 
ported to the prince and his attendants, 
inspired them witli fresh confidence, who 
made a more vigorous effort iqion the 
French, in which the count of Alencon 
was killed, and their whole line of cavalry 
thrown into disorder. Then it was that 
the Welsh infantr\- rushed into the throng. 
The defeat soon became complete, and no 
tiuarter was that da\' given by the \ictors.^ 
Such was the celebrated battle of Crcssv, 
[A. D. 1346.] 

About ten years after this Edward was 
again engaged in another war with France, 
;.nd his army was under the able command 
of his son, the Black Prince; and the bat- 
tle of Poitiers took place. One army had 
been sent to Calais which passed into Nor- 
mand\-, and another small armv had been 
dispatched under the Black Prince to the 
Garonne for the protection of the province 
of Guienne. The prince had been very 



329 



1 Fi-oissavt's Chronicles, cli. cxxi.x, p. 82. 

2 2 Hume Hist. Eno;., ch. xv, p. 227. 



successful in taking many jilaoes, with 
much pliuider and pillage. The success of 
this campaign induced the prince to try 
another in the direction of Paris, with a 
view to join the m;iin army in Normandy. 
Finding it difficult to cross the Logee, as 
the bridges were all broken down, he made 
his way to the vicinity of Poitiers on one 
of the southern branches of that river. His 
army was exceedingly small, said not to ex- 
ceed twelve thousand, and not one-half 
were English. The king of France, with 
an overwhelming army, was drawing close 
Iv around the prince, who plainly saw there 
was no relief for him except in the result 
of a battle. The cardinal ot Perigord, with 
the prelates ot the cluu-ch, took a great in- 
terest in endeavoring to ))revent the eftu- 
sion of blood, entered into negotiations for 
peace, which were ineflective; and this de- 
layed the battle at least one day, which the 
prince diligently improved in fortifying 
his position. He was so flanki-d on either 
side with hedges that there was no ap- 
proach to him except through a narrow 
lane. The hedges were ambuscaded with 
a party of archers. When the French ap- 
proached in battle these .archers did deadly 
execution in perfect security. The French, 
much discouraged by this unequal conflict, 
with diminished numbers, reached their 
enemies at the head of this lane, where the 
prince of Wales was posted at the head of 
his men, ready for the reception. Here 
thev were discomfited and o\erthrown,one 
of their marshals was slair, and another 
taken prisoner, and the remainder of the 
detachment still in the lane, exposed to the 
shots of their foe, without 'being able to 
make anv resistance, recoiled upon their 
I own army and put the whole into disorder. 
I At that moment another detachment of the 
prince's force attacked the French in flank, 
I which brought on greater contusion and 
alarm. Some of the French officers with- 
drawing with the king's young son from 
danger, \\ere taken to have fled, which gave 
I a general panic to the whole of that part of 
the army, who imagined all was lost, and 
thought no more of fighting. Another 
portion of the French army w as with and 
under the special charge of king John him- 



330 



THE NORMAN PERIOD. 



self, which was still more mimerous than 
prince Edward's army, being stricken with 
dismay by the unexpected flight of their 
companions, were now attacked by the 
whole of the prince's force. A body of 
German cavalry, placed in front for the 
protection of the French king, were at- 
tacked with great impetuosity, gave way, 
and king John was left almost alone to the 
fury of the battle. In the midst, of great 
danger he was taken alive, as the English 
■were anxious to do. The battle now ceased 
after a great but unequal slaughter. The 
roval prisoner was first taken to Bordeaux, 
and thence to London ; and the humanitv 
and kindness shown him by the prince of 
Wales did him more honor than the 
glory of his victory. The prince, proceed- 
ing with his prisoner through London, ex- 
hibited his usual kindness, humanity and 
meekness which always characterized him 
— he himself was plainly mounted on a 
small pony, while his royal prisoner was 
splendidly mounted on a fine charger by 
his side. 

Edward III continued his reign about 
thirty years longer, in all fifty years; with 
an able and vigorous administration in all 
the departments of his government. He 
was frequently if not ahvays engaged in 
war, either with Scotland or France. These 
\vars were not always successful, though 
his panegyrists speak of them as glorious ; 
though it is doubtful whether he left En- 
glish rule enlarged either in .Scotland or 
France. His administration of the law was 
firm and progressive. Many statutes were 
adopted improving the law, and in conse- 
quence of which he has been sometimes 
called the English Justinian. This Edward 
died A. D. 1377; and his renowned son, 
the Black Prince,"' departed this world 
about a year previous to his fathei, who was 
succeeded by the eldest son of the prince, 
as Richard II, who reigned twenty-two 
years without any distinction which com- 
mended him — with freciuent commotions 
and rebellions; and was finally deposed and 
murdered, A. D. 1399. 

A remark made by Froissart as to Ed- 



3 The Prince of Waits was so named from his 
black armor. 



[Book IT. 

ward II, is equally applicable to Richard 
II: "We must remark," says he, "a com- 
mon opinion of the English, of which there 
has been j^roof since the time of the gal- 
lant king Arthur, that between two valiant 
kings of England there is always one weak 
in mind and body."^ During this king'.s 
reign there was more civil commotion and 
war at home than abroad ; and finally he 
was deposed by an act of parliament, im- 
peaching him with tyranny and usurpation 
of power. The sovereignty was then 
usurped by Henry the duke of Lancaster, 
as Henry IV. 5 

This Henry, known as Henry Plantage- 
net, and sometimes surnamed Bolingbroke, 
enjoyed a rule of fourteen years, without 
any noticeable event, except such as went 
to defending his crown. There are, how- 
ever, tvv^o events worthy of notice: a border 
war with some Scotish chiel'tains, which 
involved him in a quarrel with the Piercys 
of Northumberland ; and the rebellion im- 
der Owen Glendower, Glendowerdu, in 
Wales. 

At'ter the death of Llewellyn and the 
conquest of Wales by Edward III, the 
leading families then became very much 
divided in their interest and association;, 
and this was fostered and encouraged by 
the English government; and it was one of 
the means by which that conquest was ac- 
complished. Those ^vho supported the 
English interest were caressed and tbstered 
by them ; but many of the patriotic persons 
who faithfully adhered to Llewellyn and 
the fallen destiny of their country, fled for 
safety to Brittany and France, where they 
became distinguished. One of the latter is 
particularly noticed by Froissart, as Evan 
of Wales. He had been specially noticed 
and entrusted by the king of France, and 



4 Froissart's Chronicles, cli. i, p. 15. 

5 Richard II had no issue, and was the only heir 
of Edward the Black Prince, the oldest .son of Ed- 
ward III, The second son died without issue, and 
his third son was then represented by Edmund 
Mortimer, the earl of March. The fourth son was 
represented by this duke of Lancaster; and the tifth 
son was represented by the duke of York. So that 
the earl of March, Mortimer, had a better title than 
Lancaster. But this latter usurper silenced Morti- 
mer's claim by imprisoning him: and no serious con- 
test was made to the claim until the time of Henry 
VI, and Edward IV, in the war of York and I..an - 
caster; or that of the White and Red Roses. 



FROM THE ACCESSION OF EDWARD I. 



Cliap 

put in cotnuKUid of iiiiiiortant expeiiitions. 
While in Spain in the service ot" the French 
king, the earl of Pembroke wits brought us 
a prisoner to where Evan happened to be. 
Me challenged the earl as to the wri)ngs 
that had been done him in Wales, who 
said in reply: "Who are you that thus ad- 
dresses me?" Evan answered: "I am 
Evan, son and heir of prince Edmund of 
Wales, whom your king wickedly and 



33^ 



On tiie other hand we have an account 
of llowel y Twyall, or Howell of the 
Battle-axe, from the ponderous weapon he 
wielded, who on account of his good con- 
duct at the battle of Poitiers was knighted 
by the Black Prince on the tieid of battle. 
It is said that this knight, by his services 
in these wars, amassed immense wealth, 
and retired, living in great splendor at his 
castle in Wales. From the death of Llew- 



wrongfully put to death, and disinherited ellyn to the elevation of Richmond as 
me. Iniay through the assistance of my Henry VII, many interesting episodes may 
good lord, the king of France, perhaps be be narrated of distinguished Welshmen, 
able to apply a remedy to all tliis; and I ! which the compass of my work will not 
shall certainly do so, - * * * for by j admit. But the part acted by Owen Glen- 
your father and other evil counsellors was ] dower is so deeply connected with the his- 



mv lord and father betraved, whicii ought > 

.' 1 

to anger me; and ot which I will be re- i 

vengeil it t ha\ e an opportunity." Upon \ 
this Sir Thomas St. Aubin, the earl's i 
knight, interfered, and said: "Evan, if you 
mean that my lord or his father have done 
you an\" wrong, or owe you homage or 
anything else, throw down yoin-glo\e, and 
jou will find one ready enough to take it 
up." To this Evan replied: "You are a 
prisoner: I shall gain no honor in calling 
you out, for you are not ^'OUl• own master, 
but belong t<j those who ha\e taken you; 
but when you ha\e gained vour liberty, I 
shall speak out more b(ildly; for things 
shall not reniam as they now arc." ^Vfter 
various important services rendered by 
Evan to Charles V. king of France, while 
engaged in the siege of Mortaign, in Nor- 
mandy, Evan was assassinated by one John 
Lamb in tlie cmplcn of the English. 
Froissart says ol" him: '■Ii;\'an of Wales 
was a valient knight, a good man; his re- 
gard increased so last that evil befell him, 
for which it was a great pity. He was re- 
tained by king John, under whom he bore 
arms at the battle of Poitiers, when he 
fortunately escaped. On the renewal of 
the war, he returned to P^rance, and con- 
ducted himself so well that he was much 
praised and hjved by the king of France, 
and by all the great lords."'' 



torv of both Enghuul and Wales, that it 
cannot be entirely overlooked. 

Owen Glendower was a marked man of 
that age He was born about the year 
1348, and the 28th of May is commemorat- 
ed as that of his birthday. His father wan 
Grulfydd, the native prince of Powys, and 
his mother was Helen, daughter of Eleanor 
Goch, and grand daughter of Catherine the 
daughter of Eiewcllyn, the last Cymric 
prince of Wales. He thus was a descend- 
ant of the princes of Powys on his father's 
side; and the only heir on his mother's 
side, from Llewellyn the prince ot Cynnni 
Oil. He appears to have received a finished 
{ education for the day at an English univer- 
sity, studied law at the Inns of Court in 
London, and became a barrister;" but for 
some unknown cause he chose to retire to 
his estate in Wales, where he lived in the 
midst of much wealth and splendor. In the 



6 See Froissart's Chronicles, cii. cccvi, .vi. T. 21I 
ch. vi and xvii, pp. 2og, 212, 2,^1 and 239, wliere an 
interesting? history is g-iven of this Bvan of Wales. 
Thierry (Vol. 2d, Hist. Norm. Con., p. 2.S2)al,so bears 
testimonv of "Yoian of Wales," and the hisfh es- 



timation in which he was held I>v the French; and 
also says; '-One of his relations, John Wynne, cele- 
hiated'for his y:raceful dei)ortmcnu and surnained 
/<■ potirsidvaut if iiimmrs-, served with him in this 
war, havint;-, in the like manner, under his banner a 
small troo|) of Welsh e.-viles." 

7 The estimation in which tilendower \yas held in 
Shakes))eare's time, bv men in whom his memory 
was tresh, may be .--ecn by his play of Henry I\ , 
Act iii. Scene 1 : 
"Mortimer: — 

■In faith, lie is a worthy i^enllemjin, 

Kxcei'dinuly well read, and ))rotiled 

In stranue concealmenls, valiant as a lion. 

And wondrous atl'able, and as bountiful 

As mines ot India.'' 
And in Act i, Scene ^ Henrv I\' is made to say: 

"Thou dost belie him, Percy, thou dost belie hn«. 

He never did encounter with (ilendower: 

I tell thee, 

He durst as well have met the devil alone, 

As Owen Glendower for an enemy." 



THE NORMAN PERIOD. 



[Book IV. 



then division of parties, he took an active 
part in lavor of Richard 11; and was taken 
prisoner with liis sovereign at FHnt Castle, 
bj the orders of Bolingljroke, now earl of 
Lancaster, wlio by the deposition and mur- 
der of tliat unfortunate sovereign was fast 
becoming king of England as Henrv- IV. 
Not long after tlie ascension of this Henry, 
Avliile Owen was living peaceablv and hap- 
pily on liis estate, a neigliboring lord, lord 
Grey de Ruthyn, emboldened by ha\ ing 
been an opponent of Richard, laid claim to a 
part of the estate which Owen insisted was 
his o\v)i. Grey took forcible possession of 
the disputed territory ; and Glendower laid 
the case before parliament; but among so 
strong partisans of Lancaster, there was no 
redress for a man who had been the de- 
cided friend of Ricliard. Soon al'ter this a 
summons was issued for Owen, as a feudal 
baron to attend king Henry in his expedi- 
tion against Scotland ; and this writ was 
entrusted to lord Grey to be ser\ed, who 
purposely delayed it until it was too late. 
For this neglect to attend, Owen w^as by his 
enemies charged with treason. Tlie inatter 
was debated in parliament; and notwith- 
standing that Trevor, bishop of St. Asaph, 
exonerated him of any blame, and warned 
them against the imjiolicy of pro\oking a 
man of his character and influence with 
the people of Wales, the majority bv tlieir 
decision intimated that they did not regard 
hini or his people, nor his demand of jus- 
tice. Thereupon (irey was authorized to 
seize upon Owen's whole estate, as tbrteited 
to the crown for high treason. 

Thus dri\en into rebellion, Glendower 
prockumed himself prince of Wales; and 
his countrymen, indignant at tlie treatment 
and injustice lie had received, rallied to his 
standard. The Welsli bards sung his 
praises, and the righteousness and glory of 
their cause; and derided with equal con- 
tempt the ridicule attempted to be heaped 
upon them by the English. Glendower in- 
vaded and seized upon the estate of lord 
Cjrey; and in turn the latter, aitled bv the 
king, by surprise, ra\aged and burned the 
estate of Glendower. Now rallying liis 
nien, he ravaged and burnt the town of his 
enemy, Ruthyn, and made such progress 



in tiie war, that the king in person took the 
field aijainst him. A long contest ensued, 
in wliich his old enemy, lord Gre_\ , was 
made prisoner, and paid for his ransom lo,- 
ooo marks, and married Jane, the fourtW 
daughter of the chieftain. In tlie next 
campaign, which was very active, he took 
a number of places in England, defeated 
the forces gent against him; took Sir Ed- 
mund Mortimer, a member of the royal 
famih , jirisoner, who married another 
daughter of the prince, and w-as treated s» 
kindly by him that he became Glendower's 
partisan, and arranged for him an alliance 
with the Percys of Northvnnberland. This 
confederacy agreed to divide the kingdom 
into three parts among themselves ; the earl 
of Northumberland was to have all north 
of the Trent; Glendower all Avest of the 
Severn; and Edward Mortimer, the right- 
ful heir to the crown, and the nephew t» 
Sir Edmund, was to have all the rest. In 
the year 1403 Owen, in pursuance of this 
coalition, was pursuing a very active and 
successful campaign, when the allied army 
under Henry Percy (Hotspur) and Douglas, 
witli only 400 of Owen's men, were be- 
seiging Shrewsbury-, when the army of 
Henry IV made its appearance unexpect- 
edlv. Percy, disdaining to wait for the ar- 
ri\ al of Glendower with his re-enforce- 
ments, hastily withdrew from the seige of 
Shrewsbury and attacked the king's iprccs, 
which brought on a severe battle,'** and de- 
feat of the confederates, in which Henry 
Percv was left amongst the slain. This 
was a crisis in prince Owen's affairs. A 
treaty had been formed with the king of 
France, and he sent a small army to aid 
Glendower. These landed in the west and 
marched through Wales to the Severn, and 
with Owen attained some success but n* 
siibstantial advantage. They soon return- 
ed to France, leaving Glendower to sustain 
himself as best he could. And it is aston- 
ishing how for so many years during Hen- 
rv's reign this prince was able to defeat 
or thwart every effort of the king of 
England to defeat and finally conquer 
him. The ability, ingenuity and tact 

S See Hume's description of this battle: 2 Hume's 
Eng, Hist., ch. xviii, p. 333. 



Chap. II.] 



FROM THE ACCESSION OF EDWARD I. 333 



■with which he opposed his enemies, 
defeated their blow, or a\oided their 
torce, obtained lor liini,ainong the English, 
the reputation of being possessed of super- 
natural powers. Army and expedition, 
one after another, were sent against him by 
Henry IV, but these were defeated in se- 
vere liattles, or foiled by skillful maneuver, 
so that they always melted away before 
liis abilities, while his enemies thought it 
was by magic. When it was opportune, he 
iTiet his enemies upon the plains and open 
fields; and towns and castles w^ere taken; 
when overwhelming force threatened him, 
the intricacies of his native hills, in the midst 
of Snowdon and Penlymon, became his de- 
fenses and ramparts. At length the king 
became wearied with exertion against him, 
and songlit to quiet him by peaceable 
mean<. In the year 1413, Henry IV de- 
parted, and \vas succeeded by his renowned 
son Henry of Monmouth, who was born at 
Monmouth, and brought up and educated 
among the Cymry, under the care and di- 
rection of Sir David Gam. Henry V, in 
July, 1415, became anxious to quiet and 
reconcile aftairs in Wales, offered pardon 
to all who would conde.scend to apply for 
it. Glendower continued his independence, 
and in the tbllowing September died at the 
house of liis youngest daughter in Here- 
fordshire. He had seven sons, the most of 
whom were killed in battle, and five 
daughters, who became imited with the 
leading familes of tlie country. 

Henr\- V having come to the throne, the 
government of England progressed in its 
usual routine, with the difficulties in Wales 
quieted; but their negotiations with the 
French complicated with the English's old 
claim upon Guienne, and some other 
provinces in France. In 1415 Henrv in- 
vaded France, with an army of about thirty 
thousand men of various arms; landed at 
Harfleur, and after a short seige captured 
that place. Circumstances soon compelled 
him to undertake a march to" Calais, then 
in the possession of the English, as a place 
of safet}-. He was pursued, and annoyed 
on the way by a large French army. After 
crossing the Somme, he found himself in 
about the same situation as the Black 



Prince jusl before the battle of Poictiers 
Henry's armv had been reduced to one- 
half of its original number, and the French 
army four times that of his own. PVoivi 
the heights he occupied he observed the 
French army drawn up in the plains of 
Agincourt, so posted that it was impossible 
to proceed without coming to an engage- 
ment. He therefore prudently drew up 
his army on a narrow ground between tw« 
woods, guarding either flank, and in that 
posture patiently waited the attack of the 
enemy. Had the French commander as 
patiently awaited his best opportunity, the 
English would have soon been compelled 
to surrender, or to have fought under very 
adverse circumstances. But the impetuous 
\'alor of the French nobility, and their vain 
confidence in their superior numbers, 
brought on a fatal action, most calamitous 
to them in its results. The French in their 
attack were compelled to make it in crowd- 
ed ranks; and the English, having in their 
front a palisade to break the first impres- 
sion, now safely plied upon their opponents, 
from behind their defenses, destructive 
showers of arrows. The late rains had 
rendered the ground unfavorable for the 
attack; their confined position, and the 
wounded men and horses discomposed their 
ranks, and rendered the whole army a con- 
fused mass. Henry perceiving his advan- 
tage, now ordered his men to charge. They 
advanced and fell on their enemies with 
their battle-axes, who were in a position 
in w'hich they were incapable of either 
fleeing or defending themselves — were 
hewed down without resistance ; the field 
was covered with the killed and wounded. 
The battle became a complete victory. N« 
battle was ever more disastrous to the 
French, in the number of princes and no- 
bility slain and taken prisoners ; and the 
slain have been computed at ten thousand 
men, while it has been said that of the 
English their number did not exceed forty. 
Thus the three great battles of that age — 
Cressy, Poitiers and Agincourt, have a 
striking resemblance, which belong hardly 
to any other. In this battle Henry was ac- 
companied by his early Cymro friend and 
preceptor, Sir David Gam, who command- 



334 



THE NORMAN PERIOD 



ed the outposts of the English anny ; and 
when making his report on tlie night before, 
being asked the number of the enemy, le- 
plied : "Tliere are Frenchmen enougii to be 
killed, enougla to be taken, and enough to 
run away;" which answer was fully as ap- 
plicable after the battle as before it. 

Henry, the most of his reign, was in war 
with France, for which it was mostly dis- 
tinguished. In A. D. 1420 a treaty of 
peace had taken place between them, and 
Henry was married to Catharine of France, 
the mother of the unfortunate Henry VI. 
The war in France however continued, 
more in the character of civil war than 
that of a foreign war or conquest. Success 
attended Henry as a warrior, and while in 
full career in the pin-suit of conquest and 
glory, when it seemed as though France 
must succumb to his success and conquest 
and he had apparently almost reached the 
summit, nature put a stop to his ambitious 
projects, and to that of his reign A. D. 
1422. 

In the succession of his infant son, 
Henry VI, commenced that troublesome 
time to the English people, known as the 
war of the roses, which only terminated 
with the accession of Henry VII to the 
English throne. 

^^.— /•'I'o/ii (//(' Accession of Henry VI to 
that of Henry VII. {A. D. 1422— 14S5.) 

At the death of his father, when the son, 
Henry VI, acquired his right to the En- 
glish crown he was not quite nine months 
old. The leading men of England imme- 
diately took possession of the government, 
and with the consent and action of jaarlia- 
ment arranged the administration. John, 
duke of Bedford, the infant king's uncle, 
was appointed "Protector," as guardian of 
the kingdom, and Humphre}-, the duke of 
Gloucester, was to exercise that office when 
John, his older brother, was absent. The 
person and education of the infant prince 
was committed to the care of Henrv Beau- 
ford, bishop of Winchester, his grand- 
uncle. These were all men of extraordina- 
ry capacity and talent. The English affairs 
in France required Bedford's personal at- 



[Book IV. 

tention there; so the protectorship was left 
to Gloucester, and the guardianship of the 
infant so\ereign to Beauford. These am- 
bitious men soon quarreled about the con- 
duct of the government at home, so that 
Bedford, the wisest and most judicious man, 
called upon the interference of parliament 
to calm and reconcile the difficulties. 

At the deatli of Henry V, the English 
had obtained possession ot the greatest 
part of France, and appearances indicated 
its conquest. But their progress had come 
to its end; and Bedford with all his abili- 
ties was stopped, with the exception of one 
decisive battle in his favor, that of V'erneuil, 
1424. Charles VI, the incapable king of 
France, died a few months atter Henry V, 
and was succeeded by the dauphin, his son, 
as Charles VII, who was a person of more 
capacity ; anil was gradually recovering 
that poilioa ol France acquired liv the 
the Englisli. In 142S the latter had laid 
seige to (Jrleans, which was resisted by the 
determined bravery of its defenders until 
the next yeai\ when it Avas raised under the 
inspired leadership of the renowned Joan 
of Arc. This name presents in history one 
of the most extraordinary characters that 
ever lived. It is the mo>t extraordinary in- 
stance to proN e that taith ;tnd \\ill can re- 
niove a mountain. With that taith and 
will, and sufficient good commtm sense to 
understand the situation of affairs, she ac- 
complished what no other person could 
have done in the same manner; which was 
so extraordinary as to be called an inspira- 
tion or miracle. 

Joan was a nati\ e of Arc in Loraine, and 
had never been much out of her own , 
neighborhood. Her education was nothing 
more than what tliat rural district afforded 
in common to ail; hut it is said she did not 
I learn to read and write. -She was aci'us- 
tomed to rustic laoors, :ind well acquainted 
with the management ol'a horse. -She was 
distinguished from the other girls of her 
neighborhood by her great simplicity, mod- 
esty, industry and piety. At about the age 
of thirteen she believed that she had wit- 
nessed an extraordinarv tlash of light, ac- 
companied with an imusual voice, which 
enjoined upon her to be modest, and dili- 



FROM THK ACCESSION OF EDWARD 1. 



Cliiip. Ji.j 

<;cnl to hi^r reliijious duties. When abuiil 
sixteen vcars ol" age she beiuDvie intoniied 
of the progress the English were making 
in the conqnet^t ot" the wiiole of France. 
Charles V'l was then dead, and the English 
in possession of so much of the country 
that the dauphin could not proceed to be 
crowned at Rheims; and that the enemy 
were then beseiging antl probabh- would 
capture Orleans. She was of ^ullicient in- 
telligence to understand and ap})i-eciate the 
situation of her unhapjiv country. In 
brooding over it she became highly ex- 
cited, and deeply sympathized with her 
people for their delivery. She became pos- 
sessed of the belief, and full_>- in the faith, 
that Orleans could be relieved and the way 
opened for the dauphin to be crowned at 
Rheims, and that she was destined as the 
instrument to accomplish it. She disclosed 
her mission to some ot leading men of the 
country, and was rebuffed. I'^ull in the 
faith, and determined will, she wcntiK-rson- 
all\- to the dauphin and disclosed to him 
hci- mission, to relieve Orleans and lead 
him to be crowned at Rheims. The dau- 
phin permitted himself, with little faith, to be 
led by her. Her enthusiasm became con- 
tagious, anti the army entered into the 
spirit of hei- pretended mission and zeal, 
and believed it was from heaven. The 
country girl of seventeen was seen, in the 
Httire of an officer, heading the troops and 
carrying e\ery thing before them. Orleans 
was relieved of its seige, the enem)' every- 
where repulsed, and the wav opened, so 
that the dauphin proceeded to Rheims and 
was crowned as Charles VM. The maid 
of Orleans, as she was now called, claimed 
that she had performed hei" mission, and 
bagged to be permitted to retire. Hut her 
services had been too important for the ar- 
my or government to permit 'it. She was 
retained in the service, and at the head of 
the trof)ps led with extraordinary success 
in various perilous engageme-nts. At 
length slie was unfortunately taken prison- 
er by the English; was by them accused as 
a sorceress, shamefully condemned and ex- 
ecuted. But lier zeal and spii-it hati entei'- 
ed tiie Fiench ai'inv; and success al tended 
them, imtil tlie English were ultimately, in 



335 



1453, imder the auspices of the luifortunate 
Henry VI, expelled from France, (with the 
exception of Calais,) greatly to the true 
advantage ol both countries. 

Soon after the English people were re- 
leived from the war and conquest of 
France, they became engaged in a most 
deadly and lamentable civil war, which for 
nearly thirty years deluged the country 
with blood and death. This is known as the 
war of the roses, and was carried on by two 
factions, claiming the crow"n under differ- 
ent right; the one as that of Lancaster, 
and the other as that of York. The weak 
Henry VI was now the representative head 
of the Lancaster party, who claimed des- 
ceht through Henry IV^ from the fourth 
son of Edward III; and the head of the 
Yorkists was Edward, the duke of York, 
who claimed a niore rightful descent from 
the third son of Edward III, upon failure 
of issue in Richard II. In 1443 Henry 
had married Margaret of Anjou, a woman 
of extraordinary capacity and magnanimity. 
Ten years after the marriage this queen be- 
came the mother of a son, the sole heir of 
Henry; and the duke of York claimed the 
crown by descent in opposition to that of 
the house of Lancaster. Civil war was the 
result of this contest ; and both parties were 
represented and aided bv able men. They 
came to l)low >; and the battle of St. Al- 
bans, A. 1). 145J), in which on both sides 
were killed many of the first men of Eng- 
land, was the first of that fatal w ar, which 
lasted about thirty vears, aiid in which were 
fought twelve pitched battles, costing the 
lives of eightv princes of .the blood, and al- 
most annihilating the ancient nobility of 
England.! Five years after the battle of 
St. Albans was fought another great battle, 
Wakefield, which was \ ery fatal to the 
Yorkists, especially m the lieath of their 
head, Edward, the duke of York ; and in 
the events of the day that great woman, 
Margaret, became prominent in the inter- 
est of the king and her son. 

On the death ot his father, Edward, the 
young duke of York, his eldest son, as- 
sumed his father's place as the head of the 
partv, and eventually became Edward IV. 

I 2 Iliinie's History of lintflanil, p. 43,5. 



336 



THE NORMAN PERIOD. 



The imbecility of Henry VI could not be 
overcome bv the vigoi- and energy of the 
queen. He was captured and imprisoned, 
and young Edward of York assumed the 
crown as Edward IV, A. D. 1461 ; and dur- 
ing the following ten years the country and 
people most terribly suflered, under the 
most afflicting civil war and strife, in which 
were fought those destructive battles which 
attended that war, and effected so many 
changes from one party to another, in the 
administration of the government; Henrv 
VI makes his escape, is restored, and again 
expelled, imprisoned, and dies; Edward IV 
is expelled, and finally is restored and 
triumphs. In these partisan changes the 
earl of Warwick Avas so active an instru- 
ment that he received the epithet of the 
King Maker; and the magnanimous Mar- 
garet of Anjou distinguished herself by 
every efibrt of which a woman Avas capa- 
ble, to preserve the rights and interest of 
of her infant son, prince Edward, who was 
at last disposed of by being murdered, at 
the instance of the tyrant, Edward IV, and 
his brother, Richard, the duke of Glouces- 
ter. At length the cruel and tyrannical 
Edward himself expires, in the forty-second 
year of his age, and the twenty-third of his 
reign, leaving after him two sons — Edward, 
prince of Wales, his successor, then but 
thirteen years of age, and Richard, in his 
ninth year, as the duke of York. 

Then the young prince became known to 
history as Edward V. But the notorious 
Richard, duke of Gloucester, became am- 
bitious of the crown for himself; but his 
two infant nephews were in his way. These 
innocent beings, in about a year after the 
death of their father, were, by the orders of 
the infamous Richard, murdered in the 
tower of London ; and then this monster 
was proclaimed king, as Richard III. 

On coming to the throne, A. D. 14S3, 
Richard III did all in his power, by ample 
rewards, to attach his partisans to him ; but 
by the English people generally he was 
detested for hiscruelty and tyranny. Many 
of the nobility looked down upon his usur- 
pation as flagitious, and the means by wiiich 
it was acquired most wicked and criminal, 
and in this opinion a near relative, a pow- 



[Book IV 

erful lord — duke of Buckingham — partici- 
pated. A great revolution is about to take 
place, and the leading spirit is Henry Tu- 
dor, the eai-1 of Richmond. 

Henry V Avas a native of Hereford, well 
acquainted with the Cymry, and much at- 
tached to them. Many were with him., 
and surrounded him while engaged in his 
wars in France. Among these was Owen 
Tudor, or Tewdwr, as well as Sir David 
Gam and his companions, who rendered 
him such devoted services at the battle of 
Agincourt as to be commemorated by the 
eloquent pen of Sir Walter Raleigh. After 
the death of Henry V his widow, Catherine 
of France, declared her preference and at- 
tachment for Owen Tudor, and was mar- 
ried to him. (Jwen was a descendant from 
the ancient British princes on the part of 
both his parents, and was known atthe Eng- 
lish court as Sir Owen Tudor; but among 
his own people as Owen ab Meredudd, ab 
Tewdwr. He and cjueen Catherine were 
the parents of three sons, Edmund, Jasper 
and Owen ; the latter of whom became a 
monk, and died at a con\ent while young. 
After the death of the parents — the moth- 
er, the queen, having died while the chil- 
dren were quite young — the two elder 
brothers were well cared for by Henry VI, 
who was their half-brother. Edmund he 
created earl of Richmond, and Jasper earl 
of Pembroke ; and precedence was given 
them over the nobility of the kingdom. 

Edmund, earl of Richmond, Sir Owen's 
eldest son, about the vear 1455, married 
lady Margaret, only child of John Beau- 
fort, duke of Somerset; and on the 21st of 
January, 1456, their only son, Henry, was 
born at Pembroke castle; and within one 
year became fatherless by the death of his 
father. Being the sole issue of Richmond, 
and of the heiress of Somerset, young Hen- 
ry, the duke of Richmond, was looked up- 
on and supported In' the Lancaster party 
as the descendant of John of Gaunt, and 
tlie true heir to tlie crown in opposition to 
Richard III. 

[n the spring of 1471 the forces ol' the 
Lancasterian party were collected at 
Tewkesbury on the Severn, and there were 
queen Margaret and her son Edward, the 



FROM THE ACCESSION OF EDWARD 1. 



Chap. u.| 

^oung prince of Wales, a body of French 
troops, the militia gathered by the duke of 
Somerset, and the i-emains of the army of 
the carl of Warwick, which liad been de- 
feated eighteen days before at the battle ot 
Barnet, waiting the re-enforcement coming 
luider Jasper Tudor, earl of Pembroke, at. 
the head of a large bod}' of troops from 
Wales. Edward of York, fearing the re- 
sult of this union, hastened to intercept it, 
and attacked the Lancasterian intrench- 
ments with fur}', routed their troops with 
great slaughter, and captured the queen, 
the prince of Wales and the duke of Som- 
erset. Soon after this the prince was 
stabbed and killed in cold blood, ami tlie 
king, Henry VI, privately murdered. Af- 
ter the battle of Tewkesbury the affairs of 
the Lancasterians became desperate, and 
Jasper, earl of Pembroke, on receiving in- 
telligence of the disaster, dismissed Jiis 
troops, and engaged himself in watching 
ever the safety and interest of his ^■oung 
nephew, Henry. 

For a while the Tudors were safe in 
Wales, but the jealous spirit of Edward of 
York and his brother Richard became so 
vindictive that it was unsafe for a Lan- 
casterian to be within their reach, so that 
it became necessary to send the young 
Henry Tudor to Brittany and France for 
safety and education. 

At length, in the year 1485, Henry, the 
earl of Richmond, becoming acquainted 
and well informed of the affairs and disaf- 
fection in England, prevailed upon the 
French government to aid him in his con- 
templated enterprise, to relieve the English 
people of their tyrannical rule; by which 
he was enabled to embark at Ilartleur, with 
his uncle and exiled friends and with a body 
of two thousand foreign mercenaries. In due 
time he landed at Milford Haven in Wales, 
where he found Sir Rhys ab Thomas with 
a body of two thousand horsemen ready to 
aid and protect his landing. The retainers 
of his uncle, the earl of Pembroke, imme- 
diately joined the little army, and Rich- 
mond unfurled the Tewdwr banner, and 
set forth upon his adventurous enterprise. 

From Milford Henry commenced his 
march to\vards Shrewsbury, through Car- 



337 

dingshire and Central Wales; e\ery where 
receiving fresh accessions to the cavalry of 
Sir Rhys and tiie two thousand Bretons 
who had di.<embarked with him. Sir Rhys 
proceeded south through South Wales, 
calling upon the Cymry in that quarter to 
rally in support of jyince Henry; and a 
generous response was made — even Mor- 
gan, the chief of the Tredeger house, gave 
assurance of his earnest engagement in the 
cause, as well ;is like reports from the 
neighborhood of Monmouth, Glamorgan 
and Brecon, and the domain of the families 
ot Raglan, Tretower, and their relatives. 
On his way south Sir Rhys was joined by 
the Herberts, Vaughans, Gams, and other 
influential adherents. At a review held at 
Brecon, tbin- thousand picked men were 
selected as troops to be sent in advance. 
Jasper Tudor was rallying the north, and 
was e\erywhere met with acclamation and 
praise for his energy, and the care he had 
taken of tlieir prince. These three forces 
triumphantiv met and joined hands in the 
neighborhood of Shrewsbury'. This town 
with but little hesitation soon opened her 
gates and received Henry Tudor. This 
Cymric army, with noble enthusiasm and 
decision, at once struck out its course to- 
wards the center of England. I n the mean- 
time the able and experienced tyrant, Rich- 
ard III, iiad become aware of what was 
progressing against him, and had collected 
eighteen thousand choice troops, the vet- 
erans of the twelve pitched battles of the 
war of the roses. His cavalry, said to rank 
as the finest and the most formidable in 
Europe. He had determined speedily to 
meet his opponent, and Richard marched 
with his army to Co\entry. Henry canie 
with his army to Bosworth, near Leicester, 
with not half the number of that with 
which Richard was appi-oaching him. 
Many of the English kept aloof", fearing 
the residt, wishing first to sec something 
that was more decisi^ e of the event. This 
was particularly the case with lord Stan- 
ley, who in command of about seven thou- 
sand men took his position in such a man- 
ner as to be t;qually convenient to go over 
to either side, when he was satisfied which 
wav the battle would sro. TItIs he did 



8 



THE NORMAN PERIOD 



while pretending to Richard he was lc)\ al, 
and committin;^- to no one hi> linal inten- 
tion. 

The ri\als were now apjiroaeliinu" eacli 
other towards the field oi" battle; and in the 
evening before Richard passed through 
Leicester mounted on a line charger, clad 
in the same armor he wore at the battle of 
Tewkesburv, and exciting his men Avith 
the glory of his former achie\ements. lie 
possessed, like his brotlier f^dward and his 
race, military genius and personal bravery 
in un eminent degree ; and all were assured 
that nothing personal would be lackirig in 
him, in securing a favorable result of the 
battle. 1 le w as but thirty-three years of 
age, lo\ed hv none, detested by many, yet 
he was respectfull_\' feared, and his im- 
perious command e\erA wliere obeyed; 
while he was unscrupulous as to all matters 
in the way of his interest. Morally and 
ph\sicalh' he was capable of doing what lie 
*!aid he would do, "li\e or die a king that 
day." 

On the nuiining of the Jjd of August 
commenced the e\ entlul battle of Bos worth. 
Each army was arra_\ ed for baltle, Avith a 
■considerable pLiin or moor between them; 
and eacli was liixided into three parts — the 
advance, the center, and the rear. In Flen- 
rv's army the advance was commanded bv 
the old earl of Oxford, who had recently 
escaped from prison and joined the in- 
vaders. Henry in person commanded the 
center, supjioited by his uncle Jasper, the 
carl of Pembroke; and in tlie I'ear his ca%- 
alry. Richmond's i-iglit was considerabh- 
protected by a morass. Ricliaid's armv 
was also similarly divided, and bis advance 
in the command of the tiuke of Norfolk, 
wOio was faithfulh' attiiched to his sover- 
eign. Richaril himself was in command 
of his center. The king in looking ov.er 
the field did not like the appearances of 
.things, anil suspected the faithfulnes of 
some, and convinced of the vacillating pol- 
icy of others, but hoped bv a bold sti-oke to 
restore his power, and jntuish his enemies. 
He gave ord(.-rs to Norfolk to cbai-ge the 
enemy, and the two atlv an<ed parties were 
soon in a hot conflict, w.hich drew on the 
main army, :md a general engagement was 



[Book IV. 

commencing. Richard observing a com- 
ing crisis in the affair, on a sudden put spurs 
to his horse, and shouting "Treason !" gal- 
loped into the midst of his enemies. He 
made toward the center, where waved 
Richmond's standard, with the hopes of 
meeting him. and at once decide the con- 
flict. He rapidly made his way toward the 
standard, and cut down Sir William Broad- 
on, the beru-er; and was driving toward his 
rival, when he was ov crwhelmed and slain 
by those who bravely gathered around him. 
The' conflict was fierce, short and decisive. 
Stanley now seeing how the battle was 
going, came in at its close, and helped in 
the closing N'ictorv . Many distinguished 
men were slain on both sides ; on the side 
of Richard were the duke of Norfolk, and 
his son, the earl of Surrey; and it has been 
said that three thousand men slain were left 
upon the field. Richmond, the victor, was 
declared king bv acclamation of the vic- 
torious soldiery, and crowned on the field, 
with the crown produced by lord Stanley 
taken from the he.id of the slain Richard. 
Thus terminated this important and re- 
nowned battle, which terminated the war 
of the roses, and transferred the crown from 
the Plantagenet to the Tudor dynasty ; and 
inaugurated a new era in English history; 
and the Cymry of Wales, who performed 
so important a ]iart in it, became a part of 
the English people, in union with many of 
the English people whose blood is derived 
from the Ancient Britons. 

CHAPTER HI. 

THE CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE. 

v^i. — T/^f Condi fio)i of the Cymry from the 
Norman Conquest to the Conquest of Wales 
hy Edvjard /. (A. D. 1066— 1276.) 

In order to well imderstand the condition 
of the Cymrv at and during this period, it 
is necessary that the student should honest- 
Iv and impartially study the sources of 
their civilization, and trace it down from 
the time of Ciesar. These are, unquestion- 
ably, the descendants anil the rejiresenta- 
tiv es of the Ancient Britons. The progress 
made by these people, in the arts, science 
and civilization, trom C;vsar's time to that 



■Chap. iJi.| 

of Agricola, ha& been alreadj- referred to, 
and sustained bv Tacitus, Dion Cassiiis and 
other classics, derivini;; their information 
from cotemporarv sourees; frcini wliom we 
obtain satisfactory information of that peri- 
od, as well as from that time to the coming 
of the Saxons. When the latter came, 
their conquest was not like the Norman a 
rapid subjection of the whole, but the slow 
conquest of one small province after anoth- 
er, in the course of two hundred years. 
During that time it was the progress of 
barbarity aiid heathenism over civilization 
and Christianity ; of war. with fire and the 
sword, over the labor and industry of cen- 
turies. War, and wluit sustained it, was 
the only ' study of the conquerors, and 
Woden their only religion. 

Here two nationalities came in conriict, 
and continued it until the one had swallow- 
ed the other, and became an union and 
amalgamation of the two. One of the 
inost striking differences between the two 
was the manner in which each held the 
title to their land and occupied it. The 
Cymry, in common with the Romans, and 
all civilized Europe, held their land as the 
individual property of the holder and culti- 
vator, in the same right and manner as he 
held any personal property; and made no 
distinction in its acquisition and transfer. 
On the other hand tlie ancient German 
made land the property of the state or gov- 
ernment, and no one had any individual 
right or property in it. The people or ten- 
ants cultivated it, and divided the products 
between themselves and the officers of the 
government. In this the otBcers made the 
best terms they could. This made the cul- 
ti^ator a dependent on the government, 
and the government the means of exercis- 
ing an absolute control over him. This is 
the origin of the feudal system,i and all its 
attendant consequences. Wherever the 
northern barbarian went as conqueror, he 
carried this system, claimed the land as his 
own, and the people as his tenants or serfs. 
With the Romans this was otherwise; and 



I'HE CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE 



1 Sec Mr. Hargruve's note to Col. Liltlt-ton 3 Vol., 
191 a. ; particularly see V, (3), (4) and (5). In Ger- 
many the land is let by the state. Tacitus' Germa., 



339 

the laws of the Cymry were the same. The 
land was individual property, except when 
it became confiscated; and it was transmis- 
sible like all other property to his children 
or heirs, or to whomever he chose to dis- 
pose of it. 'Chis was the case with the 
Cymry, throughout Britain, until the Sax- 
ons had driven this system out of it; but 
in many places its relics remain, under the 
name of gavel-kind^ as in Kent. In ac- 
cordance with this, the Cymry claimed a 
greater degree of individual freedom and 
independence, and submitted to less degree 
of domineering and lordly rule which ac- 
companied the Saxon's feudal system. It 
was this that created in the Welsh that op- 
position and hatred to the Saxon laws, and 
so deep attachment to that of their own. 
Gradually the features of the feudal system 
have so disappeared, or been modilied, be- 
tween the time of Edward I and tlie last of 
the Tuilors, that but little ditTerence remains 
between the individual rights of an En- 
glishman to his landed property,^ and that 
of the Ancient Briton, except that of prirrjo- 
geniture. The law, and the rules of person- 
al property, and personal rights are con- 
stantly assimilating to that of the Ancient 
Briton. 

In Germany, says Tacitus,-! "Each slave 
has his separate liabitation, and his own 
establishtnent to manage. The master 
considers him as an agrarian dependent, 
who is obliged to furnish a certain quantity 
of grain, of cattle, or of wearing apparel. 6 
The slave obeys, and the state of servitude 
extends no further," This was the system 
brought with them to Britain, out of which 

2 4 Slophen's Blackstone, ch. xxvii, p. 475. The 
word ^a7v/-/t;V/i/ is derived from the Welsh, as re- 
ferred lo their custom in reference to division oi 
land in the family. The Knglish word tfiwrenx^ATts. 
hold ; the word hold in Wel.sh \H_^avat/ or gafael ; 
and kind has reference to family or kindred. The 
\sot:A ffavi^l is now used as Kn^Iish, both in England 
and the Uniled States, as applied to the hold or bun- 
dle of grain in leaping. 

3 XII Vol. Encyclopaedia American.i, titled Ten- 
ure, p. 196, where it is said: "At length the military 
tenures, with all their heavy appendages, were de- 
stroyed at one blow l)v Stat. 12, Charles 11, which 
enacts that all sorts or tenures, held of the king or 
others, be turned into tree and common Socage," 

4 Tacitus' Germania, ch. xxv, p. 554. 

5 This is a reason and evidence why the Saxon sol - 
dier, when he came into Britain, would be desirous 
to retain the people, who did not chose to flee, for 
the purpose of procuring for themselves grain, w^ciir~ 
mg apparel, and otlKrnece';s:;r:e^. 



340 



THE NORMAN PERIOD. 



I Book IV- 



grew the feudal system there and else- 
where. Every one of the leading men ol 
Saxon immigrants who came and settled in 
Britain claimed he was a descendant of 
Woden, and by that had a right to rule and 
control the land they conquered. They 
brought witli them scarcely anything more 
than their battle ax. Whatever else they 
wanted they claimed by that right to take ; 
and claimed they had the right to the in- 
dustry and property of others whenever 
they had power to assume it. All their skill 
and experience was directed to one object 
— war; and wherever they went their first 
object was to plunder and pillage. This 
they practiced not only upon the Welsh, 
but upon each other, in the wars which the 
various provinces or parties waged against 
one anothei". Their ultimate success was 
inevitable for two reasons : death had no 
terror to them ; and wherever one fell, his 
place would be sure to be recruited by an- 
other soldier fi'oin Germany. When a 
province was acquired it was distributed 
among the relatives who were descendants 
from Woden, as lords of the manors; and 
others were made their tenants and serfs. 
Of the original inhabitants, they as young 
soldiers of fortune took their choice of the 
women for their wives ;and of the rest, with 
the men who were unable to flee, they add- 
ed to their other serfs. This was the case 
in all the country places and rural districts. 
Many of the smaller towns were utterly 
destroyed ; but we have sufficient authority 
for saj'ing, that the larger cities, as London, 
York, Winchester, Exeter and others, were 
not destroyed, and probably not captured, 
but saved upon terms of paying to the 
Saxons certain amount of manufactured 
articles which they stood in need of; and 
they. were thereupon permitted to regulate 
their own internal affairs in their usual 
manner, subject to the Saxon supremacy, 
as the Romans had done. This will ac- 
count why in cities we now find so many 
institutions partaking of Roman origin so 
different from those of Germany, and will 
account for the large admixture of the An- 
cient Britons in the present English; who 
may well claim that they are descendants 
of the Ancient Britons and Romans, as 



well as of the German, and that Caractacus 
and Boadicca were their ancestors, as the 
British queen actually does. 

In this manner the Lloegrian Cymry 
wore swallowed up by the Saxon invaders, 
just as we have positive history that it was 
afterwards done with the Ancient Biutisli 
population in the counties of .Somerset, 
Devon aiid west of them, and was done in 
the counties of Salop, Hereford and Mon- 
mouth, west of the Severn. To these is to 
be added at a later date, in the north and 
eastern part of England, the Danish im- 
migration. Such was the origin of the 
mixed population of which England was 
composed, when the Normans came to- 
capture and rule from the Saxons,, just as 
they had formerly done from the Britons; 
and the operation m each case was very 
much the same, except tlie Normans were 
the more civilized people, and the Britons 
had been far more stubborn material to 
conquer. At the Norman conquest the 
Saxons had been in possession of that por- 
tion of England around London six hun- 
dred years; it was the garden of England; 
but their progress in that length of time 
was slow. That can only be accounted lor 
by the Saxon form of government; — by the 
supercilious claim of the Saxon nobility, 
that they were descendants of Woden, and 
ruled by divine right; and placed the low 
and subordinate position of the great mass 
of the people as serfs; which arrangement 
was a dead weight upon their progress. 

But the origin and progress of the Welsh 
had been entirely different. The Romans 
in the time of Claudius found the Ancient 
Britons a people who had made great pro- 
gress in the arts and civilization ; and that 
their country in its production was giving 
great impetus to commerce; and the peo- 
ple capable ot rendering and paying large 
amount of tribute and taxes, which was 
the sole object of the Roman conquest. 
After the time of Agricola, they had been 
for three hundred years accustomed to 
peace under Roinan rule ; to whom alone 
belonged the subject of war, and all its in- 
cidents, leaving to the Britons the culture 
of the arts of peace. Under that state of 
things, and at the same time the rapid pro- 



Chap. III. 1 

gress of Cliristianilj iimoiijf thciii, the An- 
cient Britons beca.me a. hij^hlj cultivated 
people for that day ; it was their industry 
and capability that produced in Britain al- 
most all that which since has passed as Ro- 
man towns, works and improvements. The 
civil affairs of the country were let't in the 
hands of the people, as was usually done 
by tlie Romans, where the people regular- 
ly paid their tribute and taxes; while the 
military, fiscal and foreign aflairs were at- 
tended to by the Romans themselves. 
Many of the subordiiiary provinces and 
cities were left as stipendaries, to govern 
themselves and regulate their own affairs. 
They therefore were a people accustomed 
to civil affairs and the administration of 
justice. They were a Christian people, 
with a regular ecclesiastical polity regularly 
established, with archbishops, bishops and 
priests; with regular territorial divisions, 
and churches; so that when Augustine 
came, a hundred and fifty years after ail 
communication with Rome and the mother 
church had been cut off, he found the Brit- 
ish church sound in doctrine and discip- 
line, except that he insisted that the people 
did not keep the right day for easter, and 
the priests did not trim their hair right. 

Such were the people of Wales at the ar- 
rival of the Normans and the battle of 
Hastings. They had, amidst all their diiii- 
culties with the Saxons, preserved their de- 
votion to the Christian religion, their at- 
tachinent to literature, and their love of 
personal liberty and freedom. In the midst 
of the war they maintained against the 
Saxons, to preserve their country and per- 
sonal rights, they produced during the 
sixth, seventh and eighth centuries that 
amount of literature as to surprise the can- 
did examiner of it, when compared with 
the dark ages of Europe when it was pro- 
duced. As poets it produced Taleisin, 
Aneurin, Marlin and many others; 
among the prose writers, Gildas, Nennius, 
Asser and others. But that age was en- 
tirely eclipsed by their groat literary pro- 
ductions in the twelfth, thirteenth and 
fourteenth centuries, under still greater dif- 
ficulties arising from the wars, brought up- 
on them by their enemies, in which were 



THE CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE. 



341 



destroyed many of their churches, sclxwls, 
monasteries and jjlaces of learning. It is 
surprising that they were able to produce 
such productions, in the midst of such wars 
to conquer them. Vet it has been the 
fashion with some to call these people illit- 
erate and savage barbarians ; and do this 
otT-hand, withoutever having examined the 
subject. But the matter has been vindicat- 
ed by Turner, Matthew Arnold, Stephens 
and others.6 

"Yet at this period," says M. Augustiii 
Thierry,^ "the Welsli nation was, perhaps, 
of all Europe, that which least merited the 
epithet of barbarian; despite the evil which 
the Anglo-Norman inflicted upon them 
every day, those who visited them unarmed, 
as simple travelers, were received with cor- 
dial hospitality; they were at once admitted 
into the bosom of the best tamilies, and 
shared the highest pleasures of the coun- 
try, music and song." Thierry, upon ex- 
amination of various ancient authors,, 
assures us that the Cymry were thus quali- 
fied at every village to entertain and inter- 
est their company. He thus continues: 
"The vivacity natural to the Celtic race 
was further manifested in the Cambrians 
by excessive taste for con\ersation, and 
their prompt repartee. All the Welsh of 
every rank have been gifted by nature with 
a great volubility of tongue, and extreme 
confidence in answering before princes and 
nobles; the Italians and French seem to 
possess the same faculty ; but it is not 
found among the English race, nor among 
the Saxons of Germany, nor among the 
AHemans."8 In addition to this, it may be 
remarked that history is full of instances 
of the high estimation in which certain 
persons of Wales, both men and women, 
have been held at both the English and 
French courts — as Asser, the friend and 
biographer of Alfred; those mentioned by 



6 Sec Sharon Turner's vindication in the append i.x: 
of liis History ot the Ang-lo- Saxons; Stei)heiVs Lit- 
erature of the Cyn)r5'; Prof. M. Arnold's Cellic Lit- 
erature in the Cornhill Mag^azine of 1866, and copied 
in the Ni^w York Kclectic. 

7 2 Thierry's Norman Conquest, B. viii, p. 20. 

8 Thierry ul supra. These expressions had reter- 
ence to the time of Giraldus Cambrensis, A. D. i iSS. 
It probal^ly would not api)ly to the English of the 
present day, when tlie blood of the Ancient Brilon 
is more developed in them. 



34^ 



THE NORMAN PERIOD. 



[Book IV. 



Froissai-t--Owen Tudor and David Gam, 
the special friends of Henry V; and this is 
no less the case in modern times. 

The habits, customs and condition of the 
Welsh people in the time of Henrv II, are 
more fully disclosed and developed in the 
journal of Giraldus Cartihrensis, in his 
journev through Wales, than anv account 
of any other people of thaf day. He was 
the son of a Norman nobleman and a 
Welsh princess; born and reared in Wales; 
educated in Paris, and became a clergy- 
man. By his education and experience in 
the world, he was well qualified, for his 
task. From him we draw principally these 
few remarks. In consequence of the con- 
tinual war of the Saxons and others upon 
them, thev were trained to war, and studi- 
ously watched the defense of their country 
and their freedom; and inured themselves 
to the hardships and privations of a rugged 
country, necessary to sustain themselves 
against their numerous ibes. Thfjy were 
agile and quick in thtir movements; and 
this was observed by the Romans, as they 
had the advantage with light arms, and on- 
ly defeated w-here heavy armor and discip- 
line prevented. They used light equip- 
ments—breast plates, helmets, and shields; 
and some were the most expert archers, 
who with a stout bow would send an ar- 
row with almost irresistible force; while 
others were distinguished for their skill in 
the use of the lance; and others as cavalry, 
and the skill and care with which they 
managed their horses. In agriculture they 
took great pains in plowing their ground; 
but depended more for their subsistence 
upon their fiocks than upon their grain. 
The agriculturalist, artist and scholar were 
all cherished and protected as the three 
pillars of tiie state. But it was in litera- 
ture that the Welsh excelled their neigh- 
bors in Western Europe, in that dark age; 
and this they fondly cherished, as their 
inheritance from the druids, bards and 
priests of the ancient Cymry and Britons. 

Law was even then studied as a special 
,«;cience, and e.specially as it applied to the 
rfghts and irecdom of every individual as a 
iHiare, nnd to the protection of his property. 
It A\ a.i. j'jn this aecouiil tln'\- so strenuovisK- 



insisted upon the maintenance of their own 
laws, and opposition to the feudal law^s and 
oppressive aristocracy of the Saxons and 
Normans. But as the English laws from 
the time of Edward I to the present time 
gradually imj)roved, humaTiized, and assim- 
ilated to their own, tlieir opposition ceased. 

"The Britcm," said Palgrave, "despised 
their implacable enemies, the Anglo- 
Saxons, as "a race of rude barbarians. This 
will not be considered as any decisive test 
of superior civilization; but the triads, and 
the laws of Iloel Dda excel the Anglo- 
Saxon and other Teutonic customs 
in the same manner that the elegies of 
Llywarch Hen, and the odes of Taliesin, 
soar above the ballads of Edda. Taw had 
become a science amongst the Britons; and 
its voliunes exhibit the jurisprudence of a 
rude nation sharpened and modelled by 
thinking men, and which had derived both 
stability and equity from the labors of its 
expounders."!* 

The land in Wales was private property, 
and generally the owner resided on his es- 
tate. There were no serfs; the laborers 
were freeinen, who were permitted to go or 
to be employed where their own best inter- 
est called them. Generall}' every man of 
family and of any standing was the owner 
of a piece of land, or homestead — a yeo- 
man. Estates were larger or smaller, ac- 
cording to one's ability to purchase and 
hold them. The princes were owners of 
large estates, and their revenue was gen- 
erally derived from their management of 
them, as gentlemen of large estates, residing 
on them, would in the present day. In his- 
tory we hear ot no complaint of taxes, ex- 
cept when compelled to pay tribute to other 
powers; which is generally resisted to the 
utmost of their abilities. This i? a very 
different state of things from those found in 
England; under either the Saxons or Nor- 
mans, until after the time of Edv\ard I ; 
and in these respects the state of things in 
the two countries were not assimilated un- 
til Henry VIII. 

The Cymry were kept back from enjoy- 
ing the advantages that their civilization, 



Q PLiIjjrave's Rise and Proo-ress of Eng-lish Com- 

iimwciihli. 



Chap, tii.j THE CONDITION 

Christianity and law.s would ordinarily give 
them by the circiunstances by which they 
were surrounded. About the time that the 
Roman army were compelled to leave 
Britain, in consequence ot" the invasion of 
civilized Europe by tlie northern barbarian, 
Britain began to be sorely afflicted by the 
pirates and robbers from the sea. Then 
came the Saxons expelling Christianity and 
learning, and destroying improvements. 
Commerce was destroyed and all communi- 
cation with the civilized world cut oif, at 
least for a hundred and titty or tw'o hundred 
years. Then were the dark ages resting 
upon all Europe, and the Cymry driven 
back to the western shores of Britain. It 
was under these adverse circumstances that 
the Britons maintained their Christianity, 
literature and arts, while cut olY troni com- 
munication with the Christian world; until 
after Augustine's time, who was astonished 
to find Christianity on the western shores 
of Britain, which was to him like finding 
an unknown land. Still the Cambrians 
were surrounded by their enemies, bent up- 
on robbery and conquest, destroying every- 
thing that was not yielded up to them with 
fire and the sword. These matters pre- 
vented commerce in Cambria, and peace 
and commerce were necessary to her suc- 
cess. In a great measure these were given 
to London; but if they vyere bestowed on 
CardatF, Milford, or Liverpool — there would 
have been London. But London had her 
superior surroundings, which commanded 
peace, and attracted commerce to her. Like 
all other great cities that preceded her, she 
attracted to herself from every place the 
talent and enterprise of the world; and all 
that came she claimed as her own. Sur- 
roimded with war and hostility, Cambria 
could not do this. It is London that has 
made England what she is. In that the 
Lloegrian Cymry in London, at the coming 
of the Saxons, whom the Saxons were 
never able to take, assisted; sodid the same 
people, throughout England, who submitted 
to Saxon rule, assist; and so have the Cym- 
ry of Wales and Scotland assisted. And 
these claims the citizens of London would 
not now be willing to surrender. 

Nolwithstandin<T that for more than four 



OF THE PEOPLE. 345 

hundred years the Cynuy had been pressed 
by war and conquest by the rude people of 
Northern Europe, in succession of swarms 
one after another, as though there was no 
end to their resources for warriors, or their 
coming, until they— the Cymry— had been 
driven back, step by step, from the fields of 
Kent to the mountains of Wales; while all 
that pressure and brave resistance was on- 
ly to determine whether the free land of the 
Cymry should be converted into the man- 
ors and sertdom> of .Saxon or Norman 
lords; yet in no instance does history dem- 
onstrate that they were a warlike peo- 
ple with a view to a foreign conquest. 
Their wars and hostilities were for the pre- 
servation of their rights and freedom. 
W'hat they contended for was to he let 
alone in the. enjoyment of tht ir property, 
their religion and their just laws. But 
their fair fields were coveted by the in\ ad- 
ers, to be converted trom the individual 
property of freemen to the occupancy of 
the feudal lord and his serfs. Even while 
surrounded by these oppositions, they pre- 
served their institutions, though their pro- 
gress was retarded or deteriorated by the 
rudeness of the dark age that surrounded 
them. If they had been let alone to pro- 
gress trom the time that the Romans left 
them, we might hope that their free insti- 
tutions, as to land, law and Christianity, 
would have produced a new civilization, 
of which that ot England is now only a 
part. 

But when their diificulties and surround- 
ings are taken into consideration, the ex- 
tent to which they preserved their condi- 
tion is surprising. When Giraidus visited 
these people in the reign of Henry II, 
though he was well acquainted with Paris 
and other cities of Europe, he was aston- 
ished when he came to visit Ccerlcon on 
the Usk, to see the architecture and degree 
of refinement and improvement he found 
there. He highly complimented the refine- 
ment he found in the houses of the gentry 
he visited. Not only were the matters of 
the church in religion and theology pro- 
tected and fostered, but, in accordance with 
the practices and institutions of the ancient 
Druids continued to later times, they 



344 



THE NORMAN PERIOD. 



equally protected and fostered secular in- 
terest, bj a public institution, which was 
<ienominated the Eisteddvod, which was a 
public assembly of the learned and wise 
men of the land, where public essays were 
produced on all subjects of interest — in 
poetrj and prose, in arts and science, in 
view to public interest and improvement. 
These meetings were common and fre- 
quent, both before and after the Norman 
conquest. Some years after that event, on 
the return of Rhys ah Tewdwr, prince* of 
South Wales, from Brittany to Wales, says 
the historian, "he brought with him the 
system of the Round Table, which, at 
home, had been quite forgotten, and he re- 
stored it as it is with regard to minstrels 
and bards, as it had been at Cierleon on the 
Usk, under the emperor Arthur, in the 
time of the sovereignty- of the Cymry over 
the island of Britain. "i" This institution 
became an adjunct to that of the Eistedd- 
vod. The latter was frequently held, but 
it required a public notice of a year and a 
day to call the assembly of one. 

Besides the Eisteddvod, public meetings 
similar to them were also held by the 
princes on their own account,' of one of 
which we have the following narrative: 
"Grutiydd ah Rhys Cin 1135) had a large 
feast prepared in Ystad Tywi, whither he 
invited all to come in peace from North 
Wales, Powys, South Wales, Glamorgan, 
and the Marches. And he prepared every 
thing that was good in meat and drink, 
wise conversations, songs and music; and 
welcomed all poets and musicians, and in- 
stituted various plays, illusions and appear- 
ances, and manly exercises." And to this 
feast came persons from all parts of the is- 
land. And it i> furtht-r stated: "After the 
feast Gruffydd ab Rhvs invited the wise 
men a\id scholars, and upon consulting 
tliein instituted rules and law on everv. 
person within his doininions, and fixed a 
court in every Cantrev, and an inferior 
court in every Commot. Gruftydd ab Ry- 
nan did the same in North Wales; and the 
Normans and the Saxons, sorry to see this, 
made complaint against these princes to 

10 See -Stepliens' Literature of the Cymrv. p. 33^, 
ami who riles lolo MS., p. 630. 



[Book IV. 

king Stephen, who, stating that he knew 
not where the blame lay, declined to in- 
terfere." 

About forty years after the last mention- 
ed feast, Lord Rhys, Henry H's justiciary 
for South Wales, made another great feast 
at the castle of Ca;rdigan, where sinnilai- 
competitions were held; and it is said that 
"it appeai;ed in the contest the bards of 
North Wales got the prize for poetry, 
while a young man belonging to Rhys' 
own household was adjudged to have ex- 
celled in the powers of harmony-" 

These exercises and institutions are very 
honorable to the Cymry, and excel any- 
thing of the kind among any other people 
of that day ; and we are informed that the 
Eisteddvod is occasionally continued to the 
present day ; but it is possible that the in- 
stitution may be superceded by the modern 
form of delivering lectures. 

But it is the literature of the Cymry, 
during those dark ages, which surprises 
the historian and reader tnore than any- 
thing else — that of the sixth, seventh and 
eighth centuries have been already referred 
to; but the age we are now considering, 
the twelfth and succeeding centuries, which 
has brought forth an astonishing develop- 
ment of their literature. Some of it, which 
has sometimes been attributed to this peri- 
od, undoubtedly belonged to a far more re- 
mote age, as the triads and the laws ; but 
after making all due allowance for the pro- 
duction of previous ages, this period has of 
itself a wonderful development of its own, 
and almost entirely a native and original 
production. Besides the great volume of 
poetry produced in tha! age, for which I 
must refer to Mr. T. Stephens' very learned 
and able work on the "Literature of the 
Cymry," there is a great variety of prose 
writing but little known to the readers of 
the present day, amongst which we must 
be permitted to particularly mention two- — 
Geoflrey of Monmouth's Briti.'-h History, 
and the Mabinogion. 

The British history of Geoflrey assumes 
to give the history of the island and its peo- 
ple irom the earliest period down to Athel- 
stan. and without regard to whether the 
work is true or false, or how much of it i s 



Chap. 111. I 

true; still it must be admitted to have been I 
the most important literary work of that I 
age. It has been more copied, translated 
•and read than any other book of that peri- ; 
r>d. It was a work that inspired, and fur- 
nished materials tor all the poets and ro- 
mance of the following centuries — "Mate- 
rials for some of their noblest works of 
fiction and characters of romance." It in- 
spired and infused a literary taste for that 
age, incomparable with any other book. 
"Its popularity is proved by the successive 
adaptation of Ware, Layamon, Robert of 
Gloucester, Mannyng, and others; and its 
influence on the literature of Europe is too 
notorious to be dwelt upon."" Nor should 
its influence upon the work of Shakespeare, 
Bacon, Milton and Tennyson be forgot- 
ten.'^ 

The history ol" Geoffrey has sometimes 
been severely criticised, condemned and 
traduced; yet other competent judges ha\e 
strongly sustained its literary merits, and 
the obligation it has conferred upon the 
world. Of these is Prof. Buckle in his 
History of Civilization in England, in which 
among other favorable things he sa\s : 
"The work is, therefore, the joint composi- 
tion of two arch deacons, and is entitled to 
respect, not only on this account, but also 
because it was one of the most popular of 
all the productions of the middle, ages ;"'■'> 
and he vindicates Geoffrey's history of Ar- 
thur, and gives a very intere.-;ting account 
of the work and its merits. 

The Mabinogion was a class of literary 
work produced by the Welsh, contempo- 
raneously with their i)oetry, but in prose. 
It was a collection of tales written to while 
away the time of the voung chieftains, to 
be repeated at their fireside; but which 
very powertully reacted vipon the national 

1 1 Stcphjn.s' ut supra, p. 339, who cites Quarterly 
Review for March. 18.^8, p. 230. 

l:^ (jcoffrcy's work was wriUcn in Latin; and a 
xood iranslation of it is ioiimi in Bohn'.s .\ntiqiiarian 
Library, "Six Old Enirlish Chronicles." Gcoffrej' 
lived in the earlv part olthe twelfth century: and in 
the year 1152, in the time of king- Stephen, was made 
bishop of St. Asaph. He, in his British history, was 
iiided b}- Walter, archdeacon of Oxford. Bot!) of 
Hic.se men were native Welshmen, and well acquaint- 
<h\ with their native !ang'.iaf:;e, and ofcen wrote in it. 
(Jiraldus was of tlie same ag^e. 

13 Buckle's Histori- of Civilization in England, 
VfjI. i, p. 233. 



rHE CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE. 



34S 



literature and character, as did their poetry. 
These tales were almost on every subject 
which would give interest to fiction and 
narratives, as novels do at the present day. 
Recently these tales have been collected, 
arranged and translated by Lady Charlotte 
Guest, and published in a very acceptable 
style, so that we now have them in the 
English language. "So greatly do these 
Mabinogions differ in character that they 
may be considered as forming two distinct 
classes, one of which generally celebrates 
heroes of the Arthurian Cyclus, while the 
other refers to personages and events of an 
earlier period."!'' 

These literarj- productions, togetlier with 
their laws, will greatly dispose the condi- 
tion of the people; but for the want of 
space in our work, we must only refer to 
the works themselves; and to the able 
work of Mr. Ste{:)hens on the Literature of 
the Cymry, wiiich ^vill very satisfactorily 
disclose the condition and habits of the 
people during the period.' Anj' fair mind 
must be satisfied that a people who are able 
to produce such an amount of literature, 
and codes and systems of laws, as has been 
referred to from time to time, must be, in 
their moral condition, far in advance of the 
ignorance and barbarity which then had 
benighted Western Europe. Surrounded 
as the Cymry had been by the conquering 
barbarian, and that pall of darkness and ig- 
norance which in the previous age rested 
over Western Europe, without the advan- 
tage of any city and commerce, it is impos- 
sible to conceive how this people could 
have produced and preserved this literature 
and science, except having preserved them 
from the advanced condition they were in, 
as the Ancient Britons between the time 
of C:Esar and the coming of the Saxons. 



14 Stephens' ul supra, p. 413. Here it may; be re- 
marked that some of the Saxon writers insist th 1 
I the Ancient Britons and Druids did not committo 
writinjjf. hut depended upon memory and oral deliv- 
ery. This is claimed from what Cisar says, that the 
I Diiilds delivered their instructions to their students 
1 orally, who were required to commit them to mem- 
j ory, for the purpose of exercising that faculty. When 
this is insisted ujx)n to prove that <jeneral laws and 
other matters were not committecl to writings, it is 
false; for elsewhere C.-esar does say that they did 
commit to writing both public and private matters. 



346 



THE NORMAN PERIOD. 



[Book IV. 



§2 — Condition of the Enghsk from the Nor- 
man Conquest to the Coiiqucst of IValfs by 
Edward I. {A. D. 1066 — 1276;. 

As it has been iilready claiiTicd, it is 
deemed tiiat there can be no doubt that the 
government ot England, up to tlie end of 
the reign of Edward the Confessor, when 
Harold and William the Conqueror began 
to claim the right of succession, was entire- 
ly in the hands of an hereditary aristocracy, 
who claimed their right as descendants of 
Woden; and that the title to the land of the 
country was in the hands of that aristocra- 
cy, who might be' more properly termed a 
caste rather than a class. Almost the only 
exception to this arrangement was the 
break that Gcxiwin's family made in it. All 
the Saxon kings of England, and the nobil- 
ity, "Aldermen," constituted, says Pal- 
grave, "a kind of ruling caste or tribe, all 
sons of Woden ;"' and by that right and 
title they claimed to rule. They held the 
landed property of the country, and the 
great mass of the people were tenants and 
serfs under them. The people were divided 
into three classes, the nobility or lords, the 
freemen, and the bondsmen, and these lat- 
ter were generally designated as villains or 
serfs, were considered as appurtenant to 
the land and transf^n-ed ^vith it. The land 
and the serfs were the property of the lord. 
Some bondsmen were domestic slaves. 
The great body of the people were serfs; 
the freemen were in the minority, and were 
only free to choose what lord he would 
serve and become his tenant. As freemen 
they had the right to hold certain ofBces in 
the police government of the hundred or 
shire; but they had no control over the 
state government, for that was wholly in 
the hand- of the hereditary nobility. The 
king had his council, called the Witenage- 
mot, which consisted of such of the landed 
nobility as the king thought proper to sum- 
mon. But when the government was in 
the hands of such kings as Penda, or Offa, 
or Ethelfrith, or Edgar, such council was of 
little importance; then everything went on 
as the king willed it — peace or war, ex- 
travagance or economy, the people had to 

] Palgravc's Aiiglo-Sax., ch. iv, p. 60. 



submit. But when the throne became va- 
cant, or was in the hands of an infant or a 
weak prince, then the council, the Witcu- 
agemot, would interfere and take the gov- 
ernment in their own hands, until an able 
prince was capable to rule for himself. 
Still the council consisted exclusively of 
the aristocracy, and they were of one fami- 
ly — the descendants of Woden. There was 
no arrangement or principle in operation 
by which the people had any controlling 
influence over the governmeiit; the great 
body of the people were serfs.-' Such had 
been the go\ ernment of England for near- 
ly four hundred years previous to the com- 
ing of the Normans, except so tar as it was 
interfered with bv the Danes. These were 



2 Sue ante, B.— . In determining the Saxon gov- 
ernment in Hngland. we have nothing to do with 
Tacitus and the Germans. The question is, what 
was it in Knglaud? Saxons and Woden arose after 
Tacitus' time. Tlie Saxons coining to Britain under 
the auspices- ot Woden, liis cliiidren and religion 
gave to England a new form of government, in which 
hbcrly and freedom for Ihe great mass of the peopl-.- 
had ni) place. 2 Turner's Hist. .:Viiglo-Sax., p. 292. 

In Turner's history, second vo!., p. 32S. is an ab- 
stract trom the doomsday book, showing the enu- 
meration of families in England by counties in the 
time of William the Conqueror. This greatly as- 
sists in seeing the condition of the people at that 
lime, which did not much cliange the condition of 
the ijeople from the Saxon times, except to transfer 
the landed property from the Saxon nobility to the 
Normans. We here copy Oxfordshire as a fair 
sample of the whole: 

"OXFORDSHIKE 

Chief proprietors 77 

Viilani 0.S2S ) 

Hordarii 1,038 r 

Servi gjS ) 

Piscatores y- 

Molini 170 

Silva: 4 r 

Pastura . },i 

Salina i 

Houses in Oxford were 721 

Other persons So 

Total 7>1'^i 

'Hiese 7461 are heads of families, which should b« 
multiplied by at least six, which would give about 
forty-five thousand for die county in population. Of 
these the viilani, bordarii and servi, 6,301, are the 
families of bondsmen nr;;!aves and would be a pop- 
ulation of 37,806. Perhaps Some of the oUier classes 
above enumerated are also slaves; but this makes at 
least four-tiflhs of the population servile." Turner, 
on page 337, further says: "Even holding a freehold 
does not give liberty to a villanus, a remark not ob- 
served by those who have deemed viilani free peas- 
ants, because they were found to have lands. The 
bordarii, servi, cotarii, &c., were ^similarly circum- 
stanced. In the doomsday book, burghers aie men- 
tioned as Iwv'ing bordarii under them. There can be 
no doubt that nearly three-fourths of tlie Anglo-Sax- 
on i>opulation were in a sUite of slavery ; and nothifig 
could have broken the powerful chains of law and 
force by which the landed aristocracy held their peo- 
ple in bondage, but such events as the Norman con- 
quest, and the civil wars which it excited ;^and fos- 
tered, and in which such numbersi of the nobility 
perished." 



Chap. III.] 

pagans, as the Saxons had heeii, claimed to 
be the children, and believed in the princi- 
ples, of Woden ; yet thej were not so mucli 
a hide-bound aristocracy as their Saxon 
brethren in England. Although the Danes 
brought upon the Saxons of England the 
same desolating war of plunder, slaughter 
and devastation — of pagan animosity against 
Christianity, as the Saxons themselves had 
formerly waged for two hundred \ears 
against the Ancient Britons, and gave the 
appearance that Providence was paying the 
Saxons in their own coin tor the wrongs 
they had done the Britons; still the Danes 
did improve, and under Canute the Great 
for a while gave to England a better gov- 
ernment, and have the credit of being the 
means of giving to England the first great 
man of plebeian Saxon origin, in the per- 
Hon of tiie great earl, Godwin.^ Sometimes 
out ot wrongs and evil good does arise, j 
even in political events; but that good | 
might be attained by better means, but for j 
the selfishness and cupidity of man. 

When the Normans came to England 
the Anglo-Saxons had a government, which, 
though gradually improving, was as bad 
as any that was ever imposed upon an in- 
telligent people.* Mr. Turner thinks that 
nothing less than the revolution of the con- 
quest would have broken the chains with 
which the aristocracy had bound their peo- 
ple. I think otherwise. It is believed 
that when the wars had ceased by which 
the aristocracy purposely kept the people 
in, for their own objects, and not that of 
the people, Briti'^h soil and British human- 
ity, in due time, would have produced a 
race of men, who of their own intelligence 



rHE CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE. 



MT 



3 Sec ante, B. iii, ch. — . 

4 The authors of Pictorial History of Eng'latKl 
( Vol. i, p. •?}o) say: "The feature ot the Aii^-lo-Sax- 
oa system of .society that appears the most sinafulav 
to our itKxiern notion is the existence of so lar^e a 
boiiy of tlie people in the condition as that of the 
■villaiii, or chief cultivators of the soil — that is to .say, 
not subject to the control of any master who had the 
right to rejpird and u.se them as their absolute prop- 
erly, yet so completely destitute of what we under- 
stand by t'rejdom, that they had not the power of re- 
movingf from the estate on which they were born, 
and were transferred with it on every chansje of pro- 
prietors, they and tlieir services tosij^ethcr, e.xactlj- in 
the .same manner as any otlier portion of the stock, 
live or dead, human or brutal, which happened to 
be accumulated on the surface. They were bound 
to the soil, and could no more uproot themselves and 
withdraw elsewhere than could the trees that were 
planted in iL" 



and native form would produce a revolu 
tion which would put Britain upon a prop- 
er ba.sis as to its laws and government. 
At any rate, such were the laws and condi- 
tion of the Anglo-Saxons when the Nor- 
man conquest came upon them. No seri- 
ous effort was made against it after the fall 
of Harold. The aristocracy did not until 
it was loo late, for they thought it was only 
going to change the head of government 
and put in Willian* instead of Harold, and 
the latter they considered too much of a 
parvenu for them to aid him. The people 
did not care, tor they thought it was only 
a change ot masters, which would not 
tnakc a great deal of difterence with them. 
But they found it was in reality a change 
of masters; u ma.ster who held a rod of iron 
in his hand. 

The change which then took place haj» 
already been stated; and terrible as it was^ 
it would seem that every class of people 
suffered in the revolution; but it would ap- 
pear that the lower class, who were the vil- 
lains and serfs, and constituting the great 
mass of the people, suffered the least. 
Their condition was the same before the 
event as afte» it. When the Conqueror de- 
creed the transfer of the land from the old 
Saxon aristocracy to the new Norman 
lords, the people were transferred with the 
land; and it was only a change of owners, 
and they still remained as villains and sert.s 
upon it. 

The Anglo-Saxons who came to Britain 
and established their government there, 
came from the low and then swampy coun- 
try at the mouths of the Elbe and Eider, 
possessed none of the advancement of up- 
per or Southern Germany, in literature or 
arts. They were warriors by profession 
and pirates by practice. They looked u{>oi\ 
literature and the arts as beneath their at- 
tention, and inconsistent with their charac- 
ter and protcftsion. They came as soldiers 
to conquer and acquire fortune, not as emi- 
grants or colonists, but to capture and plun- 
der. They therefore brotight with them, 
but little more than their battle-axe, ex- 
pecting to take, in the rich and improved 
country to which they were going, what- 
ever they wanted, even their wives; and tti> 



348 



THE NORMAN PERIOD. 



make the people their serfs, to produce for 
them their 8iistenance and clothing. When 
established in Britain, the time of their aris- 
tocracy was taken up with the wars with 
the natives and each otiier, and in the 
management of their estates and serfs. 
Thus literature, arts and science were neg- 
lected as beneath their attention. During 
the four hundred _ye;trs from their advent 
to tlie Norman re\'olution, their progress 
in all kinds of improvement was slow. 
They neglected architecture as well as lit- 
erature, and what little they had was con- 
tined to the clergy, stimulated by the Ro- 
man church. The nobility generally knew 
not how to read or write. During the 
same time the Welsh, Irish and the Scotch, 
imder great disadvantages of foreign war 
imposed upon them, made great progress 
in literature and learning, and sent out in- 
to the world as teachers and missionaries 
>;uch men as Pclagius, St. Patrick, Colum- 
banus, Asser, Erigcnus, Dun Scotius, and 
«thers. The Normans, after their settle- 
ment in Normandy, by their assimilation 
with the original Celtic inhabitants, made 
very rapid improvements in literature, ar- 
chitecture, and all the arts then known, 
and manifested a decided taste for them. 
When the Normajis came to England, the 
difference apparent between them aiid the 
Saxons in respect to matters just mention- 
ed induced the Normans to look upon the 
acquirements of (he latter with contempt. 

This feeling, and the assumption of con- 
<^uest on the part of the Normans, soon in- 
duced a strong opposition on the part of 
the Saxons to William and his followers, 
which did not exist at first; and gradually' 
produced rebellion and resistance to them, 
but when it was too late to be successfully 
organized, and when the Normans had ac- 
quired such a hold upon the countrj' that 
they with ease put down all resistance 
against them. 

From the commencement of the con- 
quest the Normans had been in the habit 
of confiscating the property of all those 
who were found in opposition to them ; and 
perhaps the subsequent rebellions were more 
courted than feared. At any rate, the Nor- 
mans found, during William's veign, occa- 



[Book IV. 

sions enough to transfer all the property of 
the Saxon nobility, with their serfs, to the 
Norman lords. This brought upon the 
Saxons so severe a rule and oppression 
that some of the Saxon nobility gave up 
their positions and voluntarily became 
serfs. 

The condition of the Saxons, by the con- 
quest, became most deplorable. Not only 
was the position of the nobility entirely 
lost, and that of the common people in no 
wise improved, for all the landed property 
and the serfs were transferred from the 
Saxon nobility to the Normans, but the op- 
pression and wrongs of a conquered people 
rested upon every class of the Saxons in 
proportion to the capacity of each to suffer. 
Whenever any disturbance or rebellion 
took place in any district, the Normans 
rode over and traversed the country as 
a conquering army — plundering and pil- 
laging, burning and slaughtering, as whim, 
caprice or interest might dictate, often 
quartering themselves upon the people, 
and taking what pioperty and forage they 
pleased at will. Upon such occasions they 
respected no law, human or divine, and all 
kinds of oppressions and wrongs were per- 
petrated. Frequently death itself was a re- 
lief to other wrongs, iind the epithet of in- 
justice is too inild a term for them. Many 
years of the Conqueror's reign passed off 
bsfore the country was relieved of this op- 
pression, and the affairs settled down into 
a regular and usual government. 

A contemporary writer, lamenting over 
the unhappy condition of his country, ex- 
claimed : "From that day every evil and 
every tribulation has fallen upon our home. 
May God have mercy on it." It is said 
that the men had to undergo indigence and 
servitude; the women insult and outrage 
more cruel than death. Those who were 
not taken in marriage were taken para- 
mours^ as the conquerors termed it; and 
sometimes the least and lowest of them 
was lord and master in the house of the 
conquered.* They took all kinds of liber- 
ties and license, and were astonished at 
their own insolence and success. The 



S I Thierry's Norman Conc|>iest, B. iv, pp. 191$, 
226. 1 Huuie's History of Kngland, pp. 190 — 196. 



Chap m.j 

Conqueror aiul hi.s immoiiiate cabinet offi- 
cers governed the country as }ie cliose, 
without the aici or restraint of any parlia- 
ment or any constitutional body, sharing 
with him the powers of the state. He re- 
<iuired such payment of taxes as lie chose 
to levy. The Saxon lords were extin- 
guisVieii, and the Norman lords who were 
to supercede them were not suificiently 
seated to exercise much restraint over him. 
During the reigns of William the Concjuer- 
or and William Rufus, a period of thirty- 
four years, from 1066 to 1100, the form of 
government did not much improve, except 
as it settled down in a peaceful and ordi- 
nary administration. But after the reign 
of Henry I the Norman lords began to 
feel their own strength and importance; 
many of them becoming natives of the soil, 
and more altached to it than to Normandy; 
less int;Iined to support (he king's interest 
in his okl home in Normandv, and more 
divided in parties as to the wishes and ir- 
terest of the king. Gradually the Norman 



THE CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE. 



349 



ignorance of the Saxon clergy, removed a 
large jxirtion of them and tilled their places 
with foreign or Norman clergy. They al- 
so introduced a greater amount of archi- 
tecture and a spirit for its improvement. 
The oldest style of architecture after the 
Romans in Britain is that of the Normans. 
They immediately commenced to build 
large castles in various parts of England on 
their estates; and numerous abbeys, mon- 
asteries and churches. Thus the Normans 
were the means of introducing into Eng- 
land great improvement in the arts, which 
produced great reformation in the habits 
and condition of the people. This diifer- 
ence between these tVi'o people enabled the 
Normans to hold the Saxons in contempt, 
and impose upon tlie latter, until about the 
time of Edward III, their own language, 
the Norman-French, in all public proceed- 
ings, and that of the courts and govern- 
ment. For all the prominent places in the 
government, courts and church, learned 
foreigners were sought, and the Saxon na- 



lords and their descendants becaine recog- lives exchided. This state of things was 



nized as part of the government; tmd by 
the time of king John they became pow-er- 
ful enough to remonstrate against the 
wrongs and oppressions of the government, 
and to bring the king to a stand, and com- 
pelled him to assent to a charter embody- 
ing the terms of what they considered to 
be a just administration of the government 



terribly oppressive to the Saxons, though 
the country, in point of learning, society 
and arts, was constantly improving. 

Ky the time of king John a hundred and 
fifty years had elapsed' and the nobility of 
the country — the descendants of the Percys, 
Fiti: Osbern, Warren, and other toUowers 
of tlie Conqueror, were now in the fourth 



and protection to the rights of individuals. I or fifth generation, and their hopes and af- 



The Normans, notwithstanding their ty- 
rannical and oppressive government at first, 
were the means of ultimately producing 
great reformation in the condition of the 
English people. One was the breakiiig up 
of the old Woden aristocracy, and another 
was a reformation a,^ to the ignorance of 
the Saxons, and their indifference to litera- 
ture and science. To accomplish this re- 
form Alfred had labored with very exem- 
plary vigor, with but little effect as to the 



fections attached to British soil ; while the 
king and his immediate attendants were 
still from Normandy. These Norman 
kings still held possessions and interests in 
Normandy and other jirovinces in France, 
and their expenses attending all the admin- 
istration, and satisfying their attendants, 
became very great; and that expense was 
raised by taxes and contribution levied up- 
on the land proprietors and holders of prop- 
erty' in England. In the payment and the 



mass, even among the nobility. The Nor- { enforcement of the collection of the requi- 



inans, on the contrary, were active in in- 
troducing and encouraging literature and 
the arts. They were in the habit of writing 
and putting matters to record of the pro- 
ceedings of the courts and government. 
William, under the pretense of the great 



sitions of the government, and the arbitrary 
manner in which they were enforced, the 
Anglo-Norman nobility of the country Ije- 
gan to feel the oppression and complain of 
the arbitrary and unlimited administration 
of the government. They now realized as 



350 



THE NORMAN PERIOD. 



I Book IV. 



oppressive what was indifferent to them 
when inflicted upon others. After mucli 
complaint of grievances unredressed, the 
barons of England combined against the 
king and his ministers, for the purpose of 
securing a more just and liberal govern- 
ment. After a very decided military move- 
ment against the kiiig, a revolution threat- 
ened, a conference was held (A. D. 1215) 
between the king and these barons at Run- 
nemede; and the Great Charter of king 
John was there procured. The king after- 
wards complained that he was compelled 
to grant it; but the English claimed it was 
no more than an acknowledgment of their 
just rights; and have since referred to it as 
the foundation and commencement of their 
liberties and constitutional rights. 

The Great Charter was one of the most 
extraordinary political papers ever produced 
in any country previous to modern times, 
for the purpose of securing personal rights 
and the due administration of the govern- 
ment. The dignitaries of the church united 
with the barons to secure their rights and 
liberties from the royal aggressions of which 
they complained. It secures the rights and 
freedom of the chvuxh ; it protects the rights 
and privileges of the nobility from the un- 
just encroachments of the crown, and de- 
clares that "no FREEMAN shall be taken, or 
imprisoned, or be deprived of his freehold 
or liberties, but by the lawful judgment of 
his peer.s, or by the law of the land." 
These matters are so declared and secured 
in sixty .sections of the Charter; and its ob- 
ject seems to be,besides restraining the undue 
powers of the crown, to protect the rights 
and privileges of the clergy, the nobility, 
and the freemen; but there is hardly a word 
in it that gives protection or comlort to 
that large class of English people, those 
constituting more than one-half, and per- 
haps three-fourths, of them — the villains, 
serfs and slaves. Only in two places does 
it refer to them,.to-wit: In .section twenty — 
•'A freeman shall be amerced only accord- 
ing to his faults; and a villain shall onlv 
be amerced in the same manner." And 
then in section sixty: "All the aforesaid 
.customs and liberties, * * * * as well 
clergy as laity shall observe, as far as they 



are concernetl, towards these dependents." 
So that the great body of the people — the 
great body of humanity — were still left to- 
the tender mercies of their masters. The 
Charter speaks, as all conventions of the 
kind do, of .the wi'ongs and injustice which 
they themselves have felt; but the bonds- 
man — the serf — is left unnoticed. It is 
sometimes_said that the Charter was the 
reproduction of Anglo-Saxon liberty. This 
is a mistake. It is not probable that a' sin- 
gle Anglo-Saxon had anything to do with 
it. It is almost certain that there was not 
a single Anglo-Saxon in the convention 
which produced it. There is a great deal 
of excellent matter in the Charter, but it 
refers to the nobility, clergy and freemen, 
and leaves the bondsmen and slaves out of 
its protection. Still the Charter was drawn 
up in a most excellent spirit of freedom; 
it was pi-obably the work of some of the 
clergy — the bishops who were members of 
the convention. The nobility of that age 
had no sympathy for the humtile, the serf, 
or the slave: and the clergy would not 
! dare to say much in favor of the freedom 
of the slave or serf English liberty and 
freedom, like the race itself, is the growth 
of various elements combined and brought 
forth since that day ; but the Great Char- 
ter may .be a' corner-stone in the founda- 
tion of the great temple of British laws and 
freedom. In general terms it uses apt words 
in favor of justice and freedom; and in this 
resjiect it may have been drawn up by some 
one who made it more so than the barons 
were aware of. 

The Great Charter is a most extraordi- 
nary instrument of civil liberty and consti- 
tutional freedom for the age that produced 
it. It interfered but little or none with the 
form of the government, but its great ob- 
ject .seems to be to reform the administra- 
tion by prohibiting some things and requir- 
ing others to be observed, tor. tlie purpose 
of suppressing arbitrary and oppressive 
measures, and of securing justice and due 
tid ministration of the law. In these respects 
it is entitled to its great appellation, and 
was cherished by the people in subsequent 
times as the palladium of their rights. For 
a long time every new king was required 



Chap. HI.] 



THE CONDr-riON OF THE PEOPLE. 



351 



to renew or con firm the Great Charter of 
king John. Kut one of the most extraor- 
dinarv am] unaccountable mattersi in it is 
that which is tbund in three of some of its 
last sections; and they are these: "Section 
fiCtv-six— If we have deprived or dispos- 
sessed the Welsh of any land, liberties, or 
other things, without the legal judgment of 
their peers, either in England or in Wales, 
thev shall be immediately restored to them ; 
for tenements in England according to the 
law of England, for tenements in Wales 
according to the law of Wales, for tene- 
ments of the Marche according to the law 
oftheMarche; the same shall the Welsh 
do to us and our subjects." "Section fifty- 
licven — As for all those things of which a 
Welshman hath, witliout the legal jud 



sentations to king John of Llewellyn's op- 
position. War followed witli much diffi- 
culty and hard fighting. Llewellyn being 
desirous of peace, sent his wife to king 
John, her father, to mediate for peace, in 
vihich she was successful. Afterwards oc- 
curred the dilhculty between the king and 
his barons, which culminated in the adop- 
tion of the Charter. Now, in their diftkul- 
ty with the kihg, the barons were very 
friendly with Llewellyn, and solicited his 
co-operation. The barons were successful 
in not only enlisting Llewellyn, bat also 
the Pope in their favor, against the king; 
and the Pope sent a special communication 
to the prince releasing him and his people 
of their tributary oaths, and urging them, 
imdcr the penalty of his curse, to annoy 



ment of his peers, been disseized or de- | '^"^ trouble king John to the uttermost of 
prived of by king Henrv our father, or our i their power. Llewellyn was in a difiicult 
brother king Richard, and which we either \ situation, for John had his son and other 
have in our hands, or others are possessed 
of, and we are obliged to warrant it, * * 
* * we will immediately do them full 
justice, accortiing to the laws of the Welsh 
and of the parts before mentioned.'" "Sec- 
tion fifty-eight — We will without delay dis- 
miss the son of Llewellyn,'"' and all the 
Welsh hostages, and release them from 
the engagements they have entered into 
with us for the preservation of the peace." 
What is extraordinary in this matter is 
the care that is taken to do ample right 
and justice to the Welsh people, whom 
they had been accustomed to rob arid plun- 
der of their propert\ upon every feasible 
opportunity. At whose instance was this 
done.? It seems that about ten years before 
this, peace existed between Llewellyn and 
king John, and the king gave to the prince 
his daughter Joan in marriage. Soon, 
however, the earl of Chester and other 
lords of the Marches were inaking encroach- 
ments upon the prince by taking possession 
of more Welsh lands; and Llewellyn mak- 
ing resistance and reprisals. These lords 
were very anxious to capture more land, 
found Llewellyn not so easy a man to deal 
with, and made complaints and misrepre- 



6 This was Llewellyn ab Jorwerth, prince of Wales 
A. D. 119}. — 1240, and not Llewellyn ;ib (Jnifrvdd, 

Ihi- last nrincc. 



hostages in his hands. The barons were 
thus able to bring king John to terms. But 
then who represented and cared for the in- 
terest of the Welsh people in the conven- 
tion at Runnemede.'' It seems from the in- 
strument itself that they were amply cared , 
for, though there is nothing to show that 
the Saxons were. 

Of the barons who attended that conven- 
tion, we have the names of two, there may 
be others, who were intimate and well ac- 
quainted with Welsh aifairs, and intimately 
connected with them. These were: First, 
the earl of Pembroke, marshal of Eng- 
land. This man was William de Clare, 
whi-, with two of his ancestors, was sur- 
named Strongbow; Gilbert de Clare being 
the first, Richard de Clare being the second, 
and William the third Strongbow. They 
all had been among the mo.st distinguished 
of the great men who came from Norman- 
dy to Britain. They all had been earls of 
Striguil in Normandy, and earls of Pem- 
broke in Wales, But William, who was a 
member of the Runnemede convention, 
was the greatest of them, and a very excel- 
lent man. At the death of John, he was 
at the head of the government; and, says 
Hume, "it happened, fortunately for the 
young monarch and for the nation, that the 
power coukl not ha\ c been inh-us^tcd into 



352 



THE NORMAN PERIOD. 



more able and more faithful hands ;"7 and 
he elsewhere calls him a wise and virtuous 
nobleman. Second, John Mareschal,'' who 
seems to have been one of the barons from 
some of the king's fiefs in Wales. 

It is probable that it was these two dis- 
tinguished men, at least, and probably oth- 
ers, who took, that great care of the interest 
of the people of Wales at Runnemede. If 
the spirit of that care had alwavs been 
manifested towards the Cjmry, the peace- 
ful times, which distinguished that people, 
during the Roman times after Agricola, 
during the reigns of Alfred, Edgar and 
Athelstan, and since the accession of Hen- 
ry VIII, would have been perpetuated; for 
they never engaged in any aggressive or 
foreign war, or any, except that which was 
in defense of the right. The Great Char- 
ter unquestionably inured to tlie benefit 
of the Welsh people, in securing common 
rights and justice, although there was prob- 
ably nothing in it which could not be found 
in Welsh laws and triads. 

A part of the barbarous customs intro- 
duced by the conquerors of the Roman 
empire throughout Western Europe, and 
especially from German^' through France 
and Britain, which neither Christianity nor 
the Great Charter were able at once tu re- 
move, and discontinue as law until very 
modern times, was the trial of judicial mat- 
ters by ordeals and personal combats.9 
These objectionable features in the law con- 
tinued long after the period at which we 
now are, but the progress of civilization 
gradually abolished their use in practice, 
until they became obsolete, as barbarous 
and unchristian. 

During the Saxon and tlie fore part of 
the Norman period war and conflict, and 
even private battles, were looked upon as 
the normal condition of man, and believed 
the result to be the interference of Provi- 
dence — tliat God would decide the risfht. 



7 3 Hume's Hist. Eng-., p. 2 — S. 

8 John M;irshall, late Chief Justice ot the United 
States, has written a stjitcment, an autograph which 
1 liave seen in a lithograph, that his ancestors came 
from Wales to Virginia. The first of tiie name in 
Wales took his surname from being a Mareschal 
under the English government. 

9 See Powell's treaties on the Law of Appellate 
Proceedings, introduction. 



I Book IV. 

! This idea was carried into their trials by 
I combat, and into contention for the posses- 
I sion of property. Violence, blood and car- 
j nage had no repulsion or terror for them. 
j This, undoubtedly, was a part of the bar- 
I barity and superstition introduced into 
I Western Europe by the children and de- 
votees of Woden, which Christianity and 
civilization had not as yet been able to up- 
root and aOolish. During the reign of 
Henry III'" and Edward I, and from thence 
down, the English people began to feel 
these evils, and the better sort of people to 
labor for a reform. Various statutes were 
passed by parliament, reciting the evils,'! 
and enacting the proposed reform. From 
that time gradual improvements were made 
both in the laws, customs, and manners, 
until they have developed inio those of 
modcrii times. Yet the progress was slow 
in overcoming what had been so deeply 
rooted by custom and habit: the privileges 
and lawlessness of the upper class, and the 
absence of general education among the 
lower class of the people. 

In regard to the general character of the 
Anglo-Saxons, it is chosen to follow those 
who have shown themselves to have been 
quite favorable to them. "They were," 
says Hume,^2 "in general a rude, uncultur- 
ed people, ignorant of letters, unskilled in 
the mechanical arts, untamed to submission 
imder laws and government, addicted to in- 
temperance, riot, and disorder. Their best 
quality was their military courage, which 
yet was supported by discipline or conduct. 
Their want of fidelity to the prince, or to 
any trust reposed in them, appears strong- 
ly in the history of their latter period ; and 
their want of humanity in all their history. 
Even the Norman historians, notwithstand- 
ing the low stateof the arts in their own coun- 
try, speak of them as barbarians, when they 



10 See a very good chapter on the subject in the 
Pictorial History of England, Vol. i, B. iii, ch. iii 
and vii; B. iv, ch. iii and vii. 

1 1 See I Pictorial Hist. Eng., p. 853. Statutes of 
137S. 2 Richard II, stat. i, c. 6.: "Do sometimes 
beat and maim, murder and slay the people for to 
have their wives and goods and the same women 
and goods to retain to their own use; sometimes 
take the king's liege people in their houses and 
bring and hold them as prisoners, and at last put 
them to lire and ransom, as it were in a land of war." 

12 History of England, Vol. 1, p. 177. 



rilE CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE. 



Chap. 111.] 

mention the invasion made upon them by 
the duke of Normandy." The authors of 
the Pictorial History of England, '3 extract- 
ing from Ordericus Vitalis and Malmbur^- 
as contemporary English historians, say : 
"They assin-e us that, when the Normans 
iirst came over, the greater number of the 
English clergy could hardly read the 
church service, and that as for any thing 
like learning, they were nearly to a man 
destitute of it; if any one of thenn under- 
stood grain mar, he was admired and won- 
dered at by the rest as a prodigy. The up- 
per classes in general were sunken in sloth 
and self-indulgence, and addicted to the 
coarsest vices. :(=*** Besides other 
gross practices, they were universally given 
to gluttonous feeding and drimkenness; 
continuing over their cups lor whole days 
and night.s, and spending ail their income 
at riotous feasts, when they ate and drank 
to excess without any display either of re- 
finement or of magnilicence. The dress, 
the houses, and the domestic accommoda- 
tions of the people of all ranks were mean 
and wretched in the extreme." This char- 
acter of gluttonous and excessive drinking 
is given by all the Saxon historians of the 
times; but some excuse it as having been 
introduced by the Danes. But this asser- 
tion is very questionable, as it is more prob- 
able that this vicious habit was common to 
both people. In these respects they were 
pyt in contrast with the Celtic people, who 
generally were more temperate, and of 
whom the Normans mostly partook. 

t53. — Tlin Condition of the People from the 
Aruicxation of Wales to the Accession of 
the Tiidors. (^. Z>. 1283— 14S5.) 

The next year after the death of Llewel- 
lyn, the last prince of Wales, Edward I 
proceeded earnestly to do whatever he 
thought necessary to annex Wales, polit- 
ically and judicially, to the government of 
England. Since that time Wales has been 
a part of England as much as Yorkshire, 
and without any great rebellion or commo- 
tion, except that under Owen Glendower. 
This was accomplished after a struggle and 



.^55 



strife of eight hundred years, from the 
time of llengist to tliat of Llewellyn; and 
that end was attained by the continual ar- 
rival of soldiers from the continent, who 
took one piece or province after another, 
making the land their own popcrty, and the 
people their sul)jects. It has been suggest- 
ed by a few, that at an early period, where 
we pos.sess no historical account of the op- 
eration, that the Saxons slaughtered all the 
inhabitants, who did not flee the country — 
men, women and children, so that they 
had an entire vacant country to begin upon. 
This theory is not only contrary to the op- 
eration in subsequent history, and that of 
other countries on the continent, but in it- 
self is so horrid, barbarous and inhuman, 
that both history and humanity impugn it. 
The union and assimilation of both the 
conquerors and the conquered is the only- 
theory consistent with truth and history. 
Prof. Creasy, in his learned essay on the 
English Constitution, reluctantly comes to 
our conclusion, and says: "The same evi- 
dence, both the historical and the philo- 
logical, when carefully scrutinized, leads 
also to the belief that it was only the male 
part of the British population which was 
thus swept away, and that, by reason of 
the union of the British females with the 
Saxon warriors, the British elements were 
largely preserved in our nation."' It seems 
therefore to agree with Mr. Creasy 's sense 
of humanity, reason and history, to save 
all the females and make them a part of 
the English nation, but that all the males, 
— boys under the age of a soldier, and old 
men above it, as well as all those not killed 
in battle, were gathered togetlier by the 
Saxons and murdered or massacred in 
cold blood. This accords w-ith neither hu- 



13 B. iii, ch. vii, p. 637. 



I Creasy's Rise and Progress of the Eng^lish Con- 
stitution, p. iS. But the idea that Ihe Ancient Britons 
were afenerally slauglitered by the Saxons is now so 
generally itnpug'ned tliat it becomes unnecessary to 
cite them. The other idea, that they were expelled 
to Wales is equally unfounded. At the comiuff of 
the Saxons Southern Britain had about two mUlions 
of peoj)le; Wales at that date never had one -tenth of 
that number, and coidd not have received them. No 
theory is, therefore, consistent or admissable, except 
that which consolidates the great body of the An- 
cient Britons with tlie Saxons who came; .and who 
generally were soldiers and single men; and took 
wives, as suggested by Prof. Creasy; and tlie male 
portion of tlic population became their siibjects, and 
perhaps serfs. 



354 



THE NORMAN PERIOD 



manitv nor history, nnd will not be creel iteci 
h_v anv fair and candid mind. 

The annexation by PZdward I completed 
\hh operation, and brought the last of the 
Cymry within the pale of the English gov- 
■ernment and nationality ; and jnst as the 
Britons along the Severn, on the peninsula 
of Cornwall west of the Avon, in Mercia 
iind in every part of England, have become 
Anglo-Briton, so will the people of the 
princijialitv ; and that time is fast approach- 
ing, depending upon the kindness and hos- 
pitality of the English people. 

During the vears i-jS^ and '84, Edward 
spent much of his time in Wales, endeav- 
oring to reconcile its people to their new 
state of things. He visited the cathedral 
of St. David and paid great respect to that 
holy place. The archbishop of Canterbury 
at the same time made a visitorial journey 
throughout the principality, observing very 
tonciliatorv action towards the people. 

In March, 12S3, king Edward enacted 
the statute of Rhiiddlan, which recited that 
the king had caused the laws and regula- 
tions, then in force in those parts, to be 
read before himself and nobles, and their 
bearing being fully understood, he had, by 
the advice of his counsel, annulled some, 
permitted some to stand, and added some 
new ones, all to be perpetually observed 
throughout Wales, which Divine Provi- 
dence had now delivered entirely into his 
hands. Several counties were formed, for 
which Sheriffs and other county officers 
were appointed according to English or- 
ganization; but old division lines were ob- 
served, and leaving the cantrcfs (hundreds) 
and cwinwds (townships) as they were 
marked out by their ancient lines. It also 
prescribes the duties of several officers and 
magishates, and prescribes certain forms of 
iudicial proceedings; and thus announcing 
the general subjugation of the country. 

From the time ot Edward's annexation 
the destiny of Wales and England became 
identified : the Welsh being the last of the 
Cymry or Ancient Britons who became a 
part of the English people: thus becoming 
united, in interest and destiny, with their 
brethren who had so preceeded them, and 
forming a very large, if not the largei", 



(Book IV- 

portion of the English people in blood and 
race. 

The feiuial tenures were undoubtedly in- 
troduced into PZngland by the Saxons, as 
they were carried by the northern people 
wherever they subdued the Roman empire. 
The Normans found it in England, only 
that they by a written code reduced it to 
more certain and specific terms as they had 
done in Normandy. But from the times of 
Richard II down, and especially during 
civil wars and commotion, that tyrannical 
system gradually ameliorated, especially 
during the reigns of John and Henry III. 
In Edward's time it was greatly improved, 
and its most objectionable features taken 
ofi"; and by Cromwell's time but little of it 
was left, and then it was declared that all 
tenures by knight and military services 
should be reduced to tenure by free and 
common socage. So that when the Welsh 
became a part of the people of England, 
the feudal system did not exist in its great- 
est enormity. But the Welsh alw.\vs pro- 
tested against that system ; and in various 
treaties with the English, they annually 
provided that no feudal tenure should ap- 
ply to any of their concessions. It is be- 
lieved that no feudal tenures ever existed 
in Wales, though they probably did in some 
certain English lordships which were taken 
as conquered territory. Soon after the an- 
nexation the English tenures ceased to be 
so objectionable, and became as kind aS' 
those in Wales. But it was not only the 
land tenures that had thus ameliorated in 
England, but the whole system of human 
rights and freedom had improved. 

After the reign of Henry II the condition 
of the English people began to improve in 
every respect. Slavery, serfdom, and arbi- 
trary government began to yield towards a 
humane and rational liberty; a government 
of exclusive aristocracy, to the just claims 
of the great body of the commonality; and 
the arbitrary powers of the monarch to im- 
pose taxes as he might deem best, to yield 
to the just claims of the people. 

In the reign of John the Great Charter 
did much towards restraining arbitrary 
power, and to secure personal freedom. 
Tovyards the close of the long reign of 



I 



Chap. III.] THE CONDITION 

Henry III, of fifty-six years, next after that 
of John and the Great Charter, there was 
great progress made in political freedom 
and personal rights, principally by the ad- 
vocacy of Simon de Montfort, the great 
earl of Leicester, who attempted a great 
reform and innovation in the government 
of England. In the struggle which this 
attempt brought upon him with the king 
and the aristocracy^ his greatest confederate 
and aid was Llewellyn, prince of Wales, 
before his own troubles came on. It was 
Leicester who made the first attempt to- 
wards the reform of parliament and place 
it within the reach of the people. Under 
his influence it was ordered that four 
knights for eacli county should be chosen to 
represent to parliament the grievances of 
the people.2 But it was afterwards that he 
attempted the great reform: "He ordered 
returns to be made of two knights trom 
each shire, and, what is more remarkable, 
of deputies from the boroughs, an order of 
nien which, in former ages, had always 
been regarded as too mean to enjoy a place 
in the national councils.''^ But this was too 
great an innovation upon the close aristoc- 
racy of the English government up to that 
time, to be countenanced or repeated ; and 
at that time there was no indication of a 
house of commons, or that the people were 
to share any part in the government. 

But it was not until ai"ter thirty years 
from Leicester's time that we find that the 
people had obtained any real hold on the 
government. Previous to that time all the 
attempted reformation we find in the En- 
glish history came from partisans of the 
nobility themselves, but after that we find 
the people — the plebeians — acting and con- 
tending for human right. Until then, in 
the reign of Edward I, the people were 
kept down, in too abject condition to un- 
derstand or think of a liberal form of gov- 
ernment. By a combination of the aris- 
tocracy, the people were kept too far from 
political power to dream that they could 
participate in it. But now the principles 
secured by the Great Charter, and those 

2 See I Hume's History of Enj^land, p. 3^. 

3 Hume, ut supra, p. 53. 

23 



OF THE PEOPLE. 355 

contended for by the earl of Leicester, be- 
gan to produce fruit, and open the eyes and 
understanding of the people. Hume is, 
therefore, undoubtedly right in saying: 
"This period, which is the twenty-third of 
his reign, (Edward I,) seems to be the real 
and true epoch of the house of commons, 
and the faint dawn of popular government 
in England. For the representatives of the 
counties were only deputies from the small- 
er barons and lesser nobility; and the 
former precedent of representatives from 
the boroughs, who were summoned by the 
earl of Leicester, was regai-ded as the act 
of a violent usurpation, had been discon- 
tinued in all the subsequent parliaments."'! 
This period, and this reformation in the 
government and tlie condition of the peo- 
ple, was ten years after the annexation of 
Wales; and it aided in assimilating the laws 
and condition of the two people; and pre- 
serve for the Welsh people the personal 
rights and freedom to which they had been 
accustomed. The opposition that the kings 
of England encountered with some portion 
of the nobility themselves, induced the 
sovereign sometimes to side with the peo- 
ple in opposition to the wishes of the 
barons. The kings frequently found the 
people the best supporters of the just 
claims of the throne; and adopted the pol- 
icy of encouraging and protecting the 
more industrious orders of the state, who 
were found well disposed, when well treat- 
ed, to obey the laws, and maintain civil in- 
stitutions, and whose industi-y and integrity 
best promoted the progress and welfare of 
the state. Their progressive improvement 
in the government and condition of the 
people proceeded onward to meet the great 
improvement that came with the Tudor 
dynasty. In the meantime this progres- 
sion was sometimes interrupted or retarded 
by civil or foreign war, which invariably 
was the result of the work of the nobility 
rather than that of the commonalty. The 
war of the Lancaster and York factions — 
of the red and white roses, was a matter 
wholly of the nobility, in which there was 
not a single principle of good government 
or freedom at stake. Still the nobility sus- 

4 2 Hume's History of England, p. loi. 



356 



THE NORMAN PERIOD. 



[Book IV, 



tained losses, and were so reduced in num- 
bers in tlie course of the wars and contro- 
versy, that the position of tlie commonalty 
was greatly promoted in the result. The 
lords were constantly diminishing and dis- 
appearing, while new great men were as 
often rising and appearing from among the 
plebeians. 

In this manner the commons of England, 
so very different from former times, have 
arisen, upon whom so much of the power 
and glory of their country depends. The 
apparent difference in the character of the 
English — country, government and people 
— before and after the reign of Edward I, 
it is no wonder that Macaulay says: "Here 
commences the history of the English na- 
tion. The history of the previous events is 
the history of wrongs inflicted and siis- 
tained," not only by various tribes upon one 
another, but by one class of the same peo- 
ple and race upon another, while inhabit- 
ing the same soil and neighborhood; and 
this, too, by Saxons upon one another, as 
well as by Normans upon their subjects. 

The distinction that the Saxons, from an 
early period in their history, made between 
one class of their people, by which one was 
the ruler and the holder of land and the 
other the mere serf, was so deeply rooted 
that it took a great while to uproot it. It 
was this Saxon aristocracy, founded upon a 
descent from Woden, which enabled the 
Normans so easily to overcome them, and 
■ establish their government; and transfer 
the land, and the people living thereon, at 
once from Saxon lords to Norman lords, 
by the mere transfer of great lordships and 
manors. Had the land of the country been 
divided up into the hands of independent 
land-holders— the yeomanry of the country 
such as existed in Cromwell's time and now 
exists in the United States, such transfer 
could never have taken place. But be- 
tw-een John's time and that of Cromwell's 
this change did transpire, deep rooted and as 
slow as it was. It seems from history that 
as firmly fixed as these evils were, the peo- 
ple in their slow progress as often profiled 
by weaknesses, vices, and errors of their 
rulers, as by any other means. John and 
Henry III, and the war of the roses, were 



good examples of this. 

In the course of the progress of this 
reformation, we come upon instances of 
the new principles and customs coming in 
conflict with the old in a singular manner. 
It would seem that sometimes old habits 
and errors were too deeply fixed tor them 
to get out of the way for the new to have 
its full operation. The love of war, and 
bloodshed and carnage, which the Saxons, 
in common with all the northern barbarians, 
brought into Britain, which was the legiti- 
mate fruit of Wodenism, and which carried 
with it the habit of personal and judicial 
combats; and that of redressing personal 
wrongs by force, and sometimes carrying 
on a private war to gain a wrong, or redress 
a private injury. This was frequently the 
case in those warlike times, tolerated or suf- 
fered, to the manifest injury of good gov- 
ernment and laws, and to the great detri- 
ment of the interest of the people. 

We have an account of a transaction in 
the reign of Edward IV, about 1460, which 
singularly discloses the character of the 
times and illustrates what has been said. 
The case was a contest for the possession 
of an estate known as Caister.- The Pas- 
tons were in possession claiming the estate 
under the late will of "the celebrated war- 
rior Sir John Fastolf"; and the possession 
contested by the duke of Norfolk, who pro- 
ceeded to lay regular seige 'to the manor- 
house, to recover the possession. On being 
informed of this, one of the Pastons (Sir 
John) writes to his brother, to comfort him 
in the seige and encourage the defense, 
that he had procured "four well assured 
and true men, to do all manner of things 
that they oe desired to do in safeguard or 
strengthening of the said place; and the\' 
be proved men, and cunning in the war and 
n feats of anns; and they can well shoot 
both guns and cross-bows, and mend and 
string them, and devise bulwarks, and keep 
watch and ward" * * * * for fear of 
the assault being made, "I send you these 
men. Ye shall find them gentlemanly, 
comfortable fellows, and that they will and 
dare abide by their taking." It appears that 



S See 2 Vol. Pictorial History of England, B. 
ch. vii, p. 265. 



Chap. III.] 



THE CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE. 



557 



the siege went on tor some time; that the 
duke called in his tenants to his aid and 
sent for guns, powder and other ammuni- 
tion. The besieged were sore pressed ; two 
of the men "be dead," and others sorely ' 
hurt. The mother writes to Sir John Pas- 
ton urging him to get either the duke of 
Clarance or the archbishop of York to ap- 
ply to the duke of Nortblk for terms of ac- 
commodations. After some time, we are 
informed, Caister was given up to the duke; 
and that the want of money, and the con- 
sequent failure of victuals and gunpowder, 
had compelled the brave garrison to sur- 
render. The historian remarks upon this 
case : "These are exactly the circumstances 
we might expect between two parties not 
living under the dominiiin of any common 
law or government at all. Yet, if the law 
did not expressly sanction the present pro- 
ceedings, it appears to have looked on 
without ever attempting to interrupt them." 
They were the relics of a ruder age, when 
war, fighting and bloodshed were looked 
upon with, at least, composure. 

The Welsh now ceased to exist as an in- 
dependent people. After so long and glo- 
-rious a struggle for their freedom, they 
were compelled to yield to destiny, as did 
the greatest and best of nations before them. 
They have submitted to the inevitable laws 
of Providence^ and force of nature, and are 
now united to their brethren in that union, 
which for so many ages had been swallow- 
ing up so many of their race, and which 
constitutes, if not a majority of their blood, 
at least a very large portion of the English 
people. In the course of this conquest, 
from the Roman times down, we find evi- 
dence of the character given them by Taci- 
tus, a people easily led by kindness and 
justice, but hard to be driven by oppression 
and wrong. This has become a part of the 
character of the British people as though 
it were the development of its soil. Ac- 
cordingly we find, in the dealings of 
the Saxons and Normans with the An- 
cient Britons and their descendants, the 
greatest extreme and opposition of these 
principles, of kindness and justice on the 
one hand, and oppression and cruelty on 
the other; the justice and kindness of 



Alfred produced a long peace and har- 
mony, as the oppression and cruelty of Of- 
fa produced relentless war. In the same 
manner may be compared the justice and 
kindness of the Great Charter towards the 
Welsh, or that of Montfort, the earl of Lei- 
cester, towards them, with that determined 
hostility and injustice manifested by Ed- 
ward I. But these acts of injustice and 
cruelty are past and gone, and cannot 
now be remedied ; they belong to another 
age. Whether it be true or false that Ed- 
ward, in order to complete his conquest, 
collected the Welsh bards together and 
massacred them, in order to silence their 
praises in favor of their independence and 
freedom, and against the oppression and 
tyranny of their enemies; it mvist be true 
that the bards met him with the greatest 
hostility ,<> and thousands of them met their 
death on account of their patriotism, as 
they did of old with the Romans. 

This difierence of action on the part of 
the Welsh, dependent on the spirit with 
which they were met at various times, has 
sometimes been misrepresented, and 
charged against the Welsh as characteris- 
tic of their capricious and unstable disposi- 
tion, and faithlessness. But impartial his- 
torians have attributed this change of dis- 
position to their true and just causes — to 
the just or the oppressive treatment which 
they received from those by whom they 
were surrounded, and with wjiom they had 
to deal. When acts of robbery, injustice and 
oppression were imposed upon them, they 
would resent it and rebel. For instance, 
their last great rebellion was that of Owen 
Glendower; and that was brought about 
by the injustice and wrongs of Henry IV 
towards him ; and that was because Owen 
did riot support his usurpation to the crown 
in opposition to the right heir. Glendower 
was therefore contending for the right in 
opposition to usurpation and wrong. By 
this injustice he was driven to declare the 
independence and freedom of his country. 
Impartial historians have repeatedly taken 
this view of the Welsh character, and in 
answer to these charges made against them, 

6 2 Thieiiy's Nonnaii Conquest, p. 2S1. 



THE NORMAN PERIOD. 



358 

Thierry says :7 "The reproach of fickleness 
and perfidy so long lavished on the free 
population of Southern Gaul bj' their na- 
tional enemies, the French and Anglo- 
Normans, constantly applied to the natives 
of Cambria. And, indeed, if it were per- 
fidy not to recognize any right of conquest, 
and to make incessant efforts to shake oft' 
the foreign ^yoke, the Welsh were certainly 
the most faithless of all nations; for their 
resiiitance to the Normans, by force and by 
stratagem, was as pertinacious as had been 
that of their ancestors against the Anglo- 
Saxons," This vindication of the Welsh 
character has been made by other fair and 
impartial historians. They have consid- 
ered how these people have been encroach- 
ed upon for ages, as though the surround- 
ing world was combined to rob them, until 
their last stronghold was taken. The Sax- 
ons and Normans were constantly making- 
new approaches upon them, and every 
new acquisition defended with immense 
castles; and their new approaches gained 
by constantly recruited forces from Eng- 
land, Germany and France, until the oper- 
ation of ages had worn them out. "These 
tyrannical lords and greedy retainers could 
not follow tne example of the king's mod- 
eration — their cruel excesses and their in- 
sulting demeanor towards the Welsh con- 
tinually provoked hostilities, and kept alive 
feelings which frequently vented them- 
selves in deeds scarcely more lawless than 
those out of which they arose."8 Still the 
brave people were firm to the last in their 
resolution to resist the wrong, with strong 
Faith in their destiny and hopes in the jus- 
tice of Providence. Said a Welsh moun- 
taineer to Henry II: "Thou seest this poor 
people, but such as they are thou shalt 
never subdue them — that is reserved alone 
for God in his wrath." Though it may not 
have been the wrath of God, and the coun- 
try may have been reduced by Henry's 
great grandson, vet "seldom has ever a 
race made a longer or more gallant stand 
for liberty." "When better times and bet- 
ter feeling come, though the Welsh, being 

7 2 Norman Conquest, Conclusion, n, p. 279. 

8 I Pictorial History of England, p. 676. 



[Book IV. 

less numerous and far more exposed, were 
less fortunate than the Scots, their valor 
entitles them to the same admiration and 
sympathy ; and the high national character 
of the united kingdom of Great Britain 
may, perhaps, be in part owing to the fact 
that no one portion of it fell an easy or de- 
graded conquest to the other."9 

Although Wales was annexed by Ed- 
ward I to England, yet no great violence 
was done to her laws and institutions. A 
Welsh historian, writing in A. D. 1740, 
says: "It is true that a great many techni- 
cal terms, peculiar to the law, have become 
obsolete since king Howel's code was dis- 
continued. The majority of his laws re- 
mained in force until the time of Henry 
VIII, who was the great grandson of OAven 
Tudor, of Anglesea."io For ages have the 
English and the Welsh been in the habit of 
coming in contact with each other, either 
as opponents or allies, or as associates. In 
war they have been enemies, yet in peace 
often friends. Since the time of Cadwalla 
and Penda they have been often allies and 
associates upon extensive fields and in large 
operations. They are more alike than any 
two different races, and differ more in lan- 
guage than in anything else ; and now, as 
better and more generous times have come 
on, the English, as a new language, is be- 
coming common to both. In the United 
States the Germans say that the Welsh and 
the English are more alike tlian any other 
two people ; their hopes and desire was to 
Germanize them both. In the mountain- 
ous districts of Wales the rustic appear- 
ance of the country is retained, as it is in 
all countries away from city influence and 
its cultivation; but in the low lands and 
cities the traveler finds all that modern im- 
provement has given to England. 

But during the v.'- hole Norman period — 
during that daybreak from the preceding 
night of the dark ages in which barbarity 
had swallowed up Europe, it may be well 
claimed that in point of civilization the 
Welsh were, of themselves, in advance, in 
their condition, of the rest of Western Eu- 

9 Ibid, p. 672. 

10 Tlieo. Evans' Primitive Ag-es, p. 132. 



Chap. III.] 

rope. They were the reHcs of the Roman 
better days. The Cambrians were the only 
people of Western Europe that the barbar- 
ians had not conquered and reduced at 
once under the dark period of their reign. 
They were surrounded by it, but not over- 
come with it. That was reserved for the 
returning light and civilization of the time 
of Edward I. In the meantime the Cymry 
had preserved their holy religion against 
the conquest of Wodenism, their literature 
from being swallowed up in the dark ages, 
and their civilization from the days of the 
Romans down, as it was found by Augus- 
tin when he came to Christianize the Sax- 
on pagans; and as described by Giraldus 
Cambrensis, in the time of Henry II. In 
tlie subsequent times of the Edwards, we 
meet with frequent accounts of their happy 
condition when not afflicted by war, brought 
on them for conquest by Saxon, Dane or 
Norman invaders. It was not that of great 
cities and commerce, for of that they were 
cut off, by the enemies and barbarity which 
surrounded them, but it was that of Ar- 
cadian simplicity, refined by love of litera- 
ture, of freedom, and of Christian religion, 
as preserved by them, from those Roman 
days, when their ancestors were in the pos- 
session of all Southern Britain. 

They cultivated the Christian religion in 
ts simplicity and purity, and always against 
the mere dogmas and corruption of the 
Roman church. They cultivated literature 
in a degree superior to any in Western 
Europe, and personal civil liberty unat- 
tained in any other country. It was that 
love of personal liberty, in opposition to 
the leudalism and serfdom of the Saxons 
and Normans, that caused their greatest 
opposition to them. It was customary 
among them to hold frequent eisteddvod, 
or assemblies, for the cultivation of litera- 
ture, poetry, music and general intelligence 
and science. We frequently find accounts 
of such assemblies held by private gentle- 
men on their own estates at their own ex- 
pense, when, for that day, great refinement 
and taste were exhibited. 

The condition in which many of the 
Welsh gentry lived, even in the stormy 
days of the annexation, can be gathered 



THE CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE. 



359 



from many accounts given in prose and 
poetry. A bard of that day describes the 
principal abode of Owen Glendower, in 
the parish of Llansilin, and called Sycarth. 
It is said that this residence of the chief- 
tain, before it was destroyed by his enemies, 
would compare in splendor with the palace 
at Westminster. In the midst of one of 
the finest of the numerous scenes to be 
lound in Wales, the stranger entered the 
premises, by a gate-house, surrounded by a 
moat and rampart, so common in those 
days, inclosing nine halls with their neces- 
sary conveniences. To these were added 
the church with its chapels. Near by, on 
the green bank, stood a wooden edifice, 
covered with tile, containing four apart- 
ments, with two chambers each, prepared 
for the reception of the guests who might 
visit this stately residence. Around these 
in their proper places were the park, a fish- 
pond stocked with fine fish, the warren, the 
dovecote, the orchard, vineyard and the 
mill, with every other appendage suitable 
to the owner's condition and rank. 

Such establishments were then common 
in that country, as they are now with such 
gentlemen as Sir W. W. Wynn, Sir C. 
Morgan and others. But it was not in 
these physical and ornate matters that the 
Cymry excelled; for it is their culture, in 
that day, of literature, taste and intellect, in 
prose and verse, in song and story, which 
has produced the vindication and admira- 
tion of the candid of modern times. 
Among these Thierry may be ranked, who 
says : "But the books of this petty nation 
were so full of poetry, they had so power- 
ful an impress of enthusiasm and convic- 
tion, that once translated into other lan- 
guages, they became most attractive reading 
for foreigners, and the theme upon which 
the romance writers of the middle ages 
most frequently constructed their fictions. 
It was thus that Arthur, the old war chief 
of the Cambrians, appeared in the fabulous 
histories of the Normans and French 
tronveres, the ideal of a perfect knight, and 
the greatest king that ever wore a crown."^i 



T! 2 Thierry's Norman Conquest, B. xi, p. 19S. 
And Thierry is fully confirmetl by what Prof. M. 
Arnold says in his essays on Celtic Literature. 



HISTORY OF THE ANCIENT BRITONS, 

AND THEIR DESCENDANTS. 



BOOK v.— THE MODERN PERIOD. 

From the Accession of Henry VII, to that of Queen Victoria. 

(A. D. 1485—1837-) 



CHAPTER I. 

CIVIL AND POLITICAL CHANGES OF THE 
PERIOD. 

%i.— T/ie Tudor Dynasty. {A. D. 1485— 
1603.) 



The accession of Henry Tudor, earl of 
Richmond, to the English throne as Henry 
VH, forms a striking epoch not only in the 
history of Britain but that in tlie history of 
the world. A thousand j'cars transpired 
from the fall of the Roman empire to the 
reformation — from the time when the bar- 
barism of the north, throughout Western 
Europe, triumphed over civilization, pagan- 
ism over Christianity, and violence and 
bloodshed over humanity and justice. This 
era, so terrible in the history of mankind, 
has been denominated the dark ages, or 
middle ages. It is difficult to fix the pre- 
cise time when this era commenced or 
terminated; but it has been sometimes put 
as commencing with the fall of the West- 
ern Roman empire, A. D. 476, and termin- 
ating with the commencement of the 
reformation, A. D. 1520. As to the precise 
time, it may be justly varied in one way or 
another, for the commencement or termin- 
ation of the period ; but so far as Britain is 
concerned, no permanent land-mark can 
be placed, so just, for the beginning and 
end of that fatal era, as that of Hengist and 
Henry VH; as its beginning and ending 
from A. D. 450 to 1485. That truly was a 
dark period, when the progress of mankind 
in civilization and improvements was turn- 



ed back for a period of at least a thousand 
years. 

The government of England by the 
Saxons was a fair outgrowth of the state ot 
things existing in that dark age. It was b 
monaichy in some measure controlled by 
a hereditary nobility, all claiming to be 
descendants of one family, in whom was 
vested the real property and all the political 
power. 1 As to the landed property and 
political freedom, the great mass of the 
people of England were in a very abject 
and hopeless condition. The Normans so 
found them, and transferred the landed 
property and political power from Saxon 
lords to Norman lords, leaving the great 
mass of the people in the condition they 
found them. The Norman king assumed 
the sovereignty with almost despotic rule; 
and still he claimed only to take and exer- 
cise the powers and authority of Edward 
the Confessor. Edward had a council of 
advisers of such of the Saxon nobility as 
he chose to summon, called the Witena- 
gemot, in which the people had no part. 
The king and this council governed the 
country as they pleased ; raised taxes, de- 
clared war and peace as they thought best. 
The Norman king, for a long time, assumed 
the like rights and powers, with the aid of 
a new council, composed of such of his 



I See ante B. Thouarh this position is contrary to . 
received oinnion, yet il^is fully sustained by historica 
facts The Saxon aristocracy was so close and ex- 
clusive, and opposed to the interest and freedom o 
the people. Godwin and his family were the onlv 
plebeians ever admitted to the Saxon nobility, and 
that was only accomplished by Danish influence. 



362 



THE MODERN PERIOD. 



Norman nobility as he chose to summon ; 
and in tliis the people and their influence 
were entirely excluded. This council, in- 
stead of being called the Witenagemol, 
was denominated the parliament ; but which 
contained no moi-e of the admirable ele- 
ments of the present English parliament 
than of a Turkish divan, or congress being 
the representative of the old native Indian 
council. The reformation and improve- 
ment in these respects between the time of 
John and the termination of that of Richard 
III., was the natural growth of the new- 
state of things and the native desire of the 
people for the exercise of their just rights 
and liberties. 

The reform in the English government 
from the time of the conquest to the acces- 
sion of Henry VII, was very slow and 
gradual. There did not appear to be anv 
until the adoption of the great charter at 
Runnemede; and that was exclusively the 
work of the Norman barons, to secure their 
rights against the arbitrary measures of 
their king ; which did not apply to the great 
body of the people, as villains, serfs and 
slaves, except as they afterwards became 
freemen. The government was exclusive- 
ly in the hands of the king and his nobility ; 
and they were, in a great measure, the 
creatures of his own creation. The com- 
monalty, which afterwards acquired a voice 
in the government, then had no part in it. 

But until after Edward I, the Norman 
kings of England were also dukes of Nor- 
mandy, and were interested in supporting 
their interest there, which caused them to 
divide their attention and expenditures be- 
tween England and Normandy. To meet 
these expenditures, the king resorted to op- 
pressive measures to raise the necessary 
revenue, which fell upon his nobility in 
England. These oppressive measures they 
resisted, which produced a civil war, and 
which resulted in a compromise between 
the king and his nobility by the adoption 
of the great charter as their security. After 
that the number of freemen between the 
nobility and the great mass of bondmen 
began to increase, to become independent 
freeholders and of some importance in the 
state. At the close of the reign of Henry 



[Book V. 

Ill, Mountfort, the earl of Leicester, in his 
opposition to the king, procured to be sum- 
moned to parliament two knights from each 
shire, and deputies from the boroughs; but 
it is apprehended that these were only to 
represent the interest of their constituents 
to parliament, and were not members of it 
themselves. But at any rate this measure 
of Leicester was looked upon by the no- 
bility as being so obnoxious to them, in 
making the people themselves a part of the 
government and state, and as an usurpa- 
tion, that the measure was dropped, and not 
again heard of, until towards the close of 
the reign of Edward I;2 when probably the 
house of commons was first formed, a 
period of about eighty years after the time 
of procuring the Great Charter. After the 
admission of the commons in parliament, 
constitutional principles of freedom, and 
the advancement of the people in the rank 
of manhood, gradually progressed towards 
what we find it at this day. But it is vain 
to attempt to find the origin of the political 
and civil liberties of the British people, in 
any of the institutions of the Saxon or 
Norman period, prior to Edward I ; or to 
find the origin of the house of commons 
before that time. It was then that the 
British people began to be emancipated 
from that thralldom which Saxon and Nor- 
man aristocracy had bound upon them ; and 
the first step towards it was the admission 
of the people to a participation in the gov- 
ernment, by the formation of the house of 
commons, the glory of the British govern- 
ment, and the model for every government 
that deserves a name. 

But the progress of the English people 
in the principles and institutions of a free 
and just government, from Edward I to 
Henry VII, was slow, and only progres- 
sive. It required much time for the people 
to be emancipated from those institutions 
fixed upon them by the institutions of the 
dark ages. It was necessary for them to 
be relieved of that exclusive and oppressive 
aristocracy instituted by the Saxons as 
founded upon their claim of descent from 
Woden, which in a modified and more lib- 



2 2 Hume's History of England, pp. 96—106; 
Creasy's English Constitution, p, 177; see ante B. 



Chap. I.] 

eral form fell into the hands of the Nor- 
mans; and to Jje enfranchised into those 
free and liberal institutions which consti- 
tute and support the house of commons. 
Gradually, between the time of Edward I 
and that of Tudor, these great operations 
in the course of human freedom were pro- 
gressing, but not tinally accomplished. 
This progress was more the result of 
time and circumstances, and the action 
of the barons, than any great move- 
ment of the people themselves, as in 
Cromwell's time. The aristocracy became 
numerous, and a portion of them frequent- 
ly found themselves oppressed by the un- 
just and oppressive n;easiu-es of the gov- 
ernment. A portion of them then became 
the advocates of a more just and liberal 
government, as was the case in the time of 
Leicester under Henry III. At such time 
the people would profit by their advocacy 
and movement, more than in any of their 
own. Then came on those dit^cult times, 
from the accession of Henry VI to the 
end of the reign of Richard III, a period 
of about sixty years, in which transpired 
the tatal war of the roses, when a large 
portion of the nobles lost their lives in a 
partisan war, in which there was no prin- 
ciple at stake; but by which the people 
gained by the mere loss and reduction of 
the nobility. The battle of Bosworth 
brought those distracted times to a close; 
and the new administration gave a fair op- 
portunity to the sound principles and 
reformation of the government that had 
been for years progressing, to be perfected 
and consolidated. Of this opportunity 
Henry VII availed himself with that sagaci- 
t}' and wisdom <or whicli he was distin- 
guished. Tudor's legal title to the crown 
was much questioned, and he himself 
placed his right upon various grounds. He 
endeavored to satisfy all parties — the Lan- 
casterians of the red rose, by his descent 
from Catharine, his grandmother, the 
widow of Henry V ; the Yorkist, or the 
white rose, by his marriage with Elizabeth, 
the daughter of Edward IV ; and did not 
neglect to claim some right to rule by his 
descent from Arthur and the princes of the 
Ancient Britons through Owen Tudor; nor 



CIVIL AND POLITICAL CHANGES. 



1(^3 



did he deem his right to sovereignty was 
any less than William the Conqueror, by 
his victory of Bosworth-lield. Still his 
right was frequently contested by uneasj 
partisans, who, when unable to find a legiti- 
mate claimant to the throne, set up, at least, 
two difterent spurious pi^etenders, which 
Henry was able to defeat with his usual 
sagacity and success. 

In the accession ot Henry VII, England 
was particularly happy in receiving a mon- 
arch, just such a one, as the people and the 
times then stood in need. He favored the 
rise and advancement of the people, rather 
than the restoration of the unbounded 
power and influence of the nobility. He 
delighted more in witnessing the progress 
and prosperity of the people and country, 
than in the glory of war and conquest. He 
was devoted to his country, and sought its 
interest, in opposition to conquest and ex- 
tension of territory. In this he showed the 
wisdom and realized the success of Ca- 
rausius of old. He promoted the interest 
and prosperity ot the people by authorizing 
the nobility to sell and alienate their lands, 
and by various means to avoid and abolish 
the trammels of the feudal system. Though 
he possessed the reputation of a brave, ex- 
perienced and able warrior, yet he greatly 
loved peace and its prosperity to any other 
honorable consideration. Throughout Eu- 
rope he was extolled as a shrewd and saga- 
cious monarch, and his great wisdom every- 
where acknowledged. He was economical 
and saving, and by that means greatly in- 
creased his treasury; and his success in 
this respect, in the latter part of his life, 
brought upon him the reputation of being 
avaricious and sordid, and resorting to un- 
just means to increase his wealth. His 
reign was a great success, and has received 
the great commendation of such historians 
as lord Bacon. To the Cymry it was a 
great triumph, for they considered it as the 
restoration of one of their own country- 
men to the throne of Britain. All the 
Tudors, to queen Elizabeth, the last of 
them, always treated the Welsh with great 
kindness, and were always forward in ac- 
knowledging their kindred. Whatever 
they did to the contrary was thought to be 



564 



THE MODERN PERIOD 



to the interest of the nation. 

After a reign of twenty-four years, Hen- 
ry VII died, and was succeeded by his son, 
Henry VIII, A. D. 1509. The latter as- 
cended tlie throne at the early age of eigh- 
teen, under the most flattering circumstan- 
ces, with all the hearty congratulation of 
his people, and the advantage that the 
prosperous reign of his father could add to 
them. Like all of the Tudor dynasty, he 
was distinguished for his pre-eminent abili- 
ty for executive and administrative talent 
and capacity; but less marked with that 
superior wisdom and sound judgment which 
distinguished his father. There is a strik- 
ing uniformity in vigor and success of the 
reign of all the Tudors and, during their 
time, in the prosperity and welfare of the 
country. The father had raised the position 
of England in the scale of nations, sociallv 
and commercially, to an altitude which it 
never before attained ; but it is the reign of 
Henry VIII and that of his daughter, Eliza- 
beth, which specially exalts the English 
government and people, and gives to their 
history an interest which no other period 
has attained. It was then that England 
w-as coming out in the early daylight from 
the darkness of the middle ages. The feud- 
al system was then fast giving way before 
the action of the government and people to 
a more just, equitable and rational system 
of real property ; the old Saxon close aris- 
tocracy, which might be truly denominated 
a caste, was broken down by that of the 
Normans, and the latter was now placed 
on a more liberal basis; parliament was 
now fully organized with its house of com- 
mons, so that the people felt that they had 
a share and an interest in the government 
and state ; her commerce and manufacturing 
interest began to develop themselves ; and 
above all, peace and its blessings began to 
be more lo\ed than war. 

The general character of the reign of 
Henry VIII was like that of his father, 
that of peace, and its accompanying inci- 
dents. During the preceding ages nothing 
was more common than a kirfg, or perhaps 
the lord or baron of a district, to make war 
upon his neighbor, with very little or no 
cause or pretense, except to show a due de- 



[Book V 

gree of enterprise and spirit. The history 
of such events informs us that the enter- 
prising ruler went with an army into the 
territory of his enemy and there took towns 
and laid them in ashes, ravaged the coun- 
try, and returned witli immense spoils. 
This was looked upon as a glorious aftair, 
though the people in the desjx)iled district 
were left in a miserable and suftering con- 
dition. Butthey received but little or no 
sympathy; all was for the glory and ad- 
vantage of the ruler or lord, and nothing 
for the misery and suftering of the people. 
This was war and the state of things that 
the northern barbarian brought upon West- 
ern Europe, and especially upon Britain 
during those past ages. This fondness ot 
war was now giving way for the peace, 
happiness and prosperity of the people; and 
the Tudors were distinguished for taking 
the advance in the movement. It is some- 
what surprising that Christianity was una- 
ble to accomplish its legitimate ends in this 
respect sooner. But the priesthood of that 
day were frequentlv warriors as well as 
priests; and be sure thev would be slow in 
presenting the benevolent doctrines of 
peace and good will of their holy master, 
in opposition to the taste and interest of 
the aristocracy of the country. They were 
sure not to urge the true doctrines of their 
religion to the advantage of the people, 
against the interest and wishes of their 
lords. 

Soon after the accession of Henry VIII, 
the Pope of Rome, Julius II, was an ambi- 
tious and ruling spirit, and a disturber of 
the peace of Europe. He united Maximil- 
lian, of Austria, Louis XII, of France, and 
Ferdinand, of Spain, in a league at Cam- 
bray, for the purpose, by the means of their 
united arnis, to overwhelm, if not to crush, 
the prosperous commonwealth of Venice. 
Henrv incautiously permitted his name to 
be added to the confederacy, which event- 
ually involved the most of Europe in war. 
This excited the ambition of the youthful 
king; and the intrigues of the continental 
monarchs induced him to embark, with 
many of his nobility and an army, in a war 
with France, brought on by the intrigues 
and misrepresentation of his father-in-law, 



Chap. I.] 

Ferdinand, of Spain. While Ilenr}- was 
thus engaged in France, with no great dis- 
tinction or advantage to tlie country, James 
IV, of Scotland, though the husband of 
Henry's oldest sister, was so concerned for 
the safety of France, his ancient ally, who 
was then in great danger from the combi- 
nation of enemies against her, was induced 
to make a diversion in favor of France by 
prosecuting a war against England. For 
that purpose he collected a large Scotish 
arm\ and crossed the Tweed into England. 
Henry's lieutenant in England, Howard, 
the earl ot Surrey, advanced north with a 
considerable army to meet the king of 
Scotland. These maneuvers resulted in a 
battle a little south of the Tweed, on Eng- 
lish ground, and known as the battle of 
Flodden, the most noted battle of the times. 
The two armies were about equal, being 
about thirty thousand each; but the Eng- 
UnIi had liic iiiD^t experience and discipline, 
for they hail just i-eceived five thousand 
veterans retiuned with their e.\perience in 
the war in France. The most of the Scots 
were of recent levies, and needed the ex- 
perience and discipline of their opponents; 
but fought with their usual gallantry and 
braver^'. After consideral^le maneuvering, 
the battle commenced about the middle of 
the afternoon, September 9th, 1513, when 
the left wing of the Scots, under Huntley 
and Home, fighting on foot, with their long 
pikes, "fell on the right wing of the Eng- 
lish, under Sir Edmund Howard, with a 
fury that was irresistible." That wing of 
the English was beaten, and "part of the 
men fled in great disorder." "It is said 
that most of the fugitives were men of 
Cheshire, whose wonted valor was impaired 
by their being separated from the rest of 
their countrymen, and placed under the 
command of a Howard, instead of a Stan- 
ley." Howard and the remainder of his 
wing were saved by the opportune aid of 

he rest of the army. The battle then 
raged long and fierce. The Scotish High- 

anders, charged with that determined bra- 
very as though each man thought that with 
his own broad sword or battle-axe he was 
to decide that great battle. The English 
were at first astonished at their temeritv 



CIVIL AND POLITICAL CHANGES. 



365 



and valor. But making great eftbrts, the 
English succeeded in driving them back, 
with great slaughter. "The two chief 
commanders of the Scots, the earls of Len- 
nox and Argyle, both perished on the field. 
St;uile\- now charged king James' center 
on the right fiank and rear, while at the 
same time he was compelled to meet the 
shock of Surrey's attack in front. James 
was now surrounded by a circle of foes, ex- 
cited to desperation, and seemed to have 
adopted the savage resolution of giving no 
quarter."3 Then the king of the Scots 
bravely met his last, in the midst of heaps 
of his devoted countrymen. Night came 
on and separated the surviving combatants. 
Surrey, the English commander, was at a 
loss to know whether he had gained a vic- 
tory or sustained a defeat; but the morning 
disclosed to him, by the retreat of the Scots, 
that it was a victory, but a dear one. But 
it was a still dearer one to the Scots, for 
they had sustained a very great loss in men, 
but a grievous one in the loss of their king 
and so many of their leading men. 

The battle of Flodden was the last great 
and interesting battle fought by Britons on 
British soil during the reign of the Tudors. 
This race, though abundantly distinguished 
for their resolution and courage, are also 
greatly distinguished for their love of peace, 
and the prosperity of the country. But 
what was still as observable, was .the nu- 
merous great men who appear in English 
history during that period of time. 

But what particularly distinguishes Hen- 
ry VIII in history, not only in that of Eng- 
land, but that of the world, is the decided 
stand he eventually took in favor of Pro- 
testantism. When that matter was first 
moved by Luther, the conservative princi- 
ples of Henry, in matters of religion and 
government, induced him to oppose it, and 
he wrote a book in defense of the Catholic 
church. This so pleased the Pope that he 
entitled him the Defender of the Faith. 
But afterwards, when Henry found that the 
Catholic church was so decidedly interfer- 
ing with the government and state and 
bringing the whole in subjection to the 



3 2 Pictorial Enp. History, p. 314—319. 
Ensrlish History, p. lOi. 



3 Hume's 



366 

paramount authority of the church, lie en- 
tered zealously into the principles of the 
Protestants in opposition to the Pope; and 
by act of parliament established an inde- 
pendent English church. This was carried 
so far as to abolish and suppress all mon- 
asteries and exclusively Romish institu- 
tions; and place the Christian church of 
England free and independent of the con- 
trol of the Pope of Rome. This was a 
great measure in favor of freedom and true 
Christianity, not only for England, but as 
an example to mankind. 

It is sometimes said that the English 
people are not upon the whole, decided 
Protestants; that they are Protestant or 
Catholic as circumstances may tavor; that 
they readily became Catholic under Mary 
as they became Protestant under Henry; 
and many of them are now turning in fa- 
vor of Catholicism or high church meas- 
ures. There is some truth in all this; but 
no fair man can read English history for 
almost the whole of the last four hundred 
years, and doubt that an overwhelming 
majority of the English people are in favor 
of Protestantism, and a free and independ- 
ent church. 

It is also said that, according to the indi- 
cation of race, the Germans arf the Pro- 
testant and the Celts the Catholic elements 
of this religious conti-oversy. This asser- 
tion is not true. It is a question not de- 
pending upon race; and the races are 
strongly divided upon the question. In 
Germany, in the north the majority are 
Protestants, as in the south the majority 
are Catholics; though of the whole the 
majority are Protestants. In Italy and 
Spain the people are too much mixed, of 
all races, to be a test of the Celts. In Gaul 
and in Great Britain and Ireland they are 
a fair test. Where has there been found a 
more decided Protestantism than among 
the Huguenots^ of France.'' Where are 



4 With the Huguenots should be remembered the 
Albigenses and the Waldenses and the Camisards 
of the south of France, all of whom for their Protest- 
antism fought and suffered more than any other peo- 
ple. The question of Protestantism or 'Catholicism 
does not so much depend upon race as upon the cir- 
cumstances by which the people are surrounded. 
North Germany was protected from Roman power 
by its distance from Rome, while France was crush- 
ed in consequence of its accessibility to Rome, Italy 



THE MODERN PERIOD. [Book v. 

there any people who suffered or fough^ 
more, or were more decided in favor of a 
free and independent religion.'' The Cymry, 
from the very earliest time in the history 
of Christianity in Britain, now about eigh- 
teen hundred years, always maintained an 
independent Christian church, unless it 
might be a comparatively short time dur- 
ing the Norman period. The Welsh have 
always been Protestants. A Welsh Cath- 
olic would be a rara avis. They have al- 
ways been too much in favor of personal 
freedom and independent liberty of con- 
science to be governed by Catholicism. 
The same may be said of the Scots, who 
are substantially the same people. The 
same may be said, in a great measure, of 
the people of the north of Ireland. In the 
south of Ireland the people are principallv 
Catholics, but they are so more from cir- 
cumstances than from race. They have 
systematically been kept under an oppres- 
sive government, which gives the Catholic 
priests of the cotintry the opportunity of 
enforcing upon the people the idea that 
they were the sj^ecial friends of the Irish 
people, and the English their natural ene- 
mies and oppressors. At the same time 
the people are kept in great ignorance with- 
out the priesthood taking that interest and 
practical exertion in their enlightenment 
and temporal welfare that they should, and 
that good policy and character require. 

While Henry, during a long reign, was 
prosperous in the promotion of the interest 
of his country at home and abroad, in the 
latter part of his life he became unfortu- 
nate in his domestic relation. His first 
wife was Catherine of Aragon, the daugh- 
ter of Ferdinand and Isabella, of Spain. 
She was the widow of his brother Arthur, 
who died a very young man. After living 
with her twenty years, and she becoming 
by him the mother of Mary, he became 
convinced that his marriage with the widow 
of his brother was unlawful. Upon that 
subject the church and people were divided. 
Though she was a woman of warm affec- 
tions and great attachments to Henry, yet. 
he procured a divorce upon the ground of 



and Spain. For the Camisards, see Chambers' and 
American Encyclopaidia. 



Chap. I.] CIVIL AND POLI 

the unlawfuhiess of the marriage, with 
great difficulty, and after a long litigation. 
Thi.s was principally on account of the dif- 
ficulty thrown in the way by the Pope; and 
possibly that aided the king in his deter- 
mination to support the Protestants. 

After tliat he married Anne Boleyn, who 
became the mother of Elizabeth. Soon af- 
ter, the king's jealousy w^as excited against 
her, and she was charged with improprie- 
ties and criines, and was tried and executed. 
Henry next married Jane Seymour, by 
whom he had a son, Edward, who became 
his successor, and his inother only survived 
his birth two days. 

The king then married Anne of CIe\'es, 
whom he soon disliked, and was divorced. 
He next married Catherine How-ard, whose 
dissolute life was soon discovered; she was 
condemned by parliament by a bill of at- 
tainder, and beheaded. Three or four years 
before his death he lastl}- married his sixth 
wife, Catherine Par, a widow, a woman of 
great virtue, discretion and prudence, and 
duly imbued with the Protestant religion ; 
with whom the king spent his last days, 
greatly enjoying her kindness, devotion and 
affection for him. 

After a prosperous reign of thirty-eight 
years, (A. D. 1547) Henry departed to his 
fathers, and was succeeded in the govern- 
ment by his young son, Edward VI, who 
was then only ten years of age, and who 
only exercised sovereignty about six years 
under the protectorship of his uncle, the 
duke of Somerset, a Seymour. With very 
little variation the administration followed 
the routine of business and course of events 
which characterized the previous reign. 
The Protestant religion was fully main- 
tained. The event that most marked the 
reign was that arising i'rom the protector's 
ambition to unite the whole island under 
one and the same government. For that 
purpose he marched an army into Scotland, 
which resulted in a decisive battle near 
Edinburgh, known as the battle of Pinkey. 
The Scotish army was a hasty gathering, 
badly managed and sorely defeated body 
of patriotic men. But eventually the Eng- 
lish were compelled to withdraw without 
accomplishing the object for which the war 



nCAL CHANGES. 367 

was commenced. 

Upon the death of Edward VI, the crow^n 
was assumed by his sister Mary, who reign- 
ed about five years. She was a bigoted 
Catholic, and partook more of the charac- 
teristics of her mother, Catherine of Ara- 
gon, than of the Tudors ; and what added 
to its intensity was her unfortunate mar- 
riage with Philip II, king of Spain, the on- 
ly son of the emperor, Charles V. He was 
narrow minded and bigoted, and tended to 
make her more so. Mary, by her sover- 
eign influence, was able to bring over the 
majority of her nobility and parliament to 
her views in religion, though the majority 
of the English people firmly adhei-ed 
to their Protestant faith. She procured 
parliament to abolish all the laws which 
had been passed in the two previous reigns 
in support of Protestantism, and those were 
passed which put Catholicism in its full 
force. Her reign became that of a bloody 
and vindictive persecution. Bishop Gard- 
ner, a devoted Catholic, became her prime 
minister; and Cranmer, Latimer and Rid- 
ley were persecuted for their faith and made 
martyrs. In her time all kinds of cruel 
persecution for conscience sake were en- 
dured; all sorts of violence, death and 
bloodshed, to enforce an obnoxious religious 
tenet, were resorted to, until the queen be- 
came known as the Bloody Mary. But 
she, in the course of nature, soon passed 
off; and her sister, Elizabeth, was called to 
the throne. The people greatly rejoiced at 
this accession; she now, at the age of twen- 
ty-five, had acquired great popularity and 
a very good reputation for her religious 
principles and capacity; and in this the peo- 
ple were not disappointed. During a reign 
of forty-five years (A. D. 1558 — 1603) she 
sustained the English government in a po- 
sition of prosperity and renown, unequalled 
by any other monarch of her country. Her 
rule was generally characterized as that of 
a Protestant and peaceful reign. The most 
noted event of her reign was in the thirtieth 
year, when Philip, with the great "invinci- 
ble armada" of Spain, determined to con- 
quer Britain. That armada, consisting of 
innumerable ships, covered the British seas, 
filled with an army and all requisites for 



368 



THE MODERN PERIOD. 



[Book V 



the conquest. Britain was threatened with 
a terrific preparation for that purpose. 
Elizabeth, with an admirable courage, reso- 
lution and management, met the occasion, 
and by her example roused the British peo- 
ple to an unexampled enthusiasm and reso- 
lution to meet and defeat their enemies. 
The British fleet met the armada and as 
with a whirlwind scattered it. Afterwards 
the storms and the difficulties of navigation 
destroyed much of what escaped ; a just re- 
sult of an vmjustifiable attempt at conquest 
and interference with the rights of others. 

The execution of Mary, the beautiful but 
unfortunate queen of the Scots, under the 
jurisdiction of Elizabeth and by her assent, 
is an act vipon which historians and jurists 
have been divided, and probably will so re- 
main. At last Elizabeth died a virgin 
queen, expressing a wish that her nearest 
kinsman and cousin, James VI, of Scot- 
land, should succeed her. So the last of 
the Tudor family passed away from earth, 
as all terrestrial things must. 



-The. Stuart Dynasty. 
1714. 



A. D. 1603- 



James VI, of Scotland, came to the throne 
as James I, of England, by his hereditary 
right as the next of kin, and the dying de- 
claration of Elizabeth in his favor. His 
accession to the throne was without any 
opposition, and in the midst of much re- 
joicing of the people of both countries; yet 
some expressed a theoretic doubt as to the 
future interest of either country, in thus 
imiting both countries imder one sover- 
eign. James was then thirty-six years of 
age, and had been king of Scotland since 
he was one year of age. He was the son 
.of the celebrated but unfortunate Mary 
Stuart, queen of the Scots, by her second 
husband, Henry Lord Darnley, who was 
also a Stuart. 

Ethnically, James, like most of the Brit- 
ish nobility, was of a verj' mixed race and 
blood. His mother, Mary, was the daugh- 
ter of Mary of Loraine, the daughter of the 
duke of Guise, and James V, the seventh 
king of Scotland of the Stuart line, who was 
the son of Margaret, the queen of Scot- 
land and daughter of Henry VII, of Eng- 



land. This house of Stuart, so celebrated 
in English and Scotish history, has a ro- 
mantic beginning. Just before the Norman 
conquest, when Macbeth, the tyrant of 
Scotland, murdered Banquo, Fleance, a son 
of the latter, fled for protection to Wales, to 
the court of Gruft'ydd ab Llewellyn, where 
he became enamored of Nesta, the grand- 
daughter qt" that prince. Of this connec- 
tion a son was born, named Walter, who 
was treated v/itli kindness, and educated in 
the learning and national exercises of the 
day. When he arrived at manhood he un- 
fortunately slew his antagonist, and fled to 
Scotland. There he engaged himself in 
public service, became lord Steward of the 
kingdom, and the lineal ancestor of the 
royal house of Stuart, from whom James 
claimed his descent. Thus making Gruf- 
fydd, Banquo, Henry VII and Guise his 
ancestors; and Wales, England, Scotland 
and France their nativity. 

James was well educated, spoke and wrote 
well, and was proud of his learning; yet 
awkward and ungainly in his person. With 
much learning and great experience in pub- 
lic affairs, he lacked the wisdom, shrewd- 
ness, and executive talent of the Tudors. 
He was jealous of his prerogatives and su- 
percilious as to his divine right to govern ; 
and yet frequently yielded his point when 
shown his views were inconsistent with 
law.i With many good qualities and abili- 
ties, lie yet, upon the whole, passed as a 
weak and inefficient man.2 Being a strong 
Protestant, he quarreled with the Catholics ; 
a decided churchman, he disagreed with 
the puritan ts; and a stickler for his royal 
prerogatives, he disputed with the liberals. 
He therefore was not a popular man, yet 
few princes were so kind and void of tyran- 
ny or oppression. In a reign of twenty-two 
years, terminating A. D. 1625, generally in 
peace, without any serious war, his whole 
kingdom prospered, and made considerable 
progress in the improvement of the coun- 
try and the condition of the people. 



1 4 Hume. 

2 The French minister, Sully, said of James, that 
he was "the wisest fool in Christendom." And Ma- 
caulay says: "He was, indeed, made up of two men 
— a wilty, well read scholar, who wrote, disputed 
and harangued, and a nervous, drivelling idiot who 
acted ." 



CIVIL AND POLITICAL CHANGES. 



Chap. I.] 

James was succeeded by his son Charles 
I, whose mother was Anne of Denmark. 
He was then twenty-five years of age; and 
for the preceding thirteen years was prince 
of Wales, as lieir apparent to the crown. 
Charles was filled vyith an exalted notion of 
his royal rights and prerogatives; and utter- 
ly opposed to every attempt of the people 
to improve their government. When forced 
to do so, he would consent, and promise 
fair and just reform in the government; but 
all such promises in him were false and in- 
sincere. He had adopted the high notions 
of his fatlier as to his riglits and duty in 
preserving tlie prerogatives of the crown ; 
and it was his great misfortune that his no- 
tions had then become more obnoxious at 
that time to the people than ever. Previous 
to the Stuarts, the English sovereigns con- 
trolled the action of parliament, so that no 
attempt was ever made to pass a measure 
contrary to the wishes of the sovereign. 
Even in Elizabeth's time, she would com- 
municate to parliament her hostility to a 
measure before them and they would obey 
her. But in James' time the people had 
become largely freeholders and freed from 
the tenures of the nobility, and greatly im- 
bued with a notion of their own rights and 
importance. The people had now, for the 
first time, become indoctrinated into the 
idea that they had some rights in the gov- 
ernment and entitled to enforce an honest 
and just administration. This was a view 
of the matter that Charles, when looking 
back into the history of the prerogatives of 
English kings, could not understand; and 
looked upon every attempt to limit and re- 
strain him as a personal wrong, and gave 
him a just right to evade it, or to abolish it, 
whenever he had tlie power. This led him 
into a conflict and distrust with his parlia- 
ment; and after his fourth year he attempt- 
ed to maintain his government without 
their aid; and actually for eleven years re- 
frained from calling any parliament; and 
attempted, under the old laws and customs 
of the government, to raise the necessary 
revenue without their consent. At last he 
thought it advisable to call a parliament to 
enable him to raise a large revenue to meet 
the contingency of a war. When parlia- 



369 



ment had assembled, it manifested a deter- 
inination to reform the government and se- 
cure personal rights and liberty in a man- 
ner never before exhibited by the commons 
of England; and in this the commons took 
the lead. Up to the coming of the Stuarts, 
both in Saxon and Norman times, it seeins 
evident that the commons of England 
thought they had nothing to do with the 
government, except to obey whatever it 
chose to command. That was a matter 
which belonged to the king and his nobles; 
and whatever reform was had, it was the 
work of the nobles, on account of the un- 
just pressure of tlie government upon them- 
selves. The people seemed to think, under 
Wodenism, as well as under Christianity, 
that their government was of a divine ap- 
pointment, with wiiich the common people 
had nothing to do. In the midst of the war 
and slavery which was then practiced, the 
common people never dreamed of the 
rights and liberty which naturally belong 
to man and humanity. But after the com- 
ing of tlie Tudors, notwithstanding the 
vigor and energy of 'the government, the 
people themselves began to think and act 
for themselves, and feel their own import- 
ance in the scale of hvmianity. This change 
was brought about by the increasing love 
of peace to that of war ; by tiie decrease of 
slavery and the odiuin in which it began to 
be held ; by the abolition of the tyrannical 
feudal tenures; by the freedom obtained 
for the alienation and transfer of real prop- 
erty by which the commons became free- 
holders and yeomen; and, finally, by the 
people beginning to understand and exer- 
cise those notions of right and freedoin 
which belonged in common to all men. 
All this became more and more intensified 
under Charles I. This was the misfortune 
of Charles, as lie did not understand it; but 
it was the glory of the English people. 

Charles once more found it expedient, in 
1640, to summon parliament, which proved 
to be less obsequious than any before it; 
and more determined to maintain the rights 
of the people and to sustain its own dignity. 
Before it gav"e any aid or subsidy to the 
king, they insisted that the king should 
confirm their petition and bill of rights, se- 



37° 



THE MODERN PERIOD 



curing their rights and liberties from abuse 
by the officers of the crown. They im- 
peached the liing's prime minister for high 
crimes and misdemeanors in advising him 
in his objectionable course of administra- 
tion. Upon this impeachment, lord Straf- 
ford was tried before the house of lords, 
condemned, and ordered to be executed. 
Tills could not be done without the war- 
rant of the king, which Charles hesitated to 
issue. Strafford wrote to the king, begging 
him to issue his warrant as means of recon- 
ciliation between him and his people ; and 
that there could be no injury to a willing 
mind. Thereupon Strafford was beheaded. 
Still matters between the king and his peo- 
ple proceeded from bad to worse ; the king 
constantly evading these reforms, and the 
people losing all confidence and faith in 
him. At length open rupture came, and 
appeal was made to arms. In August, 1642, 
the king erected his standard at Notting- 
ham, and the patriots took arms under the 
Earl of Essex. In the meantime the house 
of commons usurped the government with- 
out the aid of the house of lords. The first 
conflict was at Edgehill, where the great 
patriot, John Hampden, met his death, and 
where the loss on both sides was severe and 
nearly equal. In the midst of numerous skir- 
mishes and inferior battles, in which the 
parliamentary forces were constantly gain- 
ing ground, and in which Oliver Cromwell 
Avas making his way as the foremost man 
of his day, the parties came to the decisive 
battle of Marston Moor, where a triumph- 
ant victory was gained for parliament, and 
Cromwell established his fame as a warrior. 
After a continued civil war of four years, 
during which there were many battles and 
much fighting and bloodshed, the parties 
came to the decisive battle of Nareby, in 
June, 1645, where the royal forces were 
completely overthrown, and the king fled 
to the Scots for safety. He soon found 
himself unsafe there, and was soon thereaf- 
ter surrendered into the hands of the rebels. 
Parliament now proceeded to more decisive 
measures. They ordered the king to be de- 
throned, and to be tried upon articles of im- 
peachment presented against him before a 
high court appointed for the purpose. This 



[Book V. 

court, upon the trial, found him guilty and 
ordered him to be executed, which was 
done on the 30th of January, 1649. 

The government for the next four years 
was conducted by parliament, under the 
name of the commonwealth. In the mean- 
time the civil war continued, in which 
Cromwell rendered parliament most effi- 
cient service in England, Ireland and Scot- 
land. By the royal party, Charles II, the 
eldest son of the late king, was proclaimed 
his successor, but his partisans had becwme 
so feeble that it become dangerous for him 
to remain in England, and he fled through 
Wales to the sea and thence to France. 
Parliament, after a while, found its govern- 
ment without a proper head, and dissen- 
sions took place between parliament and 
the army. Cromwell took upon himself 
to dissolve parliament, which had been so 
long in session as to become odious and its 
former services overlooked. Another self- 
created parliament assumed its place, and 
by this assembly Cromwell was declared 
protector and supreme magistrate of the 
commonwealth. This office he exercised 
for five years, until his death, with that 
administrative vigor and ability which 
characterized that of the Tudors. He ele- 
vated his country and government in the 
estimation of all Europe, and rendered 
them glorious in history. Upon his death 
his office was assumed by his oldest son, 
Richard, who exercised it for about two 
years, when it was put to an end b}' the res- 
toration of Charles II, in 1660. 

The restoration of the monarchy and 
Charles II was propably in accordance 
with the assent of the majority of the na- 
tion; but it was principally effected by 
General Monk at the head of the army. 
As the king entered London, the people 
exulted with delight at his return. He, 
a few years previous, fled from them 
to save his life. Everything was soon re- 
stored to its former condition ; his reign 
was dated to commence upon the death of 
Charles I, eleven 3'ears previous to his res- 
toration ; so that the reign of the Stuarts 
was supposed to be continuous, and the 
commonwealth a mere episode in the 
drama. 



Ci-ap. I.] 



CIVIL AND POLI 



Alter lii-. restoration, Charles reigned 
over the w liok- kinsjdom. ICiigland, Scot- 
laiul aiui Irchiiui. for t\ventv-ti\e years, 
during- whitli the lountry made considera- 
ble progress in improvements, without the 
king being entitled to much credit tor it. 
He was an easy, amiable and kind com- 
panion, with wit, talent and accomplish- 
ments sufficient to make a very respectable 
private gentleman, without possessing the 
\ igor and energy necessary for a prosperous 
monarch. He enjoyed his ease and pleas- 
ures, with but little inclination to engage 
in the labors and attention necessary for a 
prosperous administration. This reign, up- 
on the whole, was a peaceful one, though 
>n:cotnpanied w ith some w ar on the conti- 
nent and unimportant ones with some 
rebels in Scotland ; but what most distin- 
guished it in this respect was the great 
naval battles with the Dutch of Holland, 
in which Monk, now created duke ot Al- 
bemarl for his services in the restoration, 
on the part ol' the English, and De Ruyter 
and Van Tromp, on the part of the Dutch, 
gained great renown for celebrated naval 
battles, without a decided victory for eitlier 
nation. In the meantime the people con- 
tinued to make progress in civil liberty and 
laws, of which the habeas corpus law was 
one of the most important and justly cele- 
brated in fa\or of human liberty and re- 
sitraint upon oppression; while at the same 
time the nation was greatly divided and 
distracted b}' all kind of divisions upon 
questions in relation to religion and ci\il 
gONeniment. 

I'pon the death of Charles without any 
legitimate offspring, he was succeeded by 
his brother, James II, known as the duke 
of \'ork, — a bigoted Catholic, whose intol- 
erance in religion, as well as his arbitrary 
and unpopular measures in the ci\il ad- 
ministration, brought on, after a short reign 
of only three years, the revolution of A. 
D. 1688, by which he was compelled to 
flee his kingdom and abandon his crown, 
louring his short reign onl\' two events are 
worthy of special notice. The first is Mon- 
mouthV rebellion. This aftair was gotten 
up by James, the duke of Monmouth, a 
natural son of Charles II by Lucv Walters, 



TICAL CHANGES. 371 

who was now about thirty-li\'e years o' 
age. He possessed a very fine personal ap- 
pearance, was affable and popular in his 
manners. He had been engaged in son\e 
public service, in which he had been suc- 
cessful, and his conduct had rendered him 
extremely popular. Soon after his acces- 
sion, James II had rendered himself so 
odious by his tyranny, and extreme meas- 
lues to re-establish the Catholic church, 
and Monmouth had become so popular as 
the onh hope of the Protestants, that the 
revolt was hurried on before the\ were 
ready. Monmouth raised his standard in 
Devonshire: and he was so popular, and 
the hopes of the people so strongly .set up- 
on him, that there Avas no lack of men or 
money coming to his cause. But they 
were unprovided with the necessary arms; 
and they were defeated by the royal troops 
before they could be well organized and 
armed. The defeated rebels were pun- 
ished with merciless cruelty. Monmouth 
was brought to the block b\- his bigoted 
uncle; and the notorious Judge Jeffrey, 
then the chiet justice of England, in the 
cruel and remorseless prosecution of the 
principal rebels, in accordance with the 
wishes of the court, consigned his own 
name to eternal infamy. Thousands of 
the minor convicts were, with the assent 
of the king and court, sold as slaves 
to the West Indies. The other noted trans- 
action was the prosecution of six bishops 
of the church, who had become obnoxious 
to the king on account of their determined 
protection, and their heroic maintenance 
of their religion against the dictation of 
their monarch. They were indicted and 
tried in the civil courts for sedition. It was 
the most celebrated trial of that day, and 
all the power and influence of the adminis- 
tration were against them. But the jury 
had become imbued with the ;)rogressive 
liberal doctrines of the day, which sustained 
the rights and liberties of the people even 
when opposed by the cro\vn and govern- 
ment. The jury acciuitted the bishops, 
which was sustained b\ the court, and l)y 
the people with un\vonted applause and 
connnendation. This independence of the 
jury, in opposition to the influence and 



37^ 



THE MODERN PERIOD. 



1 Book V 



wishes ot the crown, until then was un- 
heard of, and unknown to Englisli history. 

Previous to James' flight and abdication, 
the disaffected of the English people, out- 
raged by the unwarranted conduct of their 
king, had invited William, the prince of 
Orange, to come to their relief. He was 
the son of William II, prince of Orange, 
by his wife Mary, the eldest daughter of 
Charles I of England; so that this William 
was a distant collateral heir to the crown. 
His wife was Mary, the eldest daughter of 
James IT; so she was a nearer heir to the 
crown. During Charles I and Cromwell's 
time, a lawyer lived in London, of respect- 
able parentage and good practice; but to 
increase his worldly position, and not fear- 
ing a democratic degradation, he inarried a 
rich brewer's widow. He had been a mem- 
ber of parliament, and at first on the popu- 
lar side, but afterwards became loyal and 
devoted to the king. This was Edward Hyde, 
who with his family joined Charles II while 
in exile on the continent. He soon became 
Charles' principal cotmsellor and his right 
hand man. He was an able man, exper- 
ienced in state affairs and a historian — very 
useful to the then English royal family. 
While abroad in exile, James II, then re- 
siding with his royal brother, did not fear 
a plebeian connection, and so married 
Mary, Hyde's oldest daughter, and a daugh- 
ter of the brewer's widow. Of this marriage 
came two sovereign queens of the English 
throne — Mary, the wife of William, the 
prince of Orange; and her sister, Anne, 
queen of England. On the restoration 
Hyde became the earl of Clarendon and 
chancellor of England, and for a while 
Charles' able prime minister. 

William of Orange, upon the invitation 
of a portion of the English people, came 
with a small fleet and army and landed in 
the south of England. He was received 
with acclamation, and an overwhelming 
majority of the people declared for him — 
James had now become so odious that the 
army also turned against him, as well as 
his children, Mary and Anne. 

By the advice and consent of the leading 
men of England the prince of Orange call- 
ed a convention, to consist of members of 



the two houses, precisely as that of parlia- 
ment. These were peacefull\ and without 
any obstruction assembled, and proceeded 
to settle the government. The commons 
like sensible men came readily lo a resolu- 
tion on the subject: tha; king James II 
had endeavored to sulivert the constitution 
of the kingdom — the original contract be- 
tween the 'king and people; had violated 
the fundamental laws, and withdrawn him- 
self out of the kingdom, and abdicated the 
government, and that the throiie was there- 
by vacant. The people were divided into 
two great parties — the Whig and the Tory. 
The former was the liberal and progressive 
party; the latter was imbued with ultra 
notions of conservatism — the divine rights 
ot kings, of which James could not bo de- 
prived; they contended, that "by the uni- 
form tenor of the English laws the tittle to 
the crown was ever regarded as sacred, and 
could on no account, and by no maladmin- 
istration, be forfeited by the sovereign;" 
and various other notions of the kind.'' In 
the house of lords, where the Tories were 
greatly in the majority, the resolutions of 
the commons were greatly opposed upon 
these unreasonable and imtenable grounds, 
and much debated. At length, however, 
the resolutions of the commons substan- 
tially prevailed. This shows how far the 
ruling portion of the English people were 
from any just notion of government and 
free institutions ; and how recent these must 
have been with the people. The lords did 
not yield their opposition to all radical 
change in the rights of the monarch, luitil 
after the prince of Orange, who as an hon- 
est and just man, refrained from all decided 
interterence in the settlement of the ques- 
tions, intimated to his particular friends tliat 
it belonged to j^arliament to settle the vari- 
ous schemes proposed for the settlement of 
the government, ^\■ith which he did not in- 
tend to interpose; he learned that some 
proposed to put public affairs in the hands 
of a regent, others proposed to confer the 
crown upon princess Mary, his wife. It 
was, he said, their concern alone to choose 
the kind of administration that suited them 
best; but intimated that something should 



6 Hume's History of Enyliimi, pp. 356^366. 



Chap. I.] 

be done soon ; he was averse to assuming 
the crown as Conqueror, or undertaking the 
regency until a rightful heir might appear ; 
and he had no time to spare from his aflaiis 
on the continent to serve under Mar}'- as 
the sovereign. Mary herself was decided- 
ly opposed to the last proposition, and in- 
disposed to putting William in an inferior 
position to herself". 

'JMie Tories were astonished at this mod- 
eration and liberality on the part of the 
prince, and surprised that he thought they 
had a right, with such unlimited discretion, 
to settle the government as they pleased. 
B ut it brought the lords to a decided ac- 
tion ; they now^ agreed to the action of the 
house with very slight modification. The 
convention then, by a bill, settled the crown 
on the prince and princess of Orange, for 
their joint and several lives, the sole ad- 
ministration to remain in the prince; the 
princess Anne, the sister of Mary, and then 
the princess of Denmark, to succeed after 
the death of both William and Mary. In 
Scotland the parliament settled the conflict- 
ing questions with more expedition and 
liberality; and before it was done in Eng- 



CIVIL AND POLITICAL CHANGES. 



But Irish gallantry and bravery have been 
too often tested and xindicated in both En- 
glish and continental service, to be tested or 
questioned by their service under James. 
The abilities and merits of Sarsfield, their 
general, has thrown a flash of glory over 
their misfortune in that unfortunate cam- 
paign. When Sarsfield was rallied upon 
the defeat of his countrymen, ho gallantly 
replied: "Just swap kings with us, and we 
will try it again." 

The battle of the IJoync fn-mly fixed 
William and Mary upon the throne, and 
sent James upon a second flight to France ; 
so soon was the revolution of 1688 a suc- 
cess. The reign was distinguished for its 
elforts in favor of a general religious tolera- 
tion, more liberal than any jireceding ad- 
ministration in England. 

William III was an excellent man and 
an able prince. His administration for the 
country upon the whole was prosperous, 
for he was a statesman as well as a gener- 
al. What was in him that was specially 
unfortunate to the British people was that 
he was a foreigner, deeply committed in 
wars and affairs on the continent, in which 



land in the same manner. In Ireland the the English people had little or no interest 



Tories and Catholics united in support of 
James II, who returned there from France 
with soiTie military and naval aid. Con- 



It was the same subject matter that has 
ever been the curse of Britain, that is, to 
be ruled by foreigners instead of by her 



siderable war ensued in Ireland; but at the own native people. The Romans, .Saxon^, 
celebrated battle of the Boyne (July 1st, Danes, Normans, and now the Dutch, all 
1690) William III gained a complete vie- the same, e.xcept the latter wore less avari- 
tory over James II and his French and 1 ^-jqus and cruel, but all taking what they 



Irish supporters, and placed Protestantism 
triumphant over Tory and Catholic oppres- 
sion and illiherality.'' 

This unfortunate war, brought upon the 
Irish by the worthle^s James II, was a 
matter, which in its consequences, has fa- 
tally aflected and himg upon the Irish as a 
national affair. It is unfortunate for that 
brave and generous people that they look 
upon it as such, and that it is not forgotten. 
William's men were generally veteran 
troops, had seen much service and were dis- 
ciplined; those under James were hastily re- 
cruited and undisciplined ; and the result was 



could get for the benefit of foreigners and 
a foreign country. William was liberal in 
distributing lands to his foreign favorites; 
and was indigiuuit when parliament re- 
fused any longer to retain in the service of 
the country his Dutch army, in which he 
took so much pride. To this day there are 
among the English nobility those whose 
position and wealth is the result of Wil- 
liam's attachment to his foreign friends. 
Some of these matters rendered William 
unpopular wdth a majority of the Knglisii 
people, who looked upon him as a cold, 
taciturn and phlegmatic Dutchman. The 



just what such differences always produce, j revolution, which was of so much iinport- 

~~" ~~ j ance and benefit to the country, was brought 

4 See Macaulay's History of Kn^lund, Vol. .i,, p. | ^^^^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^_^ ^^^^^^^^ triemselve., and proba- 



49S 



374 

ably could ha\e been sustained without 

William's aid by lier native people, as it 

was in CroniwellV time, had it not been 

for the high and illilx-ral notions of the Toi-y 

paity. 

William III \\as ruler of Britain four- 
teen \ears. havin<4 survived Mary eight 
vears, expired in 1702, in consequence of a 
fall tVom a hcirse, and left the kingdom to 
Anne, in accordance with the terms of the 
settlement, who succeeded him. She ruled 



THE MODERN PERIOD 



[Book V. 

A. D. 1707, and the settlement in 1701, was 
declared to be the heir to the throne after 
Anne's death, for the British people were op- 
posed to theclaimsoftheinfantjaines, on ac- 
count of the tendencyof the family toCatholi- 
cism, and his education in France. In conse- 
quence of these matters, the Whigs imme- 
diately proclaimed George of Brunswick 
king ©i' Great Britain and Ireland. By tliis 
transaction the rule of the Stuart dynasty 
was brought to an end, and that of the 
the countr\- for twelve vears, in which it 1 Guelphs commenced. This name has long 



made great progress in every department 
of the government as well as in e\ery de- 
pai-tnient of literatiu^e, science and industry. 
The war of the Spanish succession was on 
her hands, (1700^1713) in which the peo- 
ple of Britain had little or no interest, but 
to subserve the interest, whim or tolly of 
the nobility or crowned heads, in w hich the 
duke of Marlborough and the British army 
acquired renown in the great battles and 
victorie-- of Oudenarde, Blenheim, and 
Romilies. About the middle of Anne's 
reign (A. D. 1707) took jilace an important 
event in the histor\ of Bin'tain, and the ^vel- 
fare of her people — the long wished for 
union of F^ngiand and Scotland in one king- 
dom and imJer one parliament. 

lust before the close of her life, Anne 
announced to parliament the execution of 
the treaty of LTrecht, which brought peace 
and relieved the people of England from 
the exjiense and piessure of a long war on 
the continent. At length Anne departed 
this life. ('1714^ ■^"'■' '"'^ became a serious 
question as to who would be the heir to the 
throne, for she died childless, though she 
was the mother of seventeen children by 
her h\isband, the prince of Denmark; and 
her nearest heir was her half-brother, James, 
the son of James II, then in exile. To- 
wards the close of her life she tavored the 
Tories, contrary to her gratiiude due to the 
M'higs, her earl\ friends and supporters; 
and also tavoretl the )-estoration of her 
half-bi'other, Jame>, ^hose legitimacx- she 
formeih had aK\a\s doubted. But the 
W' hig>, by their activity, stole a march on 
the Toiies, and obtained from Anne a doubt- 
ful declaration in favor of the duke of Bruns- 
wick, who by an act of parliament in 



been the family name in Germany, but the 
dynasty is frequently called the Brunswick, 
and it includes George I, George II, George 
III. George IV, William I\', and her pres- 
ent majesty, queen Victoria. 

The expulsion of James II is wholly at- 
tributable to his bigotry and superstition in 
matters of Catholic religion and the well 
toimded opposition of the British people to 
that denomination, founded upon their well 
known intolerance and oppression wher- 
ever they had the power to exert them. If 
it had not been lor this foily and wicked- 
ness of Jaines II, perhaps James III, the 
pretender, might have been king, as a Stu- 
art, instead of George I, as a Guelph; and 
perhaps, also, the same might have takea 
place in case that lord Bolingbroke had 
been more forward and expeditious on the 
part of the Tories, than the duke of Argyle 
on the part of the Whigs, at the death of 
queen Anne. However that may be, it is 
still very questionable if the British people 
gained anything by the exchange of the 
Stuarts, with all their faults, for the gross 
and brutal habits and foreign manners and 
predelections of the Georges.'' But that 
there was any choice between liiem is 
equally doubtful, for rjeither were worthy 
of the position. The attachment of George 
to Protestantism was the only thing which 
prejiondered in his favor. 



Tin- Br/inszvick J)yn(isfy. 
to 1837.) 



[A.D. 1714 



George 1, king of CJreat Britain and Ire- 
land, was the son of Ernest Augustus 



:; See Thackeray's Four Georges. Al.so Pictorial 
Hist. England, p. 33J. Vol. viii New .\nicvicii« 
Cyclopedi;i, .\r\tt. Gcorsre I and (jtorge II. 



Chap. I.] 

Elector ol" Brunswick, and oi' Sophia, a 
grand-daiiohter of James I, of England. 
His right to the crown was founded upon 
several acts of parliament, lixing the suc- 
cession, after Anne, upon the descendants 
oi' Sophia, upon the theory that James II 
had abdicated, and that his blood in his son 
James, the Pretender, had jjoen tainted by 
attainder. The English people were much 
divided at the lime as to whether George 
or the Pretender should be called to the 
throne. A majority of the nobility were 
Tories and favored James, and they were 
le<l l)y men of decided talents and states- 
manship; such as Bolingbroke, Oxford and 
others, who had no fears of religious con- 
sequences. But the majority of the people 
were Whigs, were highly attached to their 
Protestant religion, and greatly feared the 
domination of the Catholics and their known 
reputation tor intolerance, tyranny and op- 
pression ; and were most decided against 
James and in favor of George. With them 
were many of the nobility led by the al)le 
duke of Argyle. Anne had been almost 
the whole ot her life opposed to the pre- 
tensions of James, her half-brother, and in- 
sisted that he was illegitimate and super- 
stitious. But at the close ot her life her 



CIVIL AND POLITICAL CHANGES. 



37.=; 



gross indulgence, and frecjueully engaged 
in shameful family quarrcK. To him En- 
gland was always a I'oreign country and 
he could not overcome his superior attach- 
ment for liis native Hanover and its people. 
He couki nc\er reconcile hnnsell' to the 
language, manners, liabits or customs of 
the English people; and theretbre sought 
freciuent visits to his beloved Hanover, 
whose interest was more at heart than that 
of England. Again Britain was cursed, 
as she always had been, svith a toreign in- 
fluence. 'I'his frec[ucail\ induced the En- 
glish people to call him a foreign l\ rant, 
and induced many to engage in an. ill} con- 
certed rebellion to call to their aid the Pre- 
tender; who came, landed in .Scotland, and 
was proclaimed James 111. But this re- 
bellion was soon put ik)\\n, and tiie Pre- 
tender glad to tlee; but at the cost of much 
blood and many valuable lives, it was the 
influence of the Whigs, and the love of the 
people foi- the safety of their Protestant re- 
ligion, which induced the people to sup- 
port so unpopular and hateful a monarch. 
In this the\ were sujiported by the talent- 
ed minister, Walpole, and otiier native 
Britons who sm'i'ounded tlie throne and 
upheld it. After a reign of thirteen years 



heart changed for her relative, and, had she i George I departed this lite in lyjj, without 



the will, energy and talent of Elizabeth, he 
might, with the aid and ability of the To- 
ries, have been recalled. At that time the 
duke of Marlborough, the most renowned 
and able man, both as a warrior and states- 
man, of his time, but at the same time the 
most selfish, heartless and treachei-ous, was 
playing between the two parties, waiting to 
see which party would be the most likely 
to succeed ; but when Argyle and the Whigs 
had succeeded, he threw his powerful in- 
fluence in their favor. 

At the time that George was called to 
England he was Elector of Hano\ er, and 
therefore his familj' are as frequently called 
the house of Hanover as that of Brunswick. 
He was then fifty-four years of age, had 
seen a good deal of public service, both 
civil and militai-y; but was more of a rough 
soldier than a statesman ; a man of some 
action, but of moderate abilities — at the 
same time was heartless, cruel, subject to 



any vcvy distinguishing event to mark it; 
and was succeeded by his son, whom he 
most cordially hated. 

George 1 1, like his father, vxas a Gerni;m by 
birth and education, and not a Briton. He 
had spent some year^ in Britain before he 
was called to the throne, still his \nvc for 
his Hanover prevaileti over that for his 
adopted country, whose English language, 
manners and customs were not much more 
cordial to him than they had been to the 
father. He too was a rough soldier, could 
indulge in cordial hatred of kindred, and 
imrelenting family quarrels, lie hated his 
father, his wife and his son Frederick, who 
was the father of George III, and quarreled 
with all of them. For many years he en- 
joyed the title of prince of Wales, with its 
great income, with but little gratitude or 
return to the English people, from whom 
it was extracted. 

The hateful character oi these i-ulers 



;76 



THE MODERN PERIOD. 



[Book V. 



produced another rebellion, and prince 
Charles Stuart, a new Pretender, and a son 
of James, the old Pretender, was induced 
to land in Scotland with a few men and of- 
ficers, and with a very limited amount of 
arms for such an undertaking. For a time 
extraordinary success attended his enter- 



as in the arts and science, and human 
thought. In the time of John, the Great 
Charter was the work of the nobilitj against 
the sovereign, in which the people had no 
lot or part; it was now the people — the 
commons, in advance of the nobles and 
their unworthy sovereigns, in the noble ef- 



prise. It is said that a large number of j fort of securing to every man his rightful 



men in Kent were ready to unite with him, 
but were never able to join him. Several 
battles were fouglu, in which Charles was 
successful; hut reverses came, and he was 
compelled to retreat to the north, where at 
Culloden a severe battle was fought, April 
1 6th, 1746, where Charles was completely 
defeated by the royal forces under the duke 
of Ciunberland, George IPs second son, 
whoNC barbarities at the battle and in the 
suppression of the rebellion conferred upon 
him the title of the "Bloody Butcher." 
Charles made a romantic escape under the 
guidance of Flora Macdonald, and though 
thirty thousand pounds was offered for 
him, and his escape was known to hun- 
dreds of the poor Scotch people, no betray- 
al was attempted. 

Under this reign the English government 
gained their renowned dominion and em- 
pire in India, under Clive; and the capture 
of Quebec by (ien. Wolfe, and the estab- 
lishment of their dominion in Canada. This 
reign was also distinguished tor its fertility 
in great men; atnong them was William 
Pitt the elder, the earl of Chatham, the 
celebrated orator and statesman; lord Bo- 
lingbroke, the statesman and hi-torian; 
Edmund Burke, the statesman and phil- 
oso])her; to these may be added manj^ dis- 
tinguished men in literature, philosophy 
and arts, as Pope, Johnson. Hume, Sinol- 
lett, Newton. Reynolds, Hogarth, and 
many others, who have added to the re- 
nown of their cf)untry — more as the evi- 
dence of the progress of the people than 
the merit.s of their sovereign. Hallam has 
said that it was "the most prosperous peri- 
od that England had ever knr)wn." If so, 
it was cf>mparati\ e! \" \\hen put in contrast 
■with former times, when it then presented 
in bold relief the progress that the people 
had recently made for tJiemselves in per- 
sonal freedom and hinnan libertv, as well 



liberties, an;! to hiunanity its just freedom. 
In this great task the house of commons 
of the British parliament, since its origin 
in the times of Edward I, has progressed 
and led the way for the establishment of all 
the free and liberal institutions in the civ- 
ilized world. 

George II continued his connection with 
Hanover and his attachment for that coun- 
try, which compelled the British people to 
lavish much of their treasures and blood in 
his wars on the continent, in which the 
people had no real interest, which demon- 
strated the folly and injurious effect of the 
foreign connection. He died October 25th, 
1760, in his seventy-seventh year, after a 
reign of thirty-four years, and was suc- 
ceeded upon the throne by his grandson, 
George III. 

George III was the grandson of George 
II and son of Frederick, who was son of 
the latter and nominally the prince of 
Wales. He came to the throne at the age 
of twenty-two, reigned over the country 
sixty years, and died at Windsor at the age 
of eighty-two, A. D. 1S20. He differed 
trom his two predecessors, his relatives, in 
sustaining a good moral character, exem- 
plary in his famil}' and domestic relations, 
and in private life would have sustained 
the position and reputation of a worthy and 
reputable citizen. He Avas endowed with 
hut very moderate abilities, but conserva- 
tive and dignified. He was bigoted even 
in his Protestant religion, tenacious of his 
royal rights, and supercilious in his no- 
tions of their divine origin, and thought it 
wrong that the people should interfere with 
what he considered to be his prerogatives; 
and withal he was obstinate and tenacious 
in his opinions. His dynasty was brought 
to the throne by the activity and influence 
of the Whigs, yet during his whole life he 
courted and faxored the Tories, the opposite 



Cliap. I.] 

partv. In the course of his reign he was 
afflicted witii several turns ol" mental de- 
rangement; and dm-iug the last ten vears 
ot'his life he was a conlirmed lunatic; and 
tlie administration passed into the hands 
of his oldest son George as jii-i nee reagent. 

The most striking events ot' this reign 
were: The Aineriean RcNolution ot' A. D. 
1776, whieli was brought about b\ the king 
and his nu'nistry, principally under the 
guidance ol' lord North, claiming the right 
to tax the colonies at their pleasure, with- 
out the voice or consent of the colonies. 
Tliis is just what the Romans, the Saxons, 
the Danes and the Normans did; but the 
Americans, who had become better advised 
as to what was due to niim and humanity, 
vaiii no. there \\as no right to tax theni 
without their consent or their being repre- 
sented In a delegate in the legislative body 
who assumed the right thus to tax them. 
This brought on the noted war of the Rev- 
olution, from A. 1). 1775 to 17S3; produced 
the establishment of a new government of 
the United States, who were aided in the 
establishment of their independence by the 
■alliance with France. The obstinacy of the 
British king compelled the c[uestions in 
dispute to be settled bv the swoi-d, and the 
English i>eople to Nubmit to the loss of their 
• colonies. 

The next great event is the war of the 
French revolution, commencing in 1793 
and terminating in 1813, which produced as 
A distinguishing feature of it the great navid 
actions, under lord Nelson, of the Nile and 
Trafalgar: and the gru'at battles in Spain, 
under Wellington, in i8o!S — iSio; and that 
•of Waterloo in 1815, in all of which Sir 
'I^lionias Picton served, and was always de- 
nominated Wellington's right arm ; and in 
the la!^t named battle sacrificed his life in a 
ifallant charge for British glorv and renown. 
The principal result of this great war is tlie 
♦remendous national debt of Great Britain 
with wliich it closed, amounting to 88^ 
millions pounds sterling, or $4,4^5,000,000. 

Anotiier event happened towards the 
•close of this reign, characteristic of the 
Sige, which should not be o\'erlooked 
liere. During the war, Great Britain en- 
joyed a great monopoly in manufactures 



CIVIL AND POLITICAL CHANGES. 



377 



and commerce, which was greatly reduced 
by its termination; and by 1819 had pro- 
duced a great revulsion and distress in the 
countrv. This called forth a great public 
meeting of the people at Manchester, to 
consider the evils of the times and devise 
relief The government took the alarm 
and claimed the right to disperse it. For 
that purpose a body of cavalry was ordered 
to charge upon the meeting, by which a 
large number of people, tnen, women and 
children were rode over and shamefully 
massaci-ed. This produced a great excite- 
ment in the people and denunciation of the 
government. Since then the people of En- 
gland have so impro\ed in their rights and 
liberties that the government would not 
dare thus again to interfere with such pub- 
lic meetings. Recently they have been re- 
pcatedlj' held, without the government 
thus daiMug to interfere. 

Another important event of the reign 
transpired in iSoi, by whicli Ireland was 
united with England and Scotland in one 
union, with but one national legislative par- 
liament and government, designated the 
United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ire- 
land. Since then Ireland has had no sep- 
arate legislative body or parliament, but is 
duly represented by delegates in the nation- 
al jiarliament of the kingdom. 

Upon the death of his lather, George IV 
came to the throne and reigned over the 
coimtry ten years, and died childless in 
1830, and was succeeded b\' his brother, 
William IV. He had been prince of Wales 
tVoni his infancy, which, however, gave hini 
but little control of public aftairs, for it was 
more a titulary and conventional matter 
than an administrati\ e affiiir; hut during 
the last ten \ ears of his royal lather's life 
and his insanity, he was the head of the 
government as prince regent. It therefore 
produced no great change in the adminis- 
tration when he became the sovereign. He 
was long a public figure, a notable person- 
age, at home and abroad; noted for his posi- 
tion in society, the subject of observation, 
remark and gossip, more than for his abili- 
ty and action in public affairs. He was the 
subject of the most contradictory opinions 
as to his merits and failings. By his par- 



373 THE MODERN PERIOD. [Book v 

tial friends he wiis said to be "the first gen- j had been so odious to George III), are 
tlenian of Europe;" and his merely respect- I among the most noted acts of his reign. 
able intellect, a good personal figure, his i He died Jime, 1830, in the sixty-se\ erth 
education and personal advantages enable j year of his age; and it has Ijeen said, "that 
them to make the remark, without liis pos- I he should have li\ ed so long is not the least 
sessinji one ciualitv or action which should i notable circumstance connected with a life 
distinguish a British monarch. But the 1 that has furnished as much material for 
progress of the people in their control over scandal as any in English history." 
political affairs and disregard for .sovereign | WilliamJ V succeeded his brother George 
power and official station, unless accom- ;„ ig^o^ .^^ ]^]^ nearest heir. He had been 
panied by some merit and worth, as well educated with a view to >.erv ice in the 
as their improved moral virtues and their navy, and at the age of fourteen commenced 
social position in relation to their go\ ern- ^j^ professional career as midshipman, and 
ment, enable his countrymen to estimate j ^^e to that of admiral. He was created 
George IV in his true character, though Ljuke of Clarence, and was generally known 
enrobed in sovereignty. To his wife he )-,v that title. He possessed considerable 
was treai;herous and cruel, if not to all he j of the blunt and honest character of a 
pretended to love. His frailties and licen- , sailor; and was more respected and popular 
tiousness are still the subject of gossip, j ^vith tlie jKople tlian his predecessor, 
scandals and stories, and enabled Thackerav | though, with tiie common licentiousness of 

rovaltv, he was connectcii with a mistress, 
Mrs. Jordan, who bore him ti\e sons and 
fi\c daughters, illegitimate childre:i, \vho 
were known h\ the name of Fitz Clarence, 
and took a high position in the English 
aristocracy. 

.Soon alter William came to the thi'one^ 



to portray his history, with his other royal 
namesakes, under the title of his "Four 
Georges," ot" whom Geoi-ge III, with hi^ 
mediocrity, obslinacv and insanit\-, was the 
most vvorth\' and respectable. 

Soon after his coming to the throne, 
great conmiotion was raised among the 
British people by George IV" attempting to 1 the revolution in France, of 1830, took 
procure, by an act of parliament, a divorce ; place, and excited all Europe for a refornv 
from his wife, Caroline. Thev were then • and greater freedom and liberality in their 
childless, their only child, princess Char- government. The British-people were also 



lotte, being then dead, and the king having 



excited, and demanded some parliamentary 



been for many years separated from her, I reform, which was obtained by a more just 
and she ha\ing been foicil>ly excluded trom . rejiiesentation of the people; which once 
her rights at the coronation : these matters i more brought the Whigs into power, alter 
produced a strong sympathy tor Caroline | an exclusion of fifty year, under the min- 
on the part of the people, and a firm belief i istry ot" earl Gray, who carried through the 
that the indiscretions charged against her ' Rel'orm Bill ; which was followed l^v oth.er 
■were more attributable to his vices and i retorms of minor importance. 
wrongs than to her guilt. The trial ol the | Al'ter a short leign ot" se\ en \'ears \Vil- 
divorce case before the house of lords, with 1 Ham dieil, in 1837, and was succeeded by 
the splendid detense made tc^r her In- Victoria, lire present tpieen. .\s the king 
Brougham, one of iier counsel, and the ex- , died without legitimate issue, his nearest 
citement of the people, produceti one of j heir was V^ictoria, a daughter and only 
the most exciting features of his reign ; and 1 child of his deceased brother, Edward duke 
caused the prosecution of the case to be I of Kent, who was called to the throne at 
abandoned in the house of commons. the age of eighteen. By this incident an 

The part that Britain took in the naval I important event took place in the relation 
battle of Navarino in favor of the inde- of Great Britain with the continent. .Since 
pendence of Greece in A. D. 1827, and tw o | the accession of George I, the British gov- 
years afterwards the passage by parliament j ernment had been connected with Hanover , 
of the Roman Catholic relief bill (which t and in a great measure subject to the iu- 



Chap. I.] 

terest of the latter countrv. Hut now a 
happv separation was bo unci to take place. 
Up to the accession <>t Victoria, the king of 
Great Britain and elector of Hanover were 
confided in the same person. But the Ger- 
man Salic law would not peDiiit the sover- 
ei.i^nty to pass to a female, as the British 
constitution has always permitted. Con- 
sequently when the British throne passed 
to VictoriiL, she could not claim the sover- 
eignty of Hanover, as she could had she 
been a male; that had to pass to the male 
heir of William IV, who was his brother, 
the duke of Cumberland, who consequent- 
Iv became king of Hano% er. 

The events that have transpired during 
the reign of Victoria are striking and im- 
portant, especially the great control that 
the British people have acquired o\ er their 
government by means of the house, ot 
cornmons, which in parliament has become 
the most important and influential political 
body that ever existed, not excepting the 
Roman senate in it.s palmy days. But these 
events and matters, existing within the 
memory of living men, do not require a 
reference to them ; the history of the rulers 
of the Ancient Britons and their descend- 
ants has been brought down to the present 
dav, and as the English people are now 
more of the blood of the Ancient Brit(ns 
than of any other race, e\en they may well 
claim, as Victoria herself does, that Carac- 
tacus, Boadicea, Arthur, Llewellyn and 
Tudor are truly among their renowned an- 
cestors. And now, instead of a further re- 
view of their rulers, we shall proceed to 
complete the review of the history of the 
people themselves; and siiow that the pres- 
ent people of Britain are not so much the 
descendants ot Saxons, Danes, or \'oi'- 
mans, as of those Britons who have occu- 
pied Britain from the time of Caesar down 
to our own day. And in so domg, it is 
well to remember that the government is 
now not that of England alone, but that of 
the United Kingdom of Great Britain and 
Ireland. 



CIVIL AND POLITICAL CHANGES. 379 

CHAPTER II. 

rnii CONDITION" OF THK I'KOI'I.K 1- ROM THE 
.\CCE,S.SION OF HKNKY VII TO TT I AT OF 
VICTORIA. (hSs — I'^.i7-) 



5^1. — 77/1" Ci»uiiliini o/ ilie Cviiirv. 

By the acce.-sioa of Henry Tudor to tlie 
throne of England tiie destiny of theCyin- 
ry became lixcd. In the progress of civili- 
zation, and a better conception of Christian 
duty, and of justice, their neigiilxjrs had 
ceased to make war upon them, and to rob 
and plunilei- them of their property. Thej 
were no longer compelled to tiglii for per- 
.sonal rigiits and liberty, or for existence 
and freedom. They have now become a.s 
peaceable, intlustrious ami producti\-e a 
people as any portion ol the island ; and 
this is so for reasons stated by Taciti:s: 
that the Britons were a peaceable people, 
when they had no cause to complain of 
wrongs and injustice. Their brethren, the 
Lloegrian Cyniry, in the east and south of 
the island, had submitted to become the 
subjects of the Saxons, jvist as tlie Saxons 
themselves had atterwards submitted to be- 
come the subjects ami serl's of the Nor- 
mans. The descendants of the Ancient 
Britons torm the suhsiralum :md material 
part not only of the population of the 
whole island, but of that of England itself. 
Thus we \yere compelled, h\ pursuing the 
history of these descendants, to keep in 
view the government of England as weU 
as that of Wales. But novy the whole peo- 
ple are under the union of one goyernment. 
The union of England ;md \Valesl)y Edward 
I was that of conquest anil not cordial-- it 
was that ot" i'orce, reluctance and distrac- 
tion ; but under the Tudor- it was that of 
choice, friendship and conlidcnte. 

The Welsh people looked upon Henry 
Tudor as the descendant and representative 
of Arthur; as the return of their ancient 
rule to the so\ ereignty of Britain. Rich- 
mond could ne\er have come to the throne 
of England withoul the aid ot his country- 
men ; and this the Tudors always gratefuHy 
acknowledge, and treated the Cymry as 
their kindred and with special regard. The 
Cymry regarded this event as a realization 



^So 



THE MODERN PERIOD 



of the poetic prediction of tlie return of 
Arthur. 

Wales is a small, but romantic country; 
^ith its hills and dales, its mountains and 
valleys; celebrated for the beauty of its 
valleys and rivers, and its charming land- 
»<:apes. But in consequence of its moun- 
tains and hills, it will not support the same 
proportion of inhabitants as that of Eng- 
land, with her extensive and fertile plains. 
Wales therefore has never had over one- 
iifteenth, or one-twentieth of the population 
of England. In 1574, K;iizabeth's time, tbe 
population of England was estimated to be 
about 5,500,000, while that of Wales was 
about 200,000. At the commencement of 
Victoria's reign the population of England 
•was i3,otx3,o(X), while that of Wales was 
800,000, and that of Great Britain and Ire- 
land was 24,300,000. In 1861 the enumer- 
ation was for England, 18,949,000; for 
Wales, i,ioo,ofJo; and tor the whole king- 
dom, 29,334.000. The representation as ap- 
portioned in the house of commons was: 
for England, 467 members; for .Scotland, 
K,^:, for Ireland, 105; for Wales, 29; in all, 
*54; which gives to Wales a proportion as 
1 to 22'^. How Wales \vas able to sustain 
3iierself, politically and morally, with such 
disparity of influence ami power in compe- 
tition against her, is a curious question, 
which we nvIU hereafter endeavor to an- 
fiwer. 

The theory adopted by some historians, 
Ihat the Saxons, as they settled in England, 
■8-laughtered all the Ancient British inhab- 
Hants who did not flee to Wales, we take to 
be untrue, not only on account of its cold 
inhumanity and its inconsistency in the 
iinalogy of history in all similar transac- 
ffons, but that Wales was utterly incapable 
of recei\ing them. When the Romans 
left Britain, Wales had her full proportion 
Cif inhabitants, and was utterly incapable of 
receiving the very large population which 
then existed within the bounds of what is 
riow England. It is very probable that be- 
fore the Sa.xon conquest the ruling and 
foremost portion of the British people — as 
the oflicial.s, priests and learned men, fled 
10 Wales and Brittany, but these were com- 
paratively few; the great mass of the peo- 



[Book V. 

pie remained there, and submitted to their 
conquerors just as the Saxons afterwards 
did to the Normans, and became tributaries 
and stipendaries to the Saxons as they had 
been to the Romans. This was special ij 
the case with London, which was never 
taken by the Saxons, York and other large 
cities. Though we have no accurate his- 
torical account of this matter as it trans- 
pired at the time, yet we know that the 
Saxons came principally as soldiers, not 
emigrants with families, and took their 
wives from the women of the country, just 
as the Normans did in their conquest of 
Normandy, and afterwards in England. 
Their progress was slow; for a "long time 
their conquest was confined to the neigh- 
borhood of the sea, until they were firmly 
fixed there; then they in the course of 
about two hundred years surrounded the 
interioi- of England, and swallowed it up 
imder the name of Mercia. Thus the in- 
habitants of South-eastern Britain, called 
the Lloegrian Cymrv, were swallowed up, 
and assimilated, and became Saxons, as the 
Ancient British historians say was the 
case. That they became Saxon in language 
Avas because the Teutons never change 
their language when they can help it, a* 
we find to be the case in their settlement* 
in Pennsylvania and New York. 

The descendants of the Ancient Britons 
thus becoming English as well as Welsh, 
we were bound to take into our historj 
both people; for the English may well 
claim their descent from the Ancient 
Britons, as Queen Victoria actually does 
claim hers from Caractacus, Boadicea and 
Arthur, through Llewellyn and the Tudors. 
Although the vmion of the English and 
Cymry was approached by hostilities and 
opposition, yet upon the coming in of 
Henry Tudor as sovereign of both coun- 
tries, the Welsh considered the act as the 
placing of one of their own people upon 
the throne of Britain, and therefore the 
government was to them acceptable. Since 
then they have been as harmonious and ac- 
tive a part of the government as any part 
of England. 

While we have contended from historical 
tacts that the English in their origin were 



Oiaj). II. I 

i^TCHtlx mixed with the Ancient Britons, 
-and with Cynn-ic and Celtic blood, we shall 
not rest upon that argument alone, but 
shall hereafter adduce other arguments 
jVoni the language, the law, the physical 
constitution, and the antiquities of the peo- 
ple, to pro\e more conclusively the same 
matter. \Ve shall now show from direct 
historical facts that the process of the mix- 
tiu"e and combination of the two races has 
been constantly going on, not only by the 
Cymry mixing with the English, but the 
lattei-, in a le>s degree, with those of Wales. 
We now refer to histt)rical facts alreaiiy 
stated of marriages constantly going on 
between the English and the Cymry, from 
the earliest Anglo-Saxon times to the pres- 
ent. \Ve mav refer first to those which 
took place between the families of Cadwal- 
lo anti Pcnda, juid marriages which were 
eonstiintiy taking jilace between the kings 
and earls of Mercin, and the' princes of 
Wales. The marriage of Williams, a gen- 
tleman of Wales, to the daughter of Lord 
CroTnwell, of llenrj VIII's time, made him 
the progenitor of a sovereign of England 
in the person of Oliver Cromwell; as well 
a.s that of Owen Tudor made iiim the an- 
cestor of the Tudor so\ creigiis. ,Siich mar- 
riages were n\nnerous in e\erv rank of 
life, as well with those who stood near the 
tlirone, or in elevated positions in society; 
as the marriage of Robert Owen to Miss 
Dale, who declared that the question with 
her was between Owen and lelibaiy. But 
Miss Dale was not the onl\- tkir English 
lady who declared that the question with 
her was between Owen and celibacy; but 
tliey were in every rank of life, of which 
history gives no account, but supported by 
the emigration of thousands to every part 
of England. This operation was constant- 
ly going on between the tw-o pebple, es- 
pecially after the accession of Owen Tudor, 
whose family were active in producing an 
imiformity, and an union of interest and 
feeling between the two people. 

The Cymry have not only thus become 
an important part of the British people and 
nation, but have been constantly adding by 
fheir learning, talents and labors to the na- 
tional renown. They carried with them 



THE CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE. 



381 



the literature and the Christian religion 
which they cultivated during the Roman 
times, and dift'used the advantages of thein 
among the English, as in the case of Gilda.s, 
Nennius, and Asser, the friend and bio- 
grapher of Alfred the Great; but all this 
was more especially the case after the Nor- 
man conquest, as is evidenced by the 
writings and labors of GeoftVey of Mon- 
mouth, Walter archdeacon of Oxford, Gi- 
raldiis Cambrensis, and many other such 
instances before the Tudor times, who were 
natives of Wales, and added to the litera- 
ture and learning of England. But es- 
pecially is this the case after that event, wheit 
Welshmen were introduced into everjr 
branch ot literature, science and profession- 
al position in England. 

What lias just been snid was so evident 
at an early day that Ben. Johnson, in the 
honestv of his heart, says: '•Remember the 
country has always been fruitful of loyal 
hearts, minds and men. What lights of 
learning hath Wales sent forth for your 
schools ! What industrious students of your 
laws! What able ministers of your justice! 
Whence hath the crown in all times better 
servitors, more liberal of their lives and 
fortunes .=" From the earliest times natives 
of Wales have been distinguished in everjr 
branch of English literature, science and 
arts; in e\ery profession — law, theologjr 
and medicine. Upon examination we find 
their numbers to be very large — unexpect- 
edly so; many of whom in history and bi- 
ography are stated to be Englishmen, but 
upon examination are found to be either na- 
tives of Wales or their immediate descend- 
ants,who were real Cymry in blood. The bar, 
the bench, the pulpit, and every depart- 
ment of government, as well as eveiy call- 
ing, art and business, have had their full 
share of them. Our limits will not begin 
to permit us to point them out or enumer- 
ate their merits and distinctions. But every- 
where we find the following Cymric names 
scattered through every department of 
British interest, viz: Allen, Adams, Bebb, 
Bowen, Bevan, Breese, Catsby, Clive, Cad- 
wallader, Davies, Edwards, Evans, Griffith, 
HowcU, Harris, Hughs, Humphrey, James, 
Jones, Johnes, Jenkins, Kenyon, Llewellyn, 



38^ 

Llojd, Latimer, Lewis, Lee, Leigh, Morse, 
Morgan, Morris, Meryditli, Meryek, Mar- 



THE MODERN PERIOD. [Book v. 

in reference to liis high office in Wales: 
"It is a iiappy place of go\ eminent, for a 



Khali, Nicholas, Owen, Parry, Perry, Pic- i better peoi)le to govern or better subjects 



ton, Peters, Piigh, Prichard, Phillips, Pow- 
ell, Putnam, Price, Reese. Richard, Rice. 
Stephens, Stanley, Thomas, Tudor, ^Vayne, 
Wynn, Wynne, M'illiams, Yale, and man^' 
more. These names not only prevail in 
the principality-, but are equally scattered 
throughout England and America — wher- 
ever the English language prevails, but 
they are among the most eminent in Eng- 
lish history; and wherever found claim bv 
their geneological table, or by tradition, 
that they were trom Wales or the descend- 
ants of those who were. This is a \ery 
strong evidence ot'the great mixture of the 
Cymry, in large numbers, among the Eng- 
lish, of a more recent date than that which 
took place with the ancient Saxons. 

Some have represented the Welsh as 
contentious and disposed to war and tight, 
but upon fair examination it will appear 
that was the case only when they were im- 
posed upon by the Saxons and Normans 
when attempting to conquer them and take 
away their rights and property. At other 
times they have been as peaceable as anv 
people — never having been engaged in for- 



rob other people. What they contended 
for was to be let alone. Thierry and Hal- 
lam have thus expressed their opinion. 
The latter says: "As to the Welsh frontier, 
it was almost constanth' in a state of waj", 
which a very little good sense and benevo- 
lence in any one of our shepherds would 
have easily prevented, by admitting the 
conquered people to partake in equal 
privileges' with their t'ellow subjects. In- 
stead of this, they satislied themselves with 
aggravating the mischief by granting legal 
reprisals upon Welshmen."' Bvit under 
the Tudors their rights and privileges were 
respected, and they became as peaceable and 
loyal people as any in the kingdom. In 
contirmation of this is the report of Sir 
Henry Sydney to his government, who had 
served under queen Elizabeth twenty-six 
years as lord president of Wales, and said 



Europe holdeth not." To this efiect abun- 
dance of authorities may be had, as well as 
it being pro\ ed by the course of history. 
They are genei'ally loyal and conservative, 
honest and religious; and for these quali- 
ties entrusted by others, as much so as any 
people. 

Since the union of Wales with England 
the military service of the Welsh to the 
kingdom has been highly important and 
distinguished. PVom the battle of Cressy 
to that of Alma, no liattle has liecn fought 
where British ^ alor was important and put 
to the test but where that of the Ancient 
Britons has had its part and been distin- 
guished. A striking evidence of this is the 
history of the twenty-third regiment, known 
as the Royal Welsh Fusileers. This regi- 
ment was tirst raised tor William III in 
16S9, by its colonel, lord Herbert, in Wales, 
and has since been kept up by recruits 
from thence. Other regiments of C%inry 
have gained their \\ell merited distinction 
as tJie descendants cjf those who fought 
under Caractaciis and Arthur for tiie rigtits 
and treedom of their coiuitr\-; Innt the 



eign conquest, or in attempt to injure or twentv-third, the Fusileers, take the lead. 



I Hallain's Middle Ajjcs, Vol. iii, p. 
ante, B.— , cli. — . 



163. 



It has served in ali the great conflicts 
through which Britain has since passed — 
at home, on the continent, in America, in 
Egypt and in the Crimea; in most all the 
great battles imder the duke of Marlbor- 
ough and the duke of Wellington. Upon 
a comparatively recent occasion the regi- 
ment was presented with new colors by 
prince Albert, who took the opportunity to 
sav he 'i'elt most proud to be the person to 
transmit these colors to so renowned a 
regiment." The -old colors were lodged in 
the chin-ch of St. Peter's Carmarthen, and 
the new colors, bearing more names tiian 
anv other regiment in the service, are in- 
scribed with the memorable and important 
battles of Minden, Sphinx, Egypt, Cornua, 
Martinique, Albuera, Badajos, Salaman- 
der, Vittorea, Pyrenees, Nivclle, Orthes, 
Toulouse, Waterloo, Alma, Jukerman, Se- 
bastopol. It is remarkable that the last 
named were those attached to the land of 



THE CONDITION OF TllIC PEOPLE. 



383 



Ciiap. II. I 

tlie cradle c)t" their aiicestoi's. To this regi- I coniideiuly confklecl; while those who fol- 
)iient are attached numerous natnes ot" ofH- j lowed their iiati\e love of freedom and in 
cers and men whose memorv is historic 1 just government were among the most ef- 



1 ficient of Cromwell's followers, and decided 

] puritans. 

I The condition ot the people of Wales 
during this period ma^ybe very well surmised 
from these lacts stated. It must be very 

! much like any portion of rural England 
away from the large cities, as London, 

I York and Winchester. They had labored 

I as far as possible to preserve their schools 

fPopery'and Catholicism, and in favor of I '"^t' churches, which they had cherished 

and brought down with them from the Ro- 
man times ; but these were often burned 
down or destroyed by their Saxon, Danish 
and Norman invaders and enemies. Not- 
withstanding these calamities, the people 
with great exertion labored to preserve 
their literature, learning and arts, and in 
these respects were ahead of England un- 
til veiy modern times, when the progress 
of civilization and the great advantages of 
England in population and all the elements 
of V. ealth and prosperity have enabled her 
people far to surpass them ; yet not behind 
any similar rural districts of England. But 
the \ery rapid progress in improvement 
now being made in Wales, in the develop- 
ment of her great mineral resources, and 
the great increase in her towns and manu- 
factures, put her on par with other like dis- 
tricts of England outside of London. 

Since the conquest of Wales by Edward 
I there has never been a time when her 
people have been treated with the hardness 
customarily put upon conquered people, as 
that of William the Conqueror upon the 
English ; indeeii the>- have beeji treated as 
a favored people. But especially was this 
the case since the accession of Henry V^II, 
During the whole time the English gov- 



and dear to the Cymry, and whose blood 
has freely stained the fields of British re- 
nown in e\cr\ i'<)iintr\- and climate, to 
sustain v\ hat is dear to ever\' Briton — their 
honor and their tVeedom. 

With the Tudors came Protestantism. 
The Cymry, though among the verv earli- 
est of the peo]ile who adopted Christianity, 
were always the most decided opjionents 
of 

a tree and national church, in opposition to 
foreign influence ;ind control o\ er their re- 
ligion and consciences. After the time of 
Augustine, it was a long period of time be- 
fore they submitted to any control of the 
church of Rome over their Christia» re- 
ligion and worship. They told Augustine 
that, while they were willing servants of 
the chm-ch of God and every true Chris- 
tian, all other obedience they disclaimed, 
Ixing governed, under their Heavenly 
Lord, by the bishop of C;crleon. This was 
what the Cymry always fondlv adhered to; 
and when Henry \' I II and Edward \'J arid 
Elizabeth declared in ia\or of and gave 
their support to an independent national 
church, they had warm supporters in 
Wales. Lord Bacon says ot it: -The Brit- 
ons told Augustine they would not be sub- 
ject to him noi- let him pervert the ancient 
laws of their church. This was their reso- 
lution: and they were as good as their 
word, for liiey maintamed the lil^erties of 
tlieir church six himdred years after his 
time, and were the last of all the churches 
of Eurojie that ga\-e up their power to the 
Roman beast; and in the person ot Henry 
VI H that was of their blood by Owen Tu- 
do)-. the first that took that power away 
again. "^ In the revolution which brought crnment has favored them in enforcing no 
Cromwell to the sovereignty of F^ngland \ery objectionable laws upon them, and 
the people of Wales were very much di- preserving tor them the most of the favored 
vidcd upon the questions in dispute, but M'lws of their own ; and never enforcing up- 
both parties were warm and decided in the on them' the feudal laws, which were al- 
cause they espoused. Those %\'ho j>einiit- I ways so \ery objectionable to them, until 
ted their native conservatism to prevail 
were lovai, and in whom the royal familv 



icon's Klf inents ol T^aw and Governments. 



the laws of England were so reformed, and 
ceased to be objectionable of themselves in 
these respects. Graduulh the laws, habits 
and customs ol" the two countries have be. 



384 



THE MODERN PERIOD 



come assimilated, so that now there is but 
h'ttle or no difference between them, except 
tliat in the more rural districts the Cvni- 
reig is the common language of the peo- 
ple. 

After the accession of Henry VII, Welsh- 
men and their descendants became still 
more intimately connected with the gov- 
ernment and the nobility, than during the 
Norman times, when so manj' of the Nor- 
man barons were connecting themselves in 
marriage with the leading families of Wales, 
and forming some of the great lordships of 
the kingdom. It is said that Jasper Tudor, 
tlie duke of Bedford, was continued to be 
entrusted by the king, his nephew, with 
the chief command of his military forces, 
as an acknowledgment of his ser\ices at 
Bosworth field; and Sir Rhys ap Thomas 
was no less so, when troops were called for 
"and mustered in an expected rupture with 
France; and "was much noted," says Lord 
Bacon, "for the brave troops that he 
brought out of Wales." And Henrv dur- 
ing his whole reign manifested special con- 
fidence in the militarj' forces of his native 
land."3 

In the year 1536, Henry VIII was in- 
duced, by common consent, to have a 
statute passed, enacting that the principali- 
ty should be united and incorporated with 
the kingdom of England ;^ and that all 
Welshmen should enjoy equal liberty, 
rights, and privileges with the king's En- 
glish subjects. From that time forward 
the people of the two countries ha\e be- 
come more and more identified antl assim- 
ilated. Afterwards, in 1543, this monarch 
had procured further statutory enactments 
for the improvement of the government of 
Wales, intended to establish equalitv of 
legal rights, and legal action in relation to 
the two people. The government then es- 
tablished was under a lord president of tlie 



3 Miss WiUiunis' History of Wales, p. 4S0. 

4 1 Stephens" Com. English Law, p. 8j; stat. 27 
Henry VIII. Notwithstanding the conquest by Ed - 
ward I, and the statute of Wallis, we are assured by 
Barringlon that the feudal laws were unknown in 
Wales; and that the property there was entirely 
frfe and allodia/. Blackstone in his Com. ( Vol. i, yi. 
94) says: "They still retained very much of their 
original polity; particularly their rule of inlierit- 
ance," viz., the gavel -kind. See, also. Judge Sher- 
wood's Notes to Hlack.'^tone. 



[Book V. 

principality, aided by a council and otlier 
olficers, whose seat of office was at Ludlow 
Castle. The judiciary consisted of a cir- 
cuit court in each of four circuits into 
which the principality was divided; each 
court had a justice appointed lor it. who 
held his coiu-t in each county, and had ju- 
risdiction of all cases in law and equity, 
with an aiijiellate jurisdiction in error in 
the higher courts at Westminster. Eliza- 
beth added another justice to each court in 
the several circuits, and the practice of the 
law was almost precisely like that of Eng- 
land. 

Ofthe.se matters Mr. Justice Blackstone^ 
says: "Courts— barons, hundred and coun- 
ty courts are there established, as in Eng- 
land. A session is also to be held twice in 
every year ill eacli coutitv,'i h\ judges ap- 
pointed by the king, to be called the great 
sessions of the several counties in Wales; 
in which all pleas ot real and personal ac- 
tions shotild be held, with the same form 
of process, and in as ample a manner as in 
the court of common pleas at Westminster ; 
and writs of error shall lie from the judg- 
ment therein, as a court ot record, to the 
court of king's bench at Westminster." 
Since then all distinction, in the judiciary 
.system of Wales, between it and that of 
England, has been abolished ; for liy stat- 
utes7 it was enacted that the jurisdictioii 
of the court of great session, in law and 
equity should cease; and that the jtirisdic- 
tion of the courts of common law should 
be exercised in the counties in Wales, in 
the like manner as in the counties in Eng- 
land. Since then sulisequent statutes^ 
have rendered the judiciary and practice of 
the law in. Wales uniform and similar in 
every respect \\ith that of England. 

Thus has the condition ot the Cyinr\ , 
^\ith respect to their laws and government, 
been put tipon a perfect equality with the 
English subjects, and their rights and lib- 
erties the same as that of anv other citizeits 
of the kingdom. 
. This delay in accomplishing this desira- 

■; Commentaries, Vol. 5, p. 77. 

6 Stat. 18, Eliz. c. S. 

7 Stat. II, George IV' and i WUIiam IV, c. 70. 514 
S Stat. 5 Victoria s. 2, c. 33; and S Victoria, c. 11. 



Chap. II.] 

ble object was caused by tlio Welsh people 
themselves, in every treaty, insisting that 
the English teudal tenures should not be 
enibrced upon them, and that they should 
still retain certain favored laws of their 
own, until the English should be so im- 
proved as to be equal and as acceptable as 
their own. When the very objectionable 
features of the English teudal laws had 
been abolished or become obsolete, and the 
English laws theinselves had been so 
ameliorated and improved, the Welsh then 
had no objection to this happy union and 
assimilation w ith the other people of the 
United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ire- 
land. 

§2. — Condition of the English. {A. D. 1485 
-1837-) 

The progress made by the English peo- 
ple, in the amelioration of their condition 
within this period, is unexampled in the 
history of the world. This progress of 
iinprovement has been progressive in all 
the relations and aftairs of human life — in 
their political relations ; in the emancipa- 
tion of man from unjust bondage and re- 
straints, and placing- him upon a just and 
humane equality in the attainment of hap- 
piness and justice; and in the advancement 
of arts, science and business. From the 
coming of the Saxons to the Norman con- 
quest, there were six hundred _)ears; from 
the conquest to the accession of Tudor, 
there were over four hundred years, and 
from that time to the accession of Victoria 
there were three hundred and fifty years. 
During the first period there were only the 
king and ruling aristocracy who were per- 
mitted to govern : when the government 
was in the hands of a strong king, he did 
as he pleased ; when in the hands of a weak 
one, the nobility ruled as they pleased ; but 
in either case the people were nothing in 
the government, but were subject to be 
ruled with equal tyranny and injustice by 
either. In the second period the Normans 
took possession of all political power, and 
transferred the landed property, with the 
nobility, from the Saxon lords to the Nor- 
man ; leaving the people where they were 
before — the tenant and serf. Towards the 



THE CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE. 



3S,v 



close of this period, after the commence- 
ment of the reign of Edward I, the house 
of commons was formed, but it neither 
knew nor exercised any of the powers 
which now distinguish it; and the people 
only began to feel ami know that they had 
some rights in the government. But it 
was after the commencement o{ the last 
period that the house of commons began to. 
exercise those rights and powers that it 
now maintains— the representative and 
guardian of the rights of the people, hold- 
ing in its hands the government itself, and 
the sovereigntv of the kingdom. 

Of the various people and races, Avho en- 
ter into the composition of the English, to 
which of them is to be attributed these re- 
cent improvements.'' The answer should 
be, to neither exclusively; it is the growth 
of British soil ; the recent progress of hu- 
manity, aided b\ favorable circumstances. 
Certainly to the Saxons, the usual clain\- 
ant, the least of all. The Normans were 
probably the most proximate cause. It 
were they who produced the Great Charter 
of John, and afterwards suggested the 
house of commons; but which never ex- 
isted in its majesty and power in their period. 
We can not trace any thing, of the many 
that is admirable in the British government, 
to a Saxon origin, or a Saxon ingenuity. 
They came frotn a remote and barbarous 
corner of the European world, and, as com- 
placently suggested by Cjesar, the farthest 
from Rome and civilization. They came 
as warriors, with few or no wives, to fight 
and conquer. They brought but little with 
them but their battle-ax, and their knowl- 
edge and experience were confined to arts 
of a savage warfare. They came to li\e 
upon the country ; took their wives from 
the people; expelled the former rulers and 
Christian priesthood ; made the mass of 
the people left in the rural districts their 
tenants or serfs, and the cities their tribvi- 
taries or stipendaries as they were under 
the Romans. Their government the most 
unrestricted monarchy — their great coun- 
cil, the Witenagemot, consisting of the 
most exclusive aristocracy or oligarchy, 
made up of the descendants of Woden, 
who were of no account in the government 



586 



THE MODERN PERIOD 



when a Penda or an Offa or Ethel frith 
ruled ; and they themselves ruled with 
equal tyranii}-, when such \\eak men as 
Edwy or Ethelred ll,i)rc'\en Edwaid the 
Confessor, were on the throne, or when it 
■was vacant. The Witenagemot was no more 
the model of parliament than the great 
council of the red man of America was 
the model for the formation ot congress — 
parliament, however, was. The Saxons 
tame without literature or science, except 



[Book V- 

landed aristocracy, to the exclusion of the 
m.'iss of the people who tilled them, had 
the inevitahle eftect of holding the mass of 
the people as serfs; and excluding theni 
from a participation in the government, 
produce a low, degraded and criminal pop- 
idation just as Hume has described. On 
the other hand, when a large body of ag- 
riculturists become themselves landowners 
— the yeomanry of the country, exercising 
important part and function in the govern- 



such as was connected with their operations ment, they are elevated as men to moral 



in plunder ami war: the a\owed enemies 
■©f ChristianitN and civilization, and as 



responsibility and character. 

Under both the Saxon and Norman 



pagans of the Woden stamp, destroying ' eminent it was impossible that the great 

body of the people should be otherwise 
than as represented. For a people to be 
elevated and of a high moral tone, they 

remained, except what they could turn to must be free, and enjoy a just share in the 



every evidence of either. 

The Norman conquest was so complete 
that almost nothina- of a Saxon institution 



their advantage; the rude Saxon feudal 
tenures, unwritten and depending upon 
custom, were by the Normans reduced to 
form in writing and a code, which for about 
two hundred years held the people of Eng- 
land in its iron feudal grasp. The first re- 
lief from it came from the Norman barons 
in a revolt against the t\ranny of their 
kings. TheA' wrenciied from then\ their 
charters, and eventuallv establislied some- 
thing like the house of commons, which 
■was the first thing necessarv and essential 
to the present government of England and 
the United Kiagdoni. It was then that 
English government and British institu- 
tions of libertv and freedon\ had their ori- 
gin and grew. 

The tVequen! Avars in Enghnui kept the 
people h-om improving, and in subjugation 
and povert\. Its tendency was to produce 
an indifterence to civil order.s, witli idleness 
and crime. This was particular! \- the ca.se 
in those times that ))reci*tied the death of 
Richard III. The character of the Anglo- 
Saxon during those times as represented by 
Hume and other historians, is ver-v low in 
point of civilization and good goxernment. 
But all that may have been the natural con- 
sequence of the low position at which the 



blessings of the land and their government. 
To the mass of the English people these 
rights came to them very slowly ; the king 
and the nobility, by whom all the powers of 
the government were exercised, generally 
looked upon e\erv movement to ameliorate 
the condition of tlie jieople with a suspi- 
cious and hostile eve. When Monfort, the 
earl of Leicester, late in the reign of Henry 
III, proposed to call into parliament repre- 
sentatix es from the commons. — from the 
shires and burgesses. — the nobilit\' looked 
upon it as a fearful innovation ;' and the 
pj-oposition was not renewed for a long ■ 
time. But after the accession of the Tudor 
d\nast\ , a new policy was inaugurated in 
refereni'e to the advancement of the posi- 
tion and interest ot" the people. This was 
done by the abolition of the most offensive 
part of the feudal tenures by statutes to 
enable the noliilit\ to alienate their lands, 
by which a miildle class became holders of 
land; and this was speciallv promoted by 
' the great sale of lands, by Henry VIII, con- 
I fiscated from the monasteries and clergy. 
I The increase of the yeomanry of the coun- 
! try had been greatly promoted by the great 
I slaughter of the nobility in the war which 
I ended in the death of Richard 111, and by 



people were put, and the habits of continual ^^'' ^"onstant enfranchisement of the peo 



war. The manner in v\hich both the Sax- 
ens and the Normans placed the ownership 
«f the landed property in contiol of a ' i Sec ;mte, B. 



pie, and the increase of power and influence 
of the house of commons. To these meas- 



'Cliiip. n.J 



THE CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE. 



3«7 



urt's t^hould be added the polio ot" peace 
instead of war, pursued by t)w Tudors; 
which greatlv promoted mamitactures and 
-coinmerce of" tile countr\ . These measures 
soon i-aised the jieoplc to a position of jiow- 
er, influence, and wealth, never before at- 
tained. Bv these means, and from tliis 
time, the people of England made a pro- 
gress in their own elevation and condition, 
morailv. politically and phvsicalh', unsur- 
passed b\ anv other. 

It mav be well to notice in the course of 



trol untoward events than to resist; easi«r 
to save the tree that was sufficiently pliable 
to yield before the storm than one that was 
so stubborn as to break. I'pon the whole, 
the progress made by the British people 
in their government and their condition 
leaves but little doubt that it will soon at- 
tain all that reformation that reason and 
justice require. 

j^3 — Ethuoloiiy of thr British People. 

It is easier to establish satistiictorilv the 



Ihis advancement that the improvements j ethnic relation of any of the people consti- 
niade in the condition of the people were i tuting the British kingdom than that of the 
never made formerly as they have some- i English. As to them many fanciful and 
times been made of late by a \oluntJir3- ' favorite theories have been adopted, with- 
movement on the part of the government out consideration or evidence to establish 
or nobility , for thev were too hostile, and their pure Saxon or Teutonic lineage. One 
lacked all sympatic and feeling for the in- uf these has been, that when the Saxons 
terest of the people to do anything of that came to Britain the^ ctwly slaughtered 
kind; there was an awful distance between : of!" the two or tliree nuUions of civilized 
the nobility and the m;uss of the people as , and Christian people found there, who 
serfs and bondsmen, which utterlv prohib- i were unable to flee to the mountains ot 
ited it. The actioTi of Simon de Monttort, | Wales; so that the Saxons had u clear ter- 
< arl of Leicester, in favor of the people, was i ritory to begin their nation anew. We be- 
received witli hostility bv his tellow nobles | lie\e that there has already iK'en enough 
and not soon adopted. It was in the course I said to satisfy an unj)reiudicet! mind that 
of the revolution and troubles among the i this theory cannot be true; and that after 
government and nobility themselves when j that conquest was complete a majority of 
the greatest progress was made, and was the I the people of the Anglo-Saxon territory 
means of procuring it. It was the Danes i were ot tlie blood and the descendants of 
ind Normans who broke down the old | the Ancient Britons. But tor fear that 
Saxon aristocracy of Woden origin, the i some may adhere to this unfounded fancy, 
closest and the most odious that was ever | we are disposed to bring forth other collat- 



formed. It was the hostilities lietween the 
Norman nobility and their monarchs, John 
and Henry 111, that broke in upon the 
>\ erpowering authority and tyrannv of the 
Norman kings; and it was the war which 
terminated at the death of Richard III 
\vhich almost annihilated the powers ot" 
that nobility, and gave a fair opportunity 



eral evidence to the same point, arising 
from the investigation of language, physi- 
ological characteristics, law, and the exawi- 
ination of antiquities; all these, as well as 
history, go to prove that the English are 
more the descendants of the Ancient Brit- 
ons than of" the Saxons who invaded Brit- 
ain; more tlie product of the union and 



for the i!nprovement under Henry VII ; 1 amalgamation of the various races who in 
it was the revolution under Cromwell that | vaded Britain at various times than of the 
brought out they e.om;inry of England ; ;uk1 i Saxons alone; more of the Celtic blood 
it was the movements of the restoration of S than of the Teutonic. 

William III and George I which did the [ Before entering upon these collateral 
most to enable the people firmly to secure i evidences, let us recall to our memorj' the 
'iieir liberties. But of late the nobility and ; prominent facts of our history bearing up- 
-overnment have of their own accord sym- ; on the question. From the earliest times 
jiathized and done much to promote such j the inhabitants of Western Europe consist- 
movements, finding it was easier to con- j ed of the Celts and Teutons. The Celts 



388 



THE MODERN PERIOD. 



[Book y. 



were the more southerly in Gaul and Brit- 
ain, and were the mor«i cultivated and civ- 
ilized; the Teutons more north, in Ger- 
many and Scandinavia, and the more un- 
cultivated and barbarous. The Romans 
in various ways had come in contact and 
in some measure mixed — principally as 
conquerors and rulers — with tTie Celts; 
more in Gaul than in Britain, but not at all 
with the Teutons. 

When the Saxons came the Romans had 
withdrawn, except such as had been mixed 
with and had become a part of the Cymric 
population. The Celts were distinguished 
into two families — the Gael and the Cym- 
ry, or the Gaelic and the Cymric Celts; 
these are sometimes denominated, the first 
as the old or low Celt, the latter as the 
new or high Celt ; but the Gaelic or old 
Celt or the Cymric or new Celt is the bet- 
ter designation. The old Celts or Gaels 
were the first settlers, as far as our history 
gives, of Gaul and Britain. The Cymry 
came last from the Cimbric Chefsonesus 
or north of the Elbe, and took possession 
of the northwest part of Gaul, north of the 
Loire. Those north of the Seine and south 
of the Rhine, who were more in the habit 
of war in keeping back the Germans, and 
some little mixed with the Teuton, were 
denominated Belgu; or Belgic Cymry." A 
part of the Cymry passed o^er from Ar- 
niorica to Britain and became possessed of 
the south part of it; and the Gael princi- 
pally withdrew to the north part of the 
island,! and over to Ireland. Subsequently 



I See ante, B.— , ch. —r. It will be remembered 
tluil it w;is concluded that the Gaels of Gaul and 
those of the British Islands in ancu-nt limes were the 
same people; they settled Britain before the Cymry 
came. They llien withdrew to the north, and finally 
became identitied with the northwest of Scotland 
and south and west of Ireland. I have recently ex- 
amined I^atham's Ethnology of the British Islands, 
in which he repre.sents the Gaels as isolated and un- 
connected with any language in Europe. But he 
approves of what he calls the Lhuyd theory, of which 
he says: "The doctrine of Humphrey Lhuyd, one of 
the best of our earlier archseologists, suggested it. 
* * * * And it is highly probable. It makes the 
original population of all the British Islands — Eng- 
land as well as Scotland and Ireland — to have been 
Gaelic, Gaelic to the exclusion of any Britons what- 
ever. It makes a consideiable part of the continent 
Gaelic as well. In consequence of this, the Britons 
are a later and intrusive population, a population 
which effected a great and complete displacement 
of the earlier Gaels over the whole of South IJritain 
and the southern part of Scotland. Except that they 
were a branch of the same stalk as the Gaels, their 
relation to the aborigines was that of the Anglo- 



other Cymry came over from Gaul — from 
Armorica and Belgium, and occupied the 
southeast of Britaiia, and were known as 
the Lloegrian Cymry. As liie Romans 
came many of the Cymry, for the love of 
independence and freedom, withdrew to 
the valley of the Clyde and the low lands 
north and east of the Forth, and the latter 
became known as the Picts. Others with- 
drew iVom the Romans over to Ireland, 
and occupied the northeast of it, and be- 
came known as the Scots, who subsequent- 
ly passed over to Scotland, gave to it its 
name, and eventually became completely 
united and absorbed with the Picts. 

When the northern barbarian began to 
overrun Europe, and the Saxons to invade 
Britain, the older inhabitants were thus 
divided: The old Celts or Gael occupied 
as the permanent inhabitants of the coun- 
try the south part of Gaul, the highland* 
of Scotland, the south and west of Ireland 
and the Isle of Man ; the new Celts or Cym- 
ry the northeast of Ireland, the south and 
east of Scotland, all of England and Wales, 
and the northwest of Gaul, south of the 
Rhine. 

Of the people who invaded Britain at'ter 
the Romans were: i. The Saxons. 2. The 
Danes. 3. The Normans. 

The Saxons were known and designated 
amongst themselves as three separate fam- 
ilies, viz: The Jutes from Ilolstein and 
Schleiswick; the Angles to the east of the 
Jutes, from the southwest angle of the Bal- 
tic; and the Sa.xons, so specially called, 
from all the country south of the Jutes and 
north of the Rhine, including the Friesians. 
They were all denominated by the Briton* 
under the name of Saxons, without any 
distinction; and were all more or less Teu- 
tonic, but probably differed much from the 
Germans of the interior and south of Ger- 
many. 

That the Cymry were once settled in 
the very country from which the Saxons 
came, and known in early times as the 
Cimbri, is a fact admitted by all historians. 
After the Cymry of Armorica and Britain 



Saxons to themselves at a later period. * * * * 
The general distribution of these two branches of 
the Celtic stock leads to Lhuyd 's hypothesis, in other 
words, the presumption is in its favor." 



rilE CONDITION OF THP: PEOPLK. 



Chap. u.| 

lel't the Cinibi"i Chersoiiesiis a large body 
of them still remained there, until the time 
a body of them in alliance with a body of 
'J'eutons passed south and invaded the Ro- 
mans, under the name of Cimori and Teu- 
tons, in the time of Marius. From that 
time Cimbri of the Chersonesus disappear 
in history. But it is contended by histo- 
rians that they emigrated both north and 
south, and were mingled and swallowed up 
by the people with whom they came in 
contact; on the north with the Danes, Nor- 
wegians and Swedes ;2 on the south with 
the Saxons, Friesians, Hollanders and Bel- 
gians. This will account for the ethnic 
dift'erence in language and people of those 
to the soutli or low German on the shores 
of the German ocean from the high Ger- 
man to the east of them; and also those to | 
the north, as the Danes, Norwegians or j 
Scandinav ians, from the Gothic and Teu- | 
tonic people to the east and .south of them, j 

How much Cymric blood entered into 
the composition of these several people it 
is impossible to determine, but it is proba- 
ble, on a number of act-oimts, that there 
was more in the Danes and Norwegians 
than in those who passed under the name 
of Saxons, for they ditfered the most from 
the real Teutons; and it is said that the 
Northmen's literature bore evidence of 
their connection with the Celts, as well as 
some portion of their antiquities. All these 
people, when they came to either Britain 
or Gaul, came as soldiers, to rob and plun- 
der or to conquer, being mostly men and 
but few women. They were few in num- 
ber compared with the people among 
whom they settled, conquered and ruled. 



3Sy 



2 This would make the Northmen who settled in 
Normandy part Celt to betfin with, and account tor 
his difterinsy !;o much from the real Teuton. Authors 
have Irequently alluded to this, and Prof. M. Ar- 
nold says: "Since the war in Schleswi'^-Holslein, 
all one's German friends are exceedinj^^ly anxious to 
insist on the difference of nature between themselves 
and the Scandinavians." (Arnold's Celtic Literature, 
part iv.) This difference is in no way so well ac- 
counted for as by supposing- that they were a mix- 
Kire of the Cimbri of Denmark with the Teutons. 
And Arnold quotes Zeuss to prove that in very early 
limes the Celts, with their bards, poeti-y and learn- 
ing, were found with the Norwcg-ians and Iceland- 
ers. This shows that RoUo and his men may have 
been considerably Celtic when they came to Rouen; 
and then they were not one in fifty, if one in a hun- 
dred, in the population of Normandy. So that the 
Normans who came to England were far more Cel- 
tic than Teutonic. 



This was specially the case with the people 
of Normandy)'. The largest portion of 
their blood must ha\e been of the original 
Cymric Celt of the country. The Nor- 
mans of Noiinandy were formed by the 
settlement of a few thousand Northmen^ 
warrior.s, expelled from Norway, their 
home, settling among the great body of the 
people of Normandy or Neustria, and 
Ibrming a new race by the imion of the 
two ; when there was a probability that 
there were more people in the city oi' Rou- 
en alone than all the Northtuen warriors. 
They amalgamated and m^de one people, 
but the great proportion of their blood 
must be still Celtic, especially so as their 
princFpal intercour.se was with the Britons 
of Armorica in marriage and political al- 
li.'iiTces. 

Such were the peojile and race who in- 
vaded and suljdued Britain, imposed upon 
it their rule and in some irieasin^e their 
language; and by that union formed a uew 
people and language, diilerent ami unlike 
either of their progenitors, but >lill par- 
taking materially of the original inhabitants 
of the country — the ^Vncient Britons, with 
a large infusion and probably the major 
portion' of Celtic or Cymric blood. It was 
the Normans who impressed upon England 
and its people the greatest portion of their 
new characteristics; and they and those 
who came with them were greatly predom- 
inant with Celtic blood, which made the 
English more Celtic than they were be- 
fore. 

Leaving the historical question thus at this 
point, it is now proposed to proceed to our 
collateral evidence; and, I. Language. It 
is apprehended that upon examination the 
English languiige will show its intimate 
connection with the C^'mric Celt, and show 
that the English people are greatly indebt- 
ed, if not principally so, to their Celtic an- 
cestors for their origin. It is treely admit- 
ted that Saxon warriors who came and 
subdued South-eastern Britain imposed up- 
on the British people their rule and lan- 
guage; for the Germans of all people in 
the world are -the most tenticlous of their 
language, and will only change it by slow 
and imperceptible degrees. 



390 THE M0W:KN FERrOr)\ [Bcwliv. 

The English laiij^'LUige i> cnlirelv a new : inak* it harmoisizi- %ith tlie- gemvm of the 
language, unlike any other. L'pon inspee- ! language; or to ag,ree in case or number^ 
=tion a German would hardlv dream that it I -oir in tense, with ils poeitiorvin the sentence, 
had a German origin; and tlie older Anglo- i All this is almost entirely discarded in the 
Saxon we examine the less resemblance to j PZniglish, and in thi:* respect it is lielped by 
the modern English we find. The English I a ver)- simple expecSienc\- ot adopting a fevr 
is a new composit laiiguage. made up by I prep<\sitions and aiixsIdarA' verbs; tiiey gen- 
strangers who were unac(|uainted with each ! erally a/iopt a word inione rude form, with- 
"other's language; picking up trom each i out reg.a'-*! to sound or harmony; and thi.s 



"other what was the most convenient to 
rach, with tiic condition that the Saxon 
must be its substratum. They would en- 
quire of each qther the names of several 
things and words to express ideas. They 
would adopt them in a rude form, like the 
Chinese pigeon -Englisli. T!ie_\- would 



has been, done b\ borro^ving word* trom al 1 
people and. laiiguiiges that they have come 
in contact with. This ha.s been carried so 
far that the original Saxcwa. has almost lost 
all resembiiuice to its origmal. 

]t is customary to consider all the \^ord.s 
and phrasi-s found in the Esiglish, from the 



adopt thcni in one form, dropping off all | time the Saxons came to Edward III, as- 
changes in nouns and \ eibs for grammati- ' Anglo-Saxon. For the purpose of show- 
cal delineation or conjugation, and all mod- ' ing \\hat the Sa.xon language was l>efore it 
ification for mere harmony ot sound; and ; was improved in England, tWs is all wrong, 
instead thereof adopt a few prepositions i The question is not what the Saxon was 
and auxiliary Aerbs. Thus discarding ail { made to be in England, bvit what it was 
chafigcs in words on account of these ! when it can^e there. Upon such examina- 
changes of cases and tenses: and especially i tion the Saxon language is toujid to ha\e 
all the numerous changes that the Ancient | been so impro-\ ed, and combined with other 
Briton had in his words, by clianges of the j som-ces, and so much composed of materials- 
initial letters in words to make it hai-rnon- i foreign to itself, that it has become a compos- 

1 . " 
ize \vith other \vords in the sentence, and ^ ite language, wholly unlike the original Sax- 
adjectives to agree with their nouns in gen- j on. The oldest specimen of the Saxon lan- 
der and case. It the Saxon was told by a i guage now atmy hand, is a specimen greatly 
Latin scholar that the instrument he wrote I lauded as a fair s{x;cimen of Saxon language 
w ith was called pena, he would use it in : and literature — the poem of Ctedmon, "The 
its rudest form and tcall it pen ; and would Creation," composed about A. D. 680, 



nc\"er trouble himself with the r/, (f, is, or 
<ri/ ; but would help that idea by sotvie prepo- ] 
sition or auxiliar\-. In t)ie original Saxon 
the changes in woriis were few, principally 
to change nouns to verbs and adjecti\'es; 



about two hundred vears after the Saxons 
first settled in England. This specimeit 
will aid us some to judge of this matter. 

The following is a quotation from Cied- 
mon's poem of the Creation, taken from 



and this was done principall\ by adding tr// i Chambers' Cyclopaedia of English Litera- 
tbr a \erb, and /> or /r for adjectives :3 thus turc. It is put into English letters: if it 
"ivif was mind, sen^e, knowledge; rvitaii was j was put into Saxon letters it would appear 
to know, to think; 7vitii;\ wise, sagacious ; still further from its jxirentage of the Kn- 
or by combining other words. F^ ut their glish language : 

OHK.lNAl. SAXON. 



those afterwards adopted in the English >•'" "t- sccohm iKii^n 

, , r- 1 lu-olon-rircs we.irii, 

were principally- borrowed from the Celts. metodes inihtu, 



prepositions and auxiliaries were tew, and 

ose afterwards adopted in the English 

?re principalh- borrowed from the Celts. 

This is all proved bv the most casual ex- | ::::!..!tu;ao;1^de;!"- 
amination of the English language. Al- j swa liu wundm ifc-lnvsis 

. ! ccf drvhien, 

ost a\\ other languages present some e\i- ! uurA oiiste:il<le. 
dence of cultui^e by additions or jirefix to 



3 See Tiirnc 
pp. 82—92. 



lie- ;\-ri st iTf-scoop, 
vlda lie.irtiuin 
iifofoni to hroff, 
An}4-|o-,Srtxoii, Xo\. ii, Ap]icndix, , liiili<;- scyp|>c-iidc! 
1 )h;i iiiidtlaij-ii'earj 



KN<.1.ISII TKANSLA110N. 

Now wf shall priiise 

tlie i^u:irdian of heaven, 

tlie misrht of the Creator, 

and his coiin.sel, 

the j^lory-fathcr of men! 

how he of all wonders, 

the etern.'il lord, 

formed the beginning. 

He first created, 

for the children of men! 

heaven as a root, 

the holy creator! 

then the world 



i 



Chap. 



II. 



TIIK COXDITION OF THK PEOPLE. 



■lon-cynnf!i v 
ece dryhtcn. 
after terxjc, 
finim folduiii. 
flta ;e!mihli;> 



•(.iuctc, the ^u:trdiaii of mankind 

the eternal lord, 
produced atterward.s, 
the earth tor men, 
Ihe almiuhly master! 



In this part of the }X)cni there are about j 
fortv-five Saxon words; about titteen otj 
Ihem may be connected with and converted 
into Enj^Iish, the other thirty have no con- 
nection witli it. In determinini( how j 
much of the English is Sa.\on, and how { 
much of the Saxon language enters into 
the English, we niu.st ascertain what the 
Saxons and their language were when thev 
came, not wliat the\- and their language af- 
terwards became after several hundred 
jears of culture on British soil. 

Language is evidence of the origin of a 
people, but not conclusive evidence; for 
many people and races ha\ e adopted a lan- 
guage entirely foreign to themselves. The 
Saxons did tenaciously adhere to their 
language, and slowly improved it by adopt- 
ing now and then, here and there a word 
from the language of the Cellic population 
with whom they mixed. So much was this 
the case, that the English language has be- 
come one entirely unlike the original Sax- 
on; as the English peoj)le themselves 
have become unlike their Saxon ancestors, 
by the .same process— intennixture and 
amalgamation with tlie original subjects of 
the island. 

In examining the above specimen from 
Caxlmon or any other of the Saxon lan- 
guage in England until the time of AltVed, 
at least, we shall find the Saxon language 
entirely different from the English in its 
formation, construction and grammar. 
That language was almost entirely unlil^e 
in its original from the English which 
superseded it. h had no articles, nor tew 
•r none of preposition.s, or auxiliary words; 
and without these the English would be 
wothing, or lose its native force. There 
was no article f/te in the Saxon,— so very 
important in the English. The above 
words of Caedmon — "metodes inihte," Mr. 
Chamlx^rs translates, "the might of the 
Creator." The English adopted this arti- 
cle from the Cymry; they always use this 
article, thus they say, y dyn, and we say in 
English, the man ; and the English for a 
long time wrote Uie article in the same 



391 
way, as y or ye, as \ tic-Id, the v being 
sounded as an e, with an aspiration. The 
Saxons had no preposition o/'. This again 
was borrowed in the ICngHsh from the 
Cymry, who would sav, o y dvn, ibi- of the 
man. So /// is from iv/ / and many of the 
most simple words in the English, are bor- 
rowed in the same manner. 

There are a few English writers who 
contend that the English have borrowed 
tew or no words from the Cvmry. But 
there are many fair and honest men who 
strongly maintain the contrary . Mr. Whit- 
taker, the \cry able historian of Manches- 
ter, contends and giv es a list of more tlian 
three thousand words in Kngli^li b(jirowed 
from the Cymr\ . 

Prof. Creasy, in his essay on tlie Englisli 
Constitution,* w ith reluctance admits the 
fact that the Cymreag, or the language of 
the Cynn-y, forms any important part of the 
English language, yet gives us a list of 
thirty words Ijorrowed from the Celtic 
Britons, collected b\ a .Mr. (Janiett. as e\ i- 
dencc tliat the Saxons tiid not slav all the 
Ancient Britons, but took their vvi\ es ;tt 
least from them; and considei- the fact that 
his list of words relate to domestic feminine 
occupation, as e\ idence that the Saxons 
generally did tlius Jake their wives from 
the Britons. ]{,. ones the following list of 
such words: Basket, barrow, button, liran. 
clout, crock, crook, gusset, kiln, cock (in 
cock-boat), dai]iry, darn, tentei" I tenter hook), 
fleam, flaw, fumiel, :^y\c, griddel. gruel, 
welt, wicket, gown, wire, mesh, mattock, 
mop, rail, rasher, rug, .solder, size (glue), 
tackle. Tills is a very important list of 
words, and strong evidence that the Saxons 
took wives from the British women. This 
would make the next generation of them 
half Briton.s, without taking into considera- 
tion the rest of the Britons ^vho became 
their subjects, tenants and serfs: and the 
inhabitants of cities not taken. But this 
list of words would only begin to enumer- 
ate Celtic words thus adopted in the En- 
glish language. Take for instance the word 
hcrian in the tirst line given above t'rouii 
Ca.'dmon, and in the translation it is ren- 
dered praise. This is from the Celtic ; in 



4 Creasy on the English Constitution, p. ->(;. 



393 



THE MODERN PERIOD. 



[Book V. 



Welsh it would be /;-/.<, price: and/r/wV/w/' 
to praise; in Latin it would have been laus, 
Jaudo^ laudabimus. 

For the purpose ot' testing this matter 
further let the following list be examined, 
and it will be found that the borrowing of 
words from the Cymrj'- was not confined to 
mere domestic concerns, but to all the re- 
lations of life. And let it be remembered, 
that the Saxons' had no communication 
with the Latin until after the coming of 
Augustine, when the Saxons had been in 
England upwards of one hundred and fifty 
years, or five generations, when the inter- 
jnixture of races would have been com- 
pleted, especially in Kent, rather than in 
Northumbria, wheie Ca'dmon composed 
his poetry. In this list we first give the 
Anglo-Saxon word, when known, then the 
English translation, and then the Cvmric or j and adopted after their settlement in En, 



SAXON, OR 




WELSH, OR 


ANO-SAX. 


KNGI.ISH. 


<-iMRAEG. 


Ciinan. 


Churn. 


Corddi. 


Cennan. 


Beget. 


Cenedhi. 


Cat. 


Cat. 


Cath. 


Carr. 


Stone. 


Careg-. 


Car. 


Care. 


Care. 


Pycan (to 
pick). 


J Pick. 
Peck. 


Pyjr. 

Pec, pigo (to peck). 


Finn 

(1. penna). 


Peg. 
Pen. 


Pig, nin, pinio (to peg). 
]>en. 


Pin (to pin 

is pin;in). 


[ Pin. 


Pin. piniaw (to pin). 


Gefeva. 


Pair. 


Par, as par oadarn ( pair 
of birds). 




Paper. 


Papyr. 


Parriic. 


Park. 


Pairc. This word is of 
undoubted Celtic ori- 
gin. 




Part. 


Farlh. 






Place. 


Plas, plas newydd (new 
place.) 


These 


Anglo-Saxon 


words are those used 



Welsh word from which it was adopted, 
thus : 



SAXON, OR 
ANG-.SAX. 

Haga. 



Miln. or / 
Mvlen. ( 


Mill. 


A!. 


All. 


Boca. 


Baron. 





Basin. 




liarrcl. 
Hannir 


Kana. 


Oali. or i 


Button. 


Cna'p. \ 





t.orp. 
Copp. 
Co,-. 
Citl. 



, WELSH, OR 

ENGLISH. CYMRAEG. 

Farm. Fftrm.fi fferniwr (a far- 

mer). In Arnioricaand 
France it was ferm 
and fcrmc. There is 
no such word in tlie 
Teutonic hinguage. 

Ford. Ffordd (pronounced as 

forthl or ffor (a road or 
way). When tlie Sax- 
on would inijuire the 
way to cross the river, 
the Briton would point 
it out. and call it y 
ftbrdd; and tiie Saxon 
would repeat it, the 
ford. Thus any En- 
glish words are form- 
ed from the original 
IJntish. 

AJelin. 

Oil, or holl. 
Hacwn. 
BasM. 
Baril. 
FJanar. 

Dal (to c-atcli or hold), 
bultun or botwm. 
Tliese words are com- 
mon to the Celts, but 
not to the Teutons. 
Ctiap, button or knob. 
I'etter. Cf)rpi,,fetter or chastise. 

T<»p. Cop. the lop. 

Kiss. Cus. 

Batileoi- sirilf. Cad. 



land. 

j These examples are only taken at ran- 
dom and might be extended to at least Mr. 
Whittitker's three-thousand words or a vol- 
ume. The following lixble of numbers shows 
' the Cvmric's intimate relation to Aryan, 
i and to the English full as mtich as to the 
Anglo-.Saxon. 

I Sl'sS'-. '-;S— r. n S ri ^ 

r^ ^ ^- — E ■ ~ = ' n 






= ?- 3 :i 



So P'c c o "^ "^ 3 r: n.O 5 



5 Webster's IJictioirary. 

6 The English scholar should notice that the /f is f, 
and_/ is sounded like V. r- like a, and / like e, in the 
Knglish. And u is to be t're']uently .-.ounded like e, 
as in du, Rhoderick Du. 



1 o 

•a " 

o ~i 
3 n 
o fi 

^•< 
n ^ 

— C 



■— 3 .- K ^ -^ •-* .^ 3 ^^ ^ 






This table shows that all these languages 



Chap. II.] THE CONOl'IION 

must c<ynie tVotn the same source — the 
Aryan; and that the Welsh is closely con- 
nected with the Greek; and that the An- 
};lo-Saxon and English are a greater de- 
parture from the latter than tlie Welsh. 

The space assigned to this work com- j 
pels the abandonment of the argument 
arising from language, and to resort to that 
arising from law. ! 

That the laws of the Ancient Hrilons j 
}iave been largely adopted in the t'ormatioii : 
of the English law — that it now breathes in i 
antl imbues it, is a matter generally adniit- | 
ted by the best J^nglish lawvers and schol- j 
ars; and denied only by those who Io\e { 
Saxonism more than it deserves. The hnvs | 
of slavery, as they existed among the Sax- I 
ons and Britons, were a striking character- \ 
istic in the difference between them. 
'J'he Saxons tolerated and j)rotected slavery 
in every shape. in their piracies thev 
were in the habit of kidnapjiing jicople on 
the British sliores in Roman times, and 
selling them in the slase market on the 
continent. This was particularly com- 
plained of in the time of the Roman gen- 
eral, Theodosius, as haxing been done in 
the \icinity of I..ondon. 'J'he instance of 
their selling children in Roman market, 
taken from Deira in Nortb.umbria, wliich 
attracted the attention of (jrcgor\, whefii- 
■cr those children were liieir own or thuse 
of captured Britons, is a noted one. His- 
tory tells us that they made Bristol an 
■oftensixe slave market. On the other 
hanti, all we know of the Britons, in their 
triads, laws, and history, they manifested 
a decided spirit agains\ >hi\er\ . The song 
of the Ancient iSritoii was i'mII of the no- 
ble iheme of liberty and freedom. The Cel- 
tic family e\erywhere acknowledge and 
contend tor human rights. The\' (•i)ntend 
(or tlie brotherhood ol the human race 
without regaril to eonilition, (jr power, or 
authority. The frenchman contends for 
flieir '^ec]i((ilifv\' The Cvmro itisists that 
•• I'oti shall not iirimaii llw tnini ;^^ the Scotch- 
man with ecpial enthusiam asserts, ^'■]\hni 
is iiKiii for a V.' that ;'' and the Irishman, 
tliat ^U't'eryoiir s/iould ciijov and parttcipatr 
in the fruit of /lis talwr mid of the soil." 
Thus abo\ e all other nationalities the\ 



OF THE PEOPLE. .^93 

insist upon the common rights of humanity 
Lord Mansfiekris reported to have deliv- 
ered noble sentiments in favor of personal 
liberty in the celebrated case of the negro 
Somerset, and said : "As soon as a man 
touches British soil he is free; in England 
one may be a villain, but not a slave; there 
is no such thing as a slave in England, and 
a human being never was considered a 
chattel to be sold for a price." If this noble 
sentiment was asserted upon the force of 
Saxon laws, it was a sublime falsehood; 
but if it was founiied upon the spirit of 
the laws of the .\ncient Briton-, it was an 
exalted truth. 

'I'he Ancient Britons always mainttiined 
a free soil and tenancy; villainage and serf- 
age never existed with them, except where 
it was carried by Saxon or Norman con- 
quest; and gavel-kind was a favored insti- 
tution in the distribution of their lands to 
their heirs. This institution was tenacious- 
Iv retained by tiie people of Kent, against 
the Norman t'eudal laws, in common with 
other laws aciopted ol the .Xilcient Britons. 
There can be no doubt, notwithstanding 
the Saxon conquest, that many of the 
larger cities retained their municipal or- 
ganization and customs as they were un- 
der the Romans." They had their own 
magistrates, corporation a^id guilds ; and 
the best English lawyers trace evidence of 
this to the ))resent day. The early und 
constant intercourse between a portion of 
the Welsh and Saxons, as that of Cadwal- 
lon and Penda, that of Cadwalla and his 
brother Ina of Wesscx with the Cymry, 
that of .Alfred and Asser, the notoriety of 
the laws of Howel Dda, and the known in- 
fluence of the writings of Geoffrey of Mon- 
mouth and Walter the archdeacon of Ox- 
ford had in their day can leave no doubt 
but that tlie Welsh laws were well known 
from the earliest times to the English peo- 
ple; and that they had their influence up- 
on them in the formation of their own. 

i 7 I Kcni's Com., p. 594. )Iere Chancellor Kcuf 
1 says: "The civil hnv hiid followed the progjress o 
the Roman power into ancient Britain, and it was 
adMiinisterid them bv such an illustrious pra;torian 
perte t as Papinian; and Selden thinks he was also 
assisted by Paulus and Ulpian. This iuK|uestiona- 
bly remained to beuetit the cities and Wales, and at- 
terwards became a part ot" the liiiirlisb common 
law. 



394 



THE MODERN PERIOD. 



Nor should it be tbrgotten that from early 
time distinguished Welshmen, as lawyers, 
were practicing at the English bar ; among 
these sliouki not l)e tbrgotten Jenkins, who 
in the time of Charles I pnxlnceti a valuable 
law work, "Eight Centuries of Reports;" 
nor his namesake and cotemporary, Sir 
I^eoline Jenkins, who became the father of 
the English admiralty law, so highly com- 
mended In Jii'dge Story and Chancellor 
Kent.'* The ancient houndai'ies of dis- 
tricts reinain, and are adojited m a great 
measure as tiic ])resent line^ of English 
districts and di\ision of territories. All 
these considerations lea\ e but little doubt 
that the ancient British laws entered large- 
ly into tile formation of the English com- 
mon law; and this is the growing opinion 
of the ablest English jurists. 

The physiological characteristics of the 
English people, as evidence of their ethnic 
origin, forms one of the most puzzling sub- 
jects of investigation, as found in tlielxjoks. 
One reason of this is that observers are lia- 
ble to i>e deceived when going from one 
place to another by imagining a small dif- 
ference they .observe to be much greater 
than it really is. When actual count is 
n\Hile this matter frequently turns out dif- 
ferent from w liat was anticipated. The 
P2nglish generally claim that they are a 
people of great muscular strengtli and a 
fair and ruddy complexion; and this is 
claimed to l>e eviiience of their Saxon de- 



[Hook r 

or darker. It would be in vain for the 
English people to suppose that they are 
true representatives of the Saxons after a 
lapse of fourteen himdred years, even ad- 
mitting that there were no other people 
in the country from whom they could have 
descended. The author has had no oppor- 
tunity of making observations upon the 
subject, except as he has seen them in- 
America. From these observations the 
conclusioi\ adopted was that the Celtic 
were of a fairei" and lighter complexion 
than the Teutonic people; that among the 
Irish, Welsh, Scotcli and French people 
theie were more persons with a fair or 
bionde skin and red or sand> iiair than 
among those who elaiuied a Teutonic de- 
scent. And this wovdd be what we might 
expect from historical ai:count. ^Vncient 
authors represent the Celts of Gaul as "tail,, 
fair-skinned and golden- haired ;" the women 
as "'blue-eyed, with large snowy arms," and 
as being a ''fair, luiik-white people." Mr. 
Arnold asserts that the modern i^'elts — 
Irish and Welsh — are both "light-haired 
and tall." This corresponds with our ob- 
ser\ ations of them here in America.^ Here 
we may find among the Irish laborers as 
often as anywhere the fair skin and sandy- 
hair; and among their women the large 
white arm of antiquity, who sustain the 
highest reputation tor their virtue. 

It seems to appear that the English hold 
the Irish too low in those qualities, which- 



scent. Writings and opinions on this sub- tl'iev with earnestness claim for themselves, 
ject are, as lia.s been remarked, very con- 
flicting, and it is hard to draw a conclusion 
from them. Among all the various people 
of Teutonic or Celtic origin there is a great 
diversity, even in the same families, of a 
darker or lighter complexion, or more in- 
clined to a black or red hair. It seems to 
be the order of nature that all its produc- 
tions of animal and vegeUible should vary 
and change from its parent in being lighter 



8 1 Kent's Com., Vol. i, p. 4S4. Bishou's Fir.st 
Book of the I^aw, 412, ^578. Allibonc's Diet, of Aii- 
tliors, 963. Jenkins (David) and Jc-nkins (Sir Ix-o- 
line), J. Joseph .Story'.s life and correspondence, Vol. 
i, 227 — 8, 268. And in this connection it is well to 
remember that the Entflish bench and tiar liave been 
Irequentlj- tilled by distini^Tiished natives of Wales, 
as the names of D;ivies, Jones, Kenyon, Powell, 
WjTHi, Watkin!:., Williams, Vau<rhiin, and these in 
Yarioiis positions frequently repeated. 



Of the specimens exhibited here from 
abroad the Irish were among the foremost 
in their stalwart, comely form, with extra- 
ordinary muscle, ^vithout undesirable de- 
velopment of viscera. Such were O'Rouke, 
Morissey and Heenan. Among the labor- 
ers on our public works the Irish and Ger- 
mans have been fully tried, and ibr muscu- 
lar powers and hardy endurance none ex- 
cel the Irish. Now if it were possible tor 
the English to prove their descent from 
the Saxon, instead of the great variety of 
races who have at various times taketi pos- 
session of lingland, it is not probable they 
would gain much, rather than from the 

9 See Godwin's History ol F>ance, ch. ii, p. 34 
and pp: I and 2. See ante, B. — , ch. — . 



Chap. 1 1. 1 

Celt, of whose blood the>' must larj^clv 

partake. 

I 
The (jcrmans have lx;en tVequc'iitly heard I 

to as.sert that the Engli.sli were physically 
a different jieople from them ; and that the I 
Cymry were more like the Km^Iisii than i 
the German.s, and more alike in laste and 
genius. With the great variet\- of races | 
who have }X),ssessed and cxrciipied Hritain, : 
it is imixjssiblc, historically and |>hysica]ly, 
that the En<r!isli should predominate in 
Teutonic blotxi. It is more consistent with i 
kjstory and nature that they should par- ' 
take of the average blood of tlie counti-y. ' 
The foremost [xiople ami families ot" all | 
countries iu-e constantly disappearing, and ! 
their places taken by the t;hildren of those j 
who were oppressed and put Ixdow them. 
Where now are the descendants of the an 
cient Saxon nobility who l)oasted oi being { 
the descendants of Wo<.len, and who had j 
the right to govern by divine appointment.? I 
AVhere now are the descendants of great \ 
earl Godwin, or those of the first Norman I 
nobility, or of the Mortons, or of the Mont- j 
forts, or the Percys.? Where were the pa- 
rents of those who now occupy their posi- 
tions, as the PiUjnertons,!" the Disraelis, 
the Gladstones.' There is as great a chance 
that tlie-^e are the representatives of some 
Celtic father who was robbed of his prop- 
erty and made a serf as that they are the 
representatives of a Saxon father who came 
with his Ixittle-axe to slaughter the inno- 
cent }>eople; take their property, and op- 
press their women and chiKlren. If this 
were not so, there would l)e a lack of jus- 
tire in the ways of Providence; but e\erv- 
where in the course of histoi-\- the 
children of the oppressed, in the cour.se of 
time, rise up to avenge the injustice done 
to their fathers. 

lint in addition to physiological matters 
referred lo, physiologists have adduced 
facts from physical examinations to prove 
that the English population of Britain are 
more Celtic than Teutonic. The>' show 
tliat the skull of the Teuton is a round one, 
and that of the Celt to be longer and a 

lo Ptilmcr.stou was a half Irish Celt. Hi.s mother 
was a Miss Mcchaii. The prime ministers, we are 
at a loss where to find Iheir ancestry. 



niK CONDITION OF TIIK PKOPLK. 



VJ> 



more oblong one. The tbrnier craniun- 
they denominate hrackycepkaloHs^ or the 
roimd head oi- skull, wliich belonijs to and 
distinguishes the (Jerman and .Saxon ; while 
the latter is denominated the dolic/iocepfiu- 
loiis skull, or the oblong or oval cranium, 
which belongs to and distinguishes the 
Celtic and Cymry. Authors upon ihi» 
subject pr(j\ e that almost universally the 
tormei- or round skid! accompanies the 
German; while liie otiier oi- oval skull ac- 
companies the Celt. This has been ob- 
served also by London hatters, that the/ 
sell to (jermans a rouutler hal: than to ths 
English. 

I am happy to be al)le tcj use on this sub- 
ject a quotation from an .Vmerican autlKM', 
the very interesting and able essay of Prof'. 
Kiske, entitled, ''Are we Celts or Teutons,"''- 
which has recentl_\ t'cii into mv hands, 
which is so pertinent to ni\' suljject. Prot'. 
Fiske says: "Now if the I'^nglish are main- 
ly a Teutonic race, the typical English skuU. 
of the present day shoidd certainly be short 
and broad, like tlu' skulls of German,>; 
Danes, and Dutchmen. And if among the 
skulls of recent British grave-yards eithe*' 
type exists in relatively greater numbers 
than among the skulls ot' ancient barrows, 
that tyjie should be, according to the popu- 
lar theory, the brachycephalic. What, then, 
are the facts.? They are, first, that the or- 
dinary English skull is long and narrow, 
like the skulls of the Welsh and other 
Cymr_\ ; and that usually, whenever the 
English skull varies from this ordinary: 
shape, it becomes, not shorter and broader,, 
but still longer and narrower — not more 
Teutonic, but more decidedjx Cymric. 
Even a hasty glance at a crowd of people 
of these various races would sutViee to im- 
press u])on the observer the tact that, in the 
shape of the head and faiT, the English are 
almost ])iecisel\ like the Welsh, that thcj* 
are not very vvideiy diiferenr, t'rom the 
Gaelic Highlandei's and Irish, that evea 



11 See this interrstint; essay in .-Vppletoii's Journal, 
New York, October <(th. iS/19, p. it,5 «n(i the follow - 
inj^ Nos. It cites Mr. Owen I'iUe's iHxjk on " I'he 
Eniflish and their Oritrin," which I have not seem. 
See also a very valuable book c)n tlie same subject, 
Doct. Nicholas' "'I'he I'ediure of the Eni^iish Peo- 
ple," which has just now come to my hands. 



3t/) THE MODERN PERIOD. [Book r. 

tvctvveeii them and the Gaelic French there j scientific and antiquarian researches, that 
is still some resemblance, but that Irom the thev have become possessors of skulls of 



Germans and Danes thev are distinguished 
bv a sharp opposition and contrast. Sec- 
ondly, instead of the short-headed type 
having relatively increased in British grave- 
yards, it has relatively diminished. So far 
-tis there has been anv extirpation of one 
variety by the other, it has been the long- 
heads Mhicli have extirpated the short- 
heads." 



the Celtic type by extensive amalgamation 
Tvith the Celtic race. The eminent writer, 
Dr. Daniel Wilson, long ago embodied this 
idea in the following emphatic words: 'The 
insular Anglo-Saxon race in the Anglian 
and Saxon districts, deviates from its con- 
tinental congeners, as I conceive, mainly 
b^- reason of a large intermixture of Celtic 
blood traceable to the inevitable intermar- 



Prof. Fiske then cites authority and in- riage ot invading colonists, chiefly male, 



tidents to prove his position, and shows 
that in some isolated places, where histori- 



with British women. But if the Celtic 
head had been naturally a short one' [a no- 



cal evidence tends to prove the presence of tion combated] 'the tendency of such ad- 
11 larger Teutonic element, and where the mixture of races should have been to short- 
people are lighter-haired, shorter, and more en the hybrid Anglo-Saxon skull, whereas 



thick-set than the average Englishman — 
just there it is that the short-he.ids are rela- 
tively most numerous. And the Prof con- 
cludes by saying : ''Thus physiology con- 
firms the testimony of history, and tells us 
that, though certain portions cjf England 
have been deeply Teutonized, the dominant 
physical characteristics of the pt-ople as a 
■whole are unmistakably- Celtic." 

As to antiquities, both Prof Fiske and 



it is essentially longer than the continental 
Germanic type."'i2 Although this admix- 
ture ma> have commenced elsewhere; 
"but," says Dr. Nicholas, "the process must 
have mainly taken place on British 
ground." 

'Hie history, language, law, physiology, 
and antiquarian researches, all concur to 
pro\e that the theory that the Ancient 
Britons were either slaughtered or expelled 



Dr. Nicholas in his Pedigree of the English [ by the Saxons is and must be untrue; but 
People, hold that the examinations made I that they were intermixed and amalgamated 
in both ancient and modern burying I ii>to a new race, in which the characteris- 
grounds in Britain and on the continent I ti^'s of the Celtic or Cymric race predotn- 
tend satisfactorily to prove their theory, inates over the Teutonic. In a barbarous 

community, personal appearance and char- 
acteristics of a race are more homogenious 
and striking than in that of higher civiliza- 
tion. The tendency of civilization is t» 
draw other and all races to it. This was so 
at Athens, at Rome, and in London. It 
was the progress made in civilization and 



that the German and Saxon skull was so 
uniforn>ly the sliort and round skull, and 
Ihat the Celtic ami Cynn-ic skull was the 
long and oval, as to lea\-e no tioubt ol" the 
result, and that it affords a scientitic rule. 
V>\-. Nicholas, after an extensive examina- 
tion, says: "Now, it cannot well be ques- 



tioned, that the prevalent form of liead i improvement by the Britons, w^hich attract- 
found in Wales, in Ireland, and in the Cel- j fd the Sa.xons there, with the hopes of con- 
to-English districts, is lon<i- oval, and that verting it by conquest to their own use. It 
the prevalent form foiuid throughout Eng- | i*^ frequently remarked by all classes of 
land generally is long ovul also. There | people, that the English.are the most mixed 
i^eems lo Ix? no \ isible difference. 

"How are we to explain this phenome- 
non.' How ha\e the descendants of the 
'square'-headed. stern, pugn;icious Saxons 
become in the real, as they undoubtedly al- 
ways have been in the figiu'ative sense of 
the word, 'long-headed'.^ We venture to 
answer, from the preceding findings of 



up people in the w-orld, and that it is more 
especially developed in London than any- 
where else. There undoubtedly are to be 
found the descendants of the Ancient Brit- 
ons from the time of Caractacus, of Carau- 



Wilson's Prehistoric 

p. 27>. 



iJisn-cc of the Eng;Iish, p. ^,'^^ — % 
irical Ann;»ls of Scotland, \ ol. i 



Chaji. II.] 

v^ius and Constantine, and of Arthur : the dc- 
s-cendants of the Saxons, the Danes, the 
Normans, and with them pure Celts from 
^verj part of Gaul — Nustrians, Armori- 
fans, the descendants of the ancient Cym- 
rv from the Loire, the Seine, and Irom Bel- 
gium : from every place and country, where 
the hopes of jijaiii or plunder excited ambi- 
tion. 

Such are the peoj>le who now constitute 
the British nation, and such is their highly 
improved condition since the time of Hen- 
ry VII. And in considering that improved 
condition, it will not be unprofitable to 
rcvicM the progress of that improved con- 
«li(ion ot the people, from the earliest period 
in .\aglo-Saxon times to the termination 
of our histoiN . First came the Saxons, af- 
ter JKnini;- ciistuilKd the couTitry as pirates 
and phiniierei> for many years, and finding 
that the Roman army had abandoned the 
countr\', anci the people having been kept 
vuiaccustomed to military affairs, they 
adopted the resolution to conquer the coun- 
try, and con\ert everything to their own 
use and advantage. The Saxons came 
principally as soldiers, and as barbarian pa- 
gans expelled the British rulers, the Christ- 
ian priests, and all signs of Christianity; 
took for their wi\es the women they chose, 
took possession of the property as their own, 
iind of the residue of the men, women and 
children made them their tenants and serfs, 
in the several portions of the country they 
successively conquered in tlie course of a 
hundred and fifty years. Thus tiiey acquired 
seven or eight separate and distinct pro- 
vinces, in each of which a barbarian king 
ruled, under the assumed right that he was 
the immediate descendant of their god 
Woden, and by divine right had authority 
to govern. Surrounded by a clique of his 
relations and descendants of Woden as his 
council, and nobility ,i-' who, as often as he 
chose met him in their assembly — the Wit- 
enagemot — who were controled by him or 
not, dependent on his character and tierce- 



THE CONDITION OF THE PEOPLi:. 



397 



1.5 Pali^Tii vc"s Aiifjlo-Saxons, cli. iv, p. (jO, who 
.-^ays: "To return to our Anfjlo-Snxori :ind Juii.sh 
aiderman — tht:y ronslituled a kind, of ruling- caste or 
tribe, all sons of Woden, perhai)S anciently invested 
with ."^icerdotil functions — the priests as well as the 
Jawgfivers and leaders of the nation." 



ness, he ruled as he chose, with little or no 
constitutional restraints. This nobility was 
extremely exclusive, but fond of war, its 
turmoils, and barbarian enterprises. Below 
these was the great mass of the people, iis 
serfs and bondmen, who were entirely cut 
off from holding an\- rank in the govern- 
ment, or having a freehold; except that 
there were a comparative few, called free- 
men, free to choose w hich of the lords they 
would serve, and to hold some small offices, 
of inferior magistrates, and municipal regu- 
lations. Such was the condition of the 
Saxons when the Normans came — under 
the hardest' government in form that ever 
existed upon British soil. 

The Norinans came, and William of 
Normandy assumed to take possession of 
the government, country and people as 
conqueror, and he and a few of his succes- 
sors, seemed to exercise dominion as con- 
querors pretty much as they pleased. The 
Saxon lords were removed, and their lands 
and people were transferred from the Saxon 
lords to Norman lords, as tenants and serfs. 
It was a hard government; but the same in 
form as the Saxons had, except they had 
exchanged masters. There was no im- 
provement in the government, but the peo- 
ple made considerable progress in civiliza- 
tion — the Normans introduced many 
improvements. They were found of litera- 
ture, courts, records and an orderly manner 
of doing business. They found the Saxon 
clergy very ignorant and gross, and re- 
moved them, and assumed to put more 
i learned and enliglitened men in their places. 
The people became improved in the midst 
of their hard government. For a number 
of generations the kings of England con- 
tinued to be dukes of Normandy. This 
caused them frequently to cherish Norman- 
dy, their native home, and to neglect and 
oppress England. Tlie English barons 
(Normans) were faxed often for the benefit 
of Normandy, and often t-liey had to feel 
oppression under the rule of Norman offi- 
cers who surrounded the throne. This 
produced a movement, not of the people, 
but of the barons against king John, which 
resulted in their wrenching from him the 
Great Charter, which was the first move- 



39S THE MODERN PERIOD. [Book v. 

ment in favor of English liberty and a fair i the utmost verge of humun \viM.iotH, and 
government. In the latter jwrt of the I to the whole extent of the kingdom. The 
«ext reign, Henry ITI. .Simon de Mont- ' progresn.made in modern times by the En- 



fort, who had become eurl of I^eicesler, a 
Frenchman and a foreigner l>v birth, but 
stood high among the English nobility for 
his talents and capacity, took iii> the 



glish i>eople, in the amelioration of their 
condition, in >t\tvy respect in relation to 
ci\ ili/CJition — in relation to personal right.v 
and government; to religion and morals; 



cause of the common jwople, and was the to enterprise, industry and business, is woii- 
first to do so. He procured b> relx'ilion to i derlui, especfallv when compared with that 
be summoned to parliament i-epresentatives j '"•«^1'^ i'l the slow movements of the pre- 
©f the counties and burgesses. This was 1 ^ious thousand years, under .Saxon and 
afterwards looked upon by the Enolish Norman rule; but this progress has been 



made, and is making, anil is due more to 
the inlluence ol' the liouse of commons anci 
an independent judiciary, than to anvoth<5rr 
ot their institutions. 

CHAPTER in. 

TIIK HKOl'LE CON.srm riX(; THK I NITKI* 
KIX(;i)OM. 

The history of the people of .S(3uth Brit- 
ain and their go\ ernment has been traced 
down from the earliest accessible period \\\ 
history to the accession of queen Victoria; 
i and it has been shown that the people are 
' either Celts or Teutons, or a mixture of the 
I two races. 'i'lie l^nglish — tlie people of 
: Englami — are the leading pe()j>le of the 
j kingdom. Circumstances ha\e made then* 
: .so. They are the descendants of those vyho 
ha\ c tor centuries enjoyed the tertile and 
j bcautitui plains and \ alle\ s ot' the fairest 
' ishuul of the world; tiu*\ lia\c not been 
I comi>elled l;o contend with the rugged and 
I rural hills, and their sterility, of M'"ales or 
! Scotlantl, althoui'h tho^e ruLT'^ed qualities 
i are the mean^^ which ha\ e conlerreti u}K)n 
[ those people their Iiarch, perse\ ering and 
I pr(Kluc-tive qualities, London and her ad- 
1 vantages anil suiToiuuiings ;irc what ha\« 



barons with jealousy as an usurpation of 
their rights. It was therefore a long lime 
neglected, ami parliament conti^iued to be 
constituted of the barons alone. Butsotne- 
time l>etween the accession of Ed\\ard i 
and the reign of Mein-y IV, the great move- 
ment in the condition of the English people 
was accomplished, the cstablisliment of the 
house of commons as a separate bodv. 
This was the great event in the history of 
tJie English [)eople, and in the establish- 
Knent of their personal rigiits and liberties. 
It l>ecame the great ;egis of Uritish right, 
enterprise and freedom, and the admiration 
of the world. From that time the obnox- 
ious feudal tenures began to give way, and 
freehold tenures in the commons began to 
exist. Hut the great advancement in all 
these resjK'Cts, and the great progress in the 
establishment of laws for the protection and 
securing j>er.sonal rights and liberties were 
made after the accession of Henry VII. 
From that time the British people have 
made a progress in all that constitute the 
welfare and hAppy condition of man, which 
have become the admiration of the other 
governments of Europe, and in mam in- 
stances the origin and model of many ol" 
the admired institutions ol' Americii. 

'i'hat house of commons has ceased to he 
the house of conunons of England alone, \ made the English people what they are. 
but has become the house of commons of j It has frequently been made a question as 



the United Kingdom of (Jreat Bribiin and 
Ireland: and whatever there may be vet 
lacking, after the great progress that has 
been made, in the condition of the English 
people, and those of the United Kingdom, 
it is to be hoped that the house of commons 
will yet be tlie means of promoting the 
progress of human rights and welfare, to 



to w hich of those two great races do the 
English |)eople belong. W'e ha\ e endeav- 
ored to shoM that they were at least a*; 
much Celtic as Teutonic — as much of the 
blood ot' tlic .\ncient llritons as of the 
Saxons; and great 1_\ mixed of other foreigti 
races, so that the English are very much a. 
composite race, in v\hii-h the Celtic bliwd 



I'EOlM.i: CONS riTL TING TUK IM IKD RINCiDOM. 399 



<3hap. Ill 

is as proniiiu'iit, at least, as tlie 'rfutoiiic — 
that the modiTn Ensj^Iishman and the jmie 
■«iesc-endaiit ot" the Antient Britcnis aie 
more alike and nearer approach caeh other 
than the Knglishinan and (lennan. 

I'pon that ciue-stioii the Etiglish ihem- 
sfhes are iniu'h di\ided— one partv, with 
the liberalitx' that charaeterizes the seeker 
after truth, look upon it as a matter ol' sei- 
•ence, justice and truth, and come to a eon- 
■elusion aecordingiv, without reference to a 
preconceixed sentiment ol' idle notions or 
feelings. The other pai-t\, amon<i- whom 
tlie most strenuous and lieciiled \\ ill be 
those who know nothing ol' their origin. 



his icirible religion and warlike printiples 
had affected the "people of Slesuick." 

Whatever may have been the condition 
ol the Saxons in their original home, his- 
tor\ de\elop.( what they were NO<jn after 
their settlement in Britain. They came 
under leaders who claimed to be immedi- 
ate descendants of \\'oden, and probably, as 
warriors and ]>riests, claimed tjie_\ had a 
right b\ divine authority to command and 
control. These became kings in the sev- 
eral districts they conquered, and their rela- 
tives became the nobles to whom the land 
was distributed ; and the mass ol I'ullowers 
became their tenants. None were nobles 



their familv and ancestrv, wlio are Init of except the descendants of Woden, and every 



vesterday, ^vill contend that Ihey are of jiure 
Saxon blood — that their aiice:-tors were 
freemen from that neck of land lying be- 
tween the ]ial tic and the cxean; they say 
that "tor the fatherland of the English race 
we must look tar awa\ from Englatid itself, 
to the one country w hich bore tiie name 
■f)f England, now callecr Slesw ick.'' 'i'hat 
iincestor was ''the free-necked man, whose 
long hair floated o\er a neck that never 
bent to a lord.''' P"or the proof of this they 
refer to Tacitus' Germania, and to the most 
distant and unconnected matters to support 
.'ui unfounded hypothesis. Tacitus' Ger- 
mania was a romantic histor)-, written 
more with a \iew to' recommend a hardy 
and rustic life to the Romaiu than an ac- 
<in-ate historv of tlie Germans. J^ike .\cn- 



da\ the distance between them ami the 
great mass of the people Ix'canie greater, 
and more ojipressive and tyrannical. "A 
large portion ol the population," says Pal- 
gra\e,- "consisted either of slaves, or of 
clunis. or villains, who were compelled to 
till the ground for the benefit of their mas- 
ters. Mercia ne\ er became compact. 
The population was greatly mixed; the 
IJritons approached nearly to the numbers 
of the EngliTh." There can be no doubt 
that the great mass of the Anglo-Saxon 
people were serfs and slaves, as well as 
those who were Saxons by descent and 
those Britons who were made such by tlie 
conquest. This low er class was constantly 
increasing by birth from the condition of 
their parents, by being prisoners of war, by 



ophon's Institutes of Cyrus, it was intend- '■ conviction of crime, by being unable to pay 
fd more to effect a reformation and a ruder : tbeir debts or tines, and many other causes 
age at home than a trutlitul history of its j by which men, by Saxon laws, were made 
subject. However accurate Tacitus was as j slaves and serfs. "•' Slavery and serfage 
to the real Cjcrmans in .South Germanv, he '. continued to be the condition of the great 
<an be no authority for the character of the | body of the Anglo-Saxon people at the 
.Saxons who came to Brit;iin. Tacitus | time the Normans came, and the landed 
wrote four hundred \ ears before the latter property' and the condition of the people 

titne. In the meantime (jermany was ut- I • ■ — • 

Terly torn ulse<l anti oxerrun bv war^ and 1 
the emigration of \arious jjcople through | 



J Piilffravc's .\nj<-lo-Sax., ch. iii, p. 56. 



1, Keiublc, in his Saxons in Knjfland, VdI. 2d. p. 
13. says; ■•The kin<>s of VVusaex and Mercia, i)()th of 
it; the Huns, the Goths, Vandals, Sclaves, | vvhom were in (.ontinual hostility with the Welsh, 



and all sorts of people, convulsing and up- 



nevertlieless txcreised sovereijjn ri<^iits over niun- 
eroiis Welsh p<)|)uhition dispersed throujjhout ihcir 



rooting the very existence and formation h?"'?""".'^^'.-" /^^ ■""''"'■'ly.^' ^l^"^^' 'f;=i; t»'^. tr'-aj. 
" • bodj' of tne I-loe^nan hSntons were taken in and 

of .society; and that W^as before Woden and swallowed up amidst the Saxons, Palirrave (p. 40) 

I says: "The Roiranized Britons ol' I^iloefrria appear 

" ~ ' ' ; to have united more readily lo thfir invaders." Au- 

I (jicen's History of the linj^lish People, p. 40. It i tliorities to show thai the Anci'mt Britons must have 
is sinjfular Uiat tins historv, otherwise so ijood, should j united in some condition with the invading- Saxon.s 
be SI) frequently filled with this unfounded conceit. j are abundant. 



400 



THE MODERN PERIOD 



were at once transferred from the Saxon 
aristocracy to the Normans, so that the 
people did not change condition, but only 
the lords or masters they served. 

This state of things continued to be the 
condition of the Anglo-Saxon people, with- 
out hardly a change, until after the reign 
of Edward III. The prerogative of the 
king was undefined and unlimited, and 
when in the hands of an able and vigorous 
sovereign, the exercise of his powers was 
absolute. He was accounted the source of 
all law and justice; the person in whom 
was vested the title of all land, and those 
in possession held as tenants to him; he 
■was the source of all offices and honors; 
could pardon what offenses he chose, and 
take what property he found necessary for 
the support of the crown. The nobility 
were the hereditary officers of the crown, 
and his council and advisers, when he 
pleased to desire any ; and only when the 
government was in the hands of a weak 
king, or when the crown was vacant, did 
they dare to interfere with the majesty of 
the king. But they were the great tenants 
of the landed property under the king, and 
as earls held certain districts as lords over 
the under tenants and serfs. This nobility, 
in comparison with the whole body of the 
population, were few, with whose rank and 
class the people were entirely excluded, 
and had no control over the laws and ac- 
tion of the government, which was entirely 
in the hands of the king and nobility. 
There was a smaller class of the people, be- 
tween the nobility and serfs, called free- 
men, who were generally a landless people 
and generally free to choose what lord they 
would serve. These, under the control of 
the nobility, discharged the duties of the 



[Book V. 

William the Conqueror assumed to take 
the sovereignty of England in accordance 
with the >Yill and devi.se of Edward the 
Confessor, and as a near relative and heir 
to the crown. He pretended to govern ac- 
cording to the constitution and customs 
which governed Edward, his predecessor. 
The nobility and their estates, and tenants 
and serfs, remained the same, until trans- 
ferred to the Norman lords on account of 
forfeiture tor rebellion against him. In this . 
we see no essential change in the form of . 
the government or constitution— -only a 
severe application of its rules and discip- 
line by the Conqueror. His own nobles 
and officers took the place of the Saxons ; 
the gi'eat nobles of the crown, when called 
to advise and counsel with the sovereign, 
their meeting instead of being called the 
witenagemot, was called the coiuicil or par- 
liament. 

Thus the English government continued 
imtil after the reign of Edward III, e.xcept 
that a movement of the Norman nobility 
in the reign of John wrenched from the 
crown the Great Charter, which was after- 
wards very imperfectly observed, and often 
re-enacted by force; and the ineffectual at- 
tempt of Montfort, in the reign of Henry 
II r, to establish a representation of the 
commons in parliament, was then an utter 
failure. 

The reign of Edward III was a true rep- 
resentation of the character of the govern- 
ment and constitution as it existed under 
the administration of strong men who were 
kings, in both Saxon and Norman times. 
The people felt the hand of a strong man 
and government, but were conscious of no 
violation of the constitution, only there was 
an effort manifested to reform and iiiiprove 



police and offices of the county, and held a j it. 



county council called the falk-gemot; and 
even from these humble positions the great 
mass of the people were excluded. The 
freemen held or assisted in holding the in- 
ferior county courts. Such was tlie hum- 
ble condition of the Anglo-Saxon people 
before the time of William the Conqueror, 
and such it continued until after the time 
of Edward III, and perhaps that of Henry 
VII, as we shall hereafter see. 



This clearly appears from Hume and oth- 
er historians of the times of Edward III. 
"He took no steps of moment," says 
Hume, "without con.sulting his parliament 
and obtaining their approbation, which he 
afterwards pleaded as a reason tor their sup- 
porting his measures. The parliament, 
therefore, rose into greater consideration 
during his reign, and acquired more regular 
authority, than in any former times; and 



PEOPLE CONSTITUTINC; THE UNITED KlNCiOOM. 



Chap. III.] 

even the house of commons, depressed by 
the greater power of the crown and barons, 
began to appear of some weight in the con- 
stitution."'' 

In tivat progressive improvciueut ol the 
constitution and law, was now tlie enact- 
ment of a statute, defining and limiting the 
causes of high trea.son, which before was 
left to vague and uncertain construction— 
almost anything that the king and his orti- 
cers might be pleased to call treason against 
the crown. This statute" reduced treason 
tofthree heads: conspiring the death of the 
king, levying war against him, and adher- 
ing to his enemies; and the judges were 
prohibited, if any other cases should occur, 
from inflicting the penalty of treason with- 
out application to parliament; and this con- 
tinues to be the law ot England to this 
day. 

It is singular to find in all the old his- 
tories of England the enactment of good 
laws for the purpo.se of restraining the 
crown and its officers trom violating per- 
sonal rights and liberties, which were by 
subsequent administrations entirely disre- 
garded, tor the king b}' the constitution 
could at any time pardon, and grant indul- 
gence upon the faith of it. "Edward," 
says Hume, "granted above twenty parlia- 
mentary confirmations of the Great Charter ; 
and these concessions are conmionly ap- 
pealed to as proofs of his great indulgence 
to the people, and his tender regard for 
their liberties. But the contrary presump- 
tion is more natural. If the maxims of 
Edward's reign had not been in general 
somewhat arbitrary, and if the Great Char- 
ter had not been frequently violated, the 
parliament would never have applied for 
these frequent confirmations, which could 
add no force to a deed regularly observed, 
and which could serve no other purpose 
than to prevent the contrary precedents 
from turning into a rule and acquire author- 
ity. It was indeed the effect of the irregu- 
lar government during those ages, — hence 
that general clause, so frequently in old 
, acts of parliament, that the statutes enacted 



401 



4 Hume's Hist. Eng., Vol. 2, p. 167. 

5 ig Kdward III, ch. ii. Hume's Hi-st. Kng-., p. H'lrj. 



by the king's progenitors -should l)e ob- 
served, — a precaution which, if we did not 
consider tiie circumstances of tlie times, 
might appear absurd and ridicidous. The 
frequent confirmations in general term* 
of the pri\ilegcs of the c^hurcii proceeded 
trom the same cause." 

"It is a clause in one of Edward's stat- 
utes, 'that no man, of what estate or condi- 
tion soever, shall he jnil out of land or tene- 
ment, nor taken, nor imprisoned, nor 
disinherited, nor put to death, without being- 
brought in answer by due process of the 
law.' This privilege was sutticiently se- 
cured by a clause in the Great Charter, 
which had received a general roiitirmation 
in the first chapter ol" the same statute. 
Why then is the clause so anxiously, and, 
as we may think, so superfluously repeateti? 
Plainly, because there had been. some late 
infringement of it, which gave umbrage to 
the conunons." 

It was a c(Mnmon thing at that time, and 
their constitution permitted it, for the olVi- 
cers of the king to exercise what was then 
called the right of pcrveyana; that is, to 
take such goods and provisions as the king 
needed, from anyone, and giving such tal- 
lies therefor as they pleased. And in the 
like maimer the king, in building or re- 
pairing his castle, instead of engaging 
workmen by contract and wages assessed 
every county in England to send him a 
certain number of masons, tilers, and car- 
penters, "as if he had been levying an ar- 
my." Parliament in Edward Ill's time 
greatly remonstrated and protested against 
such measures as arbitrary and unjust, 
though ;iccording to usages and preroga- 
tives of the crown. But in that day but 
little was substantially done beyond mere 
remonstrance, to restrain such arbitrary and 
tyrannical proceedings and privileges of 
the crown. 

In reviewing these matters, Hume says:S 
"They mistake, indeed, very nmch the 
genius of this reign, who imagine that it 
was not extremely arbitrary. All the high 
prerogatives of the crown were to the full 
extent exerted in it; but what gave some 
consolation, and promised in time some re- 



6 English HKstory, Vol. ii, p. ^69. 



402 



THE MODERN PERIOD. 



[Book V. 



Ijcf to tiic j)t;oj)le, lhe\ were alv\ays com- liiblisliecJ in modern times hv the exertions 
7>lained of by the conunons: such as the ; and merits of the house ol" commons. 
dis|x;nf;ing power ; the exleiision of the for- : Again we cite Hume, who has studied 
ests; erecting monopolies; exacting loans; ' this subject well: "There is not a reigw 
>itopping justice h\- particular warrants; ! among those of the ancient English mon- 
pressing men and ships into the public ser- j archs wliich deserxes more to he studied 
vice; levying arbitrary and exhorbitant j than that of Edward III, nor one where 
fines; extending the authority of the privy ■■ the domestic transactions will Ix^tter dis- 
coimcil or star-chamber to the decision of j co\ er the true genius of the kind of 
pri\ate cau-es ; enlaiging the powers of ! mixed gov ernment wiiich was then estab- 
the mareschal's and other arbitrary courts; ; lishcd in England. The struggles with re- 
imprisoning members for freedom of j gard to the validity and authority of the 
speech in parliament; obliging people with- i Great Charter wei'e now over; the king 
out any rule to send recruits of men and i was acknowledged to lie under some limi- 
arms, archers, and hohlers to the army."" i tation ; Edward himself was a prince of 



"The king openh' a\ owed and ! great cajiacity. 



sensible that 



maintained this power of levying taxes at nothing could be more essential to his in- 
pleasure. He replied to the remonstrance } terest than to keep on good terms with his 
made by the commons against- it, that the people; yet, on the whole, it appears that 
imposition "had been exacted from great ne- j the go\'ernment at least was only a bar- 
cessity, and had been assented to by the pre- j barous monarchy, not regulated by any 
lates, earls, barons, and some of the com- fixed maxims, or bounded hy any certain 
mons. W"hen the parliainent desired that i undisputed rights, whij.h in practice were 
a la\\ might be enacted for the punishment i regularly observed. The king conducted 
"if such as lev'ied these arbitrary imposi- I himself by one set of principles, the barons 



tif)ns. he i-cfused compliance. 



bv another, the commons bv a third, the 



'J'his shows that there was tlien no fixed j t-'lergj by a fourth. All these systems of 
©r established constitutional rule or princi- I government were opposite and incompati- 



ple securing and protecting jiersonal free- 
dom and liberty from the arbitrarv meas- 
ures o(' the i-ro\\ n or state, but that the 



ble; each of them prevailed in its turn, as 
incidents were favorable to it ; a great prince 
rendered the monarchial power predomi- 



commons were then laboring to establish i "«"^; the weakness of a king gave reins 
them; and it is }X'rfeclly apparent to every j ^o the aristocracy-; a superstitious age saw 
candid mind that all those threat and funda- j ^*i^ "^^^^Sy triumphant; the people, for 



whom chiefly governiTienl was instituted, 
and who chiefly deserve consideration, were 
the weakest of the whole. But the corn- 



mental principles of law and constitution, 
■wdiich every Briton now appeals to U)r the 
protection of his freetiom and liherlies, are 
those which, by the exertions of the house ! '"""''' ''"'^' ol'"o^i<>i'^ ^o any other order, 
<-)fcommonsand the English people, have ! ^^""g'' they sunk under the violence of 
been, since thaf time, wrenclied from the 
old constitution und ]M-erogativ-es of the 
crown. It is uoi the old constitution or 
laws of Saxon or Norman times that the 
modern Briton may boast of as his estab- 
lished personal freedom and liberties; but 
it is what he now finds thein to l">e, as es- 



7 Hume cites his uiiquesti(inaf)lc u.uthonties for I 
cverv one of these in.sl:inces; and Uiey were un- I 
(ioubtedly ancient prcroiruti ves of tlie KnjJflish ifov 
ernment. Where, then, were tfie ancient constitu- j 
tional freedom and liberty of the .subject or in;in ? I 
All this h:is been acquired by the Enjj^lish in mndern i 
times, and did not exist in their ancient laws and I 
jrovernmcnt under either the Saxon or Norman rule. I 



tempests, silently reared their head in more 
jieaceable times; and while the storm was 
brewing were courted by all side.s, and thus 
received still some accession to their priv- 
ileges, or, at \vorst, some confirmation of 
them."'* 

This powerful monarch was followed bj 
a feeble one, his grandson, Richard II, 
whose reign was greatly disturbed by the 
rising of the people to tlirow off" their bond- 
age, and of the nobles in various partj 
schemes of ambition. From the death of 

S 2 Hume Hi.st. Eng.. p. 377 — 8. 



PEOPLE CONSTITUTING THE UNITED KINGDOM. 



Cliap 111.] 

Eklward III to that of Richard III, a period 
of one hundred and ten years, during 
which transpired tlic terrible war of the 
conflict between tlie houses of Lancaster 
and York, or the white and red roses, there 
was a continual conflict and turmoil of 
either the nobles in a civil war of mad 
strife and ambition, or of the vain efforts of 
the people in endeavoring to acquire a rea- 
sonable degree of freedom and legitimate 
liberty. The period was characteristic of 
the English nobility during the tiipe of the 
Saxon and Norman rule. The exception 
to this was during the reign of Henry V, 
distinguished by his long wars, in his vain 
endeavors to conquer France, which began 
with the renowned battle of Azincourt, and 
terminated with the revulsion produced by 
the Maid of Orleans. During the period 
there transpired two notable risings of the 
people in a vain endeavor to improve their 
condition and relieve themselves of their 
feudal bondage. 

Whenever the government was in weak 
hands, or the barons in civil war with the 
king, it was then that tlie people took reso- 
lution to establish their rights and liberties. 
Richard II, at his accession, was only 
twelve years of age, and during his minori- 
ty the lords in power acting as regents, at 
the head of whom was the young king's 
uncle, the duke of Lancaster, proceeded 
with very arbitrary measures in levying 
and collecting taxes. The hogse of com- 
mons had been but recently formed into a 
separate house, and but very imperfectly 
understood their rights and powers or their 
proper mode of proceedings ; and the pow- 
er and influence of the sovereign and the 
barons carried everything as they chose, 
and according to their interest, and against 
the interest and welfare of the people. 
The house w^as so unaccustomed to their 
duties and ignorant of them that they never 
appointed a speaker to preside over their 
deliberations until a few years had passed 
of the reign, when for the first time they 
elected Peter de la Mare their speaker. 
The commons then began to acquire cour- 
age, and demand various measures for the 
interest and protection of the people. 
Among otlier things they presented a peti- 

26 



4«3 



tion to the king, praying him to check, the 
prevailing custom among the barons of 
forming illegal confederacies and support- 
ing each other, as well as men of inferiof 
rank, in the violation of law and justice.* 
To this the king returned a gracious reply, 
but it was probably attended with doubtful 
compliance. But to another petition of 
the commons, that they be permitted to 
participate with lords in the appointment of 
ministersof the crown during the king's mi- 
nority, he refused compliance, for the 
great barons claimed this pri\ilege for 
themselves. 

At this time the people were much' 
aroused to a sense of their hardship and in- 
justice. They found the laws so arranged 
as to protect and cor tinue the favored fevr 
in their fortunate condition, and to keep 
the mass in their lowly and unjust position. 
If taxes were to be raised they were rela- 
tively levied more severely on the poor 
than on the wealthy ; poll tax was evident- 
ly so, and frequently the tax on property 
was levied fro rata on the nobility lighter 
than on the commons. Altliough all this 
was just as it had been for ages, under the 
Saxon government as well as that of the 
Normans, yet the enlightenment of the age 
gave the people a better conception, and 
understanding of the inequality and injus- 
tice of their condition. This induced the 
commons, or common people, as Hume 
says,io "to wish for a better condition, and 
to murmur against those chains which the 
laws enacted by the haughty nobility and 
gentry had so long imposed upbn them." 
This induced a man called John Ball to 
lecture the people upon the injustice and 
hardship of their condition and the evils of 
their government. This brought down up- 
on him the ire and hatred of the nobility, 
who represented him as a low and seditious 
fellow, and incarcerated him, for the reason 
that he demonstrated to the people "their 
equal right to liberty and to all the good of 
nature, the tyranny of artificial distinctions, 
and the abuses which had arisen from the 
degradation of the more considerable part 
of the species, and the aggrandizement of a 

9 3 Hume's Histor}- of England, p. 2S0. 

10 2 Hume's Eng. Hislory, p. 2S3. 



thp: modern period. 



I Book V- 
of the pHio- 



404 

few insolent rulers"" It" John Ball had ! the nobles i'ell upon the masn 
lived in a more enlightened time he might, j pie with an iron grasp under the feudal 
perhaps, have passed foi- a John Bright j laws, which were felt with more severity 
and as a patriot and statesman. \ than that of the crown, because they were 

The two remarkable risings of the peo- { '"***"'^ general. 



pie during that period were that of Wat 
Tyler in the reign of Richard II, and that 
knoAvn as that of Jack Cade in the reign of 
Henry ^'I. These are characteristic and 
disclose the form of government under 
which the English lived. The former 
transpired while Ricliard II was onl^' 
about sixteen years of age, and while he 
manifested some spirit and capacity, which 
gave the people some hopes of his admin- 
istration, which utterlv failed them in the 
future course of his turbulent and ur.for- 
tunate reign. P'rom the history of that 
time we can very conclusively draw the 
inference that the great mass of tlie Eng- 
lish people were in a most hopeless and 
degraded condition ; and that the nobilitv, 
who wei'c almost entirely of a Norman 
descent, were proud, haughty and oppres- 
sive towards the untitled and laljoring peo- 
ple. Tlie great body ol the inhabitants be- 
gan to tecl most keenly the unhappy and 
oppressive manner that tlie feudal laws had 
placed and still held them ; while the no- 
bility, with a cold and selfish indifierence 
to the rights or sufferings of others who 
were hot of their class, were still tenacious 
• of holding them in their unhappv condi- 
tion. It was a time Avhcn the people felt 
the oppression and tyranny of the Roman 
church and its bigoted theology, as well as 
the evils of their political condition, and 
brought the efforts of Wycliff in favor of a 
reformation in religion, as well as that of 
Wat Tyler for the just liberties of the peo- 
ple. The crown always claimed and ex- 
ercised the prerogative of levying and 
raising the necessary taxes for the support 
of the government, and taking such proper- 
ty as the king stood in need of for his main- 
tenance. Frequently a poll tax was raised 
which fell as heavy on the poor man as on 
the wealthv. The rent and exactions of 



11 Froissart, who this time visited England, (see 
his history. B. ii, ch. 74,) represents the per.sonal 
slavery as more jj^eneral in England than in any oth- 
er country in Europe. 



The people of all classes now began to 
feel tiie exactions and oppressions of the 
government and nobles, but felt themselves 
powerless in remedying them. They be- 
gan to feel and understand their feudal 
condition more sensitively than their an- 
cestors, and more anxious to place them 
on a just basis. They broke out in songs 
and pamphlets, in the rude English of the 
period, against the exactions of the govern- 
ment, the oppressions ot the princes and 
nf)bles, and these \\ ere the predecessors of 
Milton, Burke and Junius. The}' com- 
plained not only of the government, but 
also of the church and clergy, who, instead 
of tlie love of the gospel, "/t^r iveulth worked 
them ivoe. God do bote^ for now is tymeT 
"TV'ow reignctk pride^ and covefise is counted 
tvise, and lechery tvithoui shame, and glut- 
tony wtthottt blamed But government and 
nobles looked upon these invectives of the 
people as the mere complaints of the com- 
mons and peasantry with contempt, and 
with a determination to hold on to what 
they considered to be their birth-right and 
interest. They represented the claims of 
the people as the ignorant demands of the 
peasantry, and looked upon their feudal 
condition, liard as it might be, to be the 
rightful position between the peasant and 
tiie property holder ; the leaders of the re- 
vault against the oppression and for a re- 
form received from their privileged class 
tlie contemptuous appellations of Jack 
Straw, Wat Tyler and John Ball, who 
probably by nature were men entitled to 
our veneration and remembrance as patriots 
and heroes. The nobles, however, repre- 
sented these as the allies of Wycliff and 
the church reformers, and the natural ene- 
mies of religion, and thus injured that re- 
formation. 

In the summer of A. D. 1381 the people 
of the southeastern counties of Essex and 
Kent felt these political wrongs so sensibly 
that they arose in mass to demand their 
liberation from their serfdom and to be re. 



Chap, in.] PEOPLE CONSTlTUTrNG 
stored to their natural Ireedoni. I 

Tlie people of Essex in immense mim- 
l>ers passed over the Thames to their breth- 
ren in Kent, who were also risin>> under 
the just exeitement of" their cause, and 
uniting, thev entered the city of Cantei-- 
hury, where they were joyfully admitted 
by their oppressed brethren there, and lib- 
erated John Ball from his unjust imprison- 
ment for his position in their cause. The 
Essex men were led by Jack Straw, "while 
a hundred thousand Kentishmen gathered 
round Wat Tyler, a soldier who had served 
in the French wars, and who was at once 
recognized as the head of the insurrection." 
These marched upon London, and in the 
meantime the counties north and west of 
the metropolis, even as far west as Somer- 
set, in like manner rose to demand their 
rights and freedom. Tyler and his asso- 
ciates arrived at London in an immense 
body of able-bodied men, who had they 
been armed and accustomed to handle 
them, the government and the nobility 
would have been but as the chaif before 
wind. But as it was they excited great 
consternation among their enemies; and 
the duke of Lancaster, the ostensible head 
of the government and aristocracy, fled 
before the popular hatred over the border 
and took refuge in .Scotland.'^ As they 
proceeded, the whole population joined 
them ; and the nobles were paralyzed with 
consternation and fear. The people con- 
ducted themselves in an astonishingly or- 
derly manner, committing no depredation, 
iind declaring that their only object was to 
abolish their oppression and establish their 
liberty. They declared proudly that they 
"were only seekers of truth, justice, and no 
thieves and robbers." They manifested 
their spite only against the stewards of 
their lords, and the records and evidences 
of their thraldom. They declared that 
their whole object was to have a confer- 
ence with the king, and have him set them 
free and discharge them from their serf- 
dom. 

Before the insurgents entered London 
the barons did all they could to prevent 



12 Green's History of the English People, p. 266. 



THE UNITED KINGDOM. 405 

the interview they asked for, or to delay 
it. At length"'the king came to a confer- 
ence with his people outside of the city. 
He was a boy of only sixteen, but he with 
unexpected courage rode up to them and 
gallantly said: "I am your king and lord, 
good people, what will ye?'' They replied: 
"We will that you free us forever, us and 
our lands; and that we never be named or 
held for serfs." The king readily and 
frankly replied: "I grant it;" and he hade 
them to return to their homes, and pledg- 
ing himself at once to issue charters of free- 
dom and amnesty to all. This unexcep- 
tionable demand and generous reply, called 
forth from the people a hearty shout of joy, 
with the hopes and assurance that their 
bondage and troubles were all over. A 
large number of clerks were employed all 
day in writing letters of freedom and par- 
don, to those who desired them, as fast as 
thev could be written ; and with these the 
masses greatly dispersed to their homes. 
With such a charter from his king in his 
hands, one of these brave men returned to 
St. Albans and demanded of tlie abbot 
that the town and its people, which the ab- 
bey held as tenants, should now be libera- 
ted from their serfage. 

This liberation of the people was very 
objectionable and distasteful to the nobility, 
who at once proceeded to obstruct and 
overthrow what the king had promised. 
"What," said they, 'is life to us if we are to 
lose our inheritance.'" They thought that if 
the people were to be made free, so that 
thev could no longer wrench from them 
whatever they chose to demand, that litie 
itself was of no account to them. Such 
tyrannical ascendency had the aristocracy 
of England acquired over its people, and 
to such a degraded condition had the com- 
mons been placed, and so had they been 
for centuries. Even some of the Saxon 
nobility had consented to become serfs to 
the Norman lords rather than^ contend for 
their position. These lords were every 
day disappearing, and their places occu- 
pied by the children of serfs of a former 
day. Even some of the lords of the pres- 
ent day are the immediate descendants of 
a barber, or a brew er, or some man of hum- 



4o6 



THE MODERN PERIOD 



ble occupation.13 Such are the dispensa- 
tions of Providence in bringing about a 
just retribution in tiie afiairs of man. But 
the lords who were attendants upon Rich- 
ard II were determined that his promise to 
his people should not be fulfilled. How- 
ever, thirty thousand or more of the people 
remained in London with Tyler at their 
head to watch the movements and see 
that the king's solemn promises were ful- 
filled. Casually the next morning the king 
in riding out came upon this body of men 
still at Smithfields in London. Violent 
words passed between the king's retinue 
and the patriotic people, and some blows 
ensued, in which Walworth, the Mayor of 
London, with an unexpected blow of his 
sword, slew Tyler, who fell to the ground. 
"Kill, kill," shouted the crowd, "they have 
killed our captain." But the young king, 
by an artful expedient, diverted the people: 
"What need you, my masters," said he, as 
he boldly rode up to the front, "I am your 
captain and king; follow me." And they 
immediately did so; for he now had be- 
come popular with them, and their hopes 
were centered in him. They followed him 
to the Tower, and declared their object to 
be to relieve their youthful king from the 
abuse and imposition of the great lords 
-who surrounded him. He was received 
with joy by his family at the Tower, and 
said to them : "Rejoice and praise God, for 
I have this day recovered my heritage 
which was lost, and the realm of England." 
The lords had now recovered from their 
fright, and were preparing to undo what 
the king had been doing, and to recall and 
annul the charters of freedom he had 
granted. They contended that the king's 
grant and letters of freedom were illegal. 



t3 "There is the house," said Lord Tentcrden 
(C.'j. Abbolt) to his son, "in which your grandfather 
made liis fortune as ii barber." And "there is the 
house," mig^ht Lord Clarendon h.ave said to his two 
queenly g-rand-daucrhters, (queens iV'fary and Anne,) 
"in which vour grahdmotlicr made her fortune as a 
brewer's \vii[e." Sucii.vmder Providence, is the con- 
stant mutation and change in the fortunes of men; 
the lordly houses of the Saxon and Norman nobility 
have passed away and disappeared, and other par- 
•venu houses have arisen in their place, whose ances- 
tors were among ihe serfs of Wat Tyler's day; and 
those serfs had ancestors, some of whom were Brit- 
ons and others Saxons; but all were denominated 
Anglo-Saxois, but should have been Anglo-Britons. 
It is out of this combination that the great English 
people and the modern British nation have risen. 



[Book V, 

nul and void ; their serfs were their goods, 
and the king could not talce their goods- 
from them but by their own consent; and 
this consent, they added, v/e have never 
given, and never will give, were we all to 
die in one diiy. Notwithstanding this reso- 
lution on the part of the lords and their 
treachery and tyranny, the king himself 
acted in perfect good faith. 

The barons immediate!}' proceeded, with 
armed force, to undo what the king had 
done, to annul his promises and recall the 
charters of freedom and pardon he had is- 
stied, which were recaptured and forcibly 
taken from the people wherever found. 
The young king was compelled to comply 
with the wishes of the nobles; and the 
people were forcibly driven back to their 
former condition, and this formidable and 
universal rising of the people in favor of a 
reform in the government, and of the'r just 
liberties and freedom, was thus effectually 
crushed. During this rising of the people 
for the recovery of their natural rights and 
to rid themselves of their unjust feudal 
bondage, they frequently broke out in 
songs in favor of the natural rights of man 
and humanity ; their reference was never 
Saxon justice, or the humanity of Hengist, 
/Ella, Ethelfrith, or other robbers of the 
Ancient Britons, but the burthen of their 
song was the just equality of man and a 
fair opportunity to everj'one to make the 
best of what God had given them : "W^hen 
Adam delved and Eve span, who was then 
the gentletnan.?" This very effort of the 
English people to gain their just liberties 
was again repeated in the reign of Henry 
VI, imder the patriotic efforts of Jack Cade; 
and which did not subside until the death 
of Richard III. 

Of this great body of English people who 
were thus vainly contending for their na- 
tural rights, the question again occurs, who 
were they.'' For the nobles and great fami- 
lies from day to day and one after another 
have departed and gone the way of the 
world, and these people so cruelly put 
down were the ancestors of the present 
English people. If these were all Ancient 
Britons made serfs, where were the Sax- 
ons.'' If they were all Saxons, then the Sax. 



Qiaj,. in. I PEOPLE CONSTITUTING 

ons were the serfs. But whether Sa.vons 
or Britons, they were the great body of the 
English people fiDin whom those of the 
present day derive their lineage; there is a 
greater probability that some of the present 
nobility of England derive their origin 
from Wat Tyler or some of his men, rath- 
er than from Warwick or Percy. But un- 
doubtedly, as we have attempted to show, 
the great body of English people were the 
common descendants of both the Saxons 
and the Ancient Britons alike, for we know, 
at least, that many of the Anglo-Saxon 
nobility \-o!untarily became serfs to the 
Norman lords; and perhaps some of them 
again may ha\e, in the ways of Providence, 
risen again from their serfage to the sur- 
face of the English nobility. The truth is 
that the English are a composite people to 
the greatest extent of the word; they owe 
their origin, their liberties, laws, language 
and present greatness, not so much to 
Scheswick'< or to the Saxons, but to what 
came in common from the Saxon pirate, 
the Romanized Briton, the barbarian Dane 
and Norwegian, tin. civilized and improved 
Normans, and immigration by them in- 
vited from ail parts of Sonthwestern France, 
and since then sOTnc Dutchmen who came 
with William II I, and a few Germans with 
George I; and we are inlormed that recent- 
ly one member of parliament was a native 
of Armenia. The descendants of all these, 
since the death of Richard III, have com- 
bined as one people to make England what 
she is, and to produce whatever there is 
that is great and glorious, in her constitu- 
tution, laws and freedom, in her enterpri.se, 
commerce and znanufactures, and in what- 
ever has elevated Britain to the head of the 
civilized world. 

In producing thi.^ result England has 
gathered her jewels from every part of 
Great Britain and Ireland; from Celtic ori- 
gin more than from the Teutonic. Men 
from Wales, .Scotland and Ireland have 
occujMcd and distinguished every place and 
position in the English government and 
institutions, and have contributed their full 
share to her prosperity, wealth and renown. 



THE UNITED KINGDOM. 



407 



14 Grfien's History af the English People, p. 41— 2. 



Her Indian empire was acquired under the 
management of a Welshman; a Scotch- 
man'" restored it from a fatal rebellion; 
while in parliament and out of it Irishmen 
have added to her celebrity and glory. 

The great change that took place in the 
condition and character of the English peo- 
ple, about the close of the fifteenth century, 
is obvious to every candid student of his- 
tory ; and no epoch can be placed in that 
change so well and palpable as the acces- 
sion of Henry VII. And he, in a great 
measure, may be assigned as the cause of 
it. Let the student examine well the char- 
acter and characteristics of the Saxons as 
developed in history, from their first ap- 
pearance in Britain to the epoch stated, 
and an obvious change appears afterwards. 
These charactKristics are thus summed up 
by Hume, a historian very favorable to 
Saxon pretensions: "With regard to the 
mannei s of the Anglo-Saxons, we can say 
little, but that they were in general a rude, 
uncultivated people, ignorant of letters, un- 
skilled in mechanical arts, untamed to sub- 
mission under laws and government, ad- 
dicted to intemperance, riot and disorder. 
Their best quality was their military coivr- 
age, which yet was not supported by 
discipline or conduct. Their want of fideli- 
ty to the prince, or to any trust reposed in 
them, appears strongly in the history of 
their later period; and their want of hu- 
manity m all their history. Even the Nor- 
man historians, notwithstanding the low 
state of the arts in their own country, speak 
of them as barbarians when they mention 
the invasion made upon them by the duke 
of Norjnandy. The conquest put the peo- 
ple in a situation of receiving slowly, from 
abroad, the rudiments of science and culti- 
vation, and of correcting their rough and 
licentious manners."''^ Private robbery 



15 Clive .ind Campbell. 

16 Hume's History of Enjifland, i77,d42. Inreadiag- 
this assertion ot the want of ti.lclitv and humanity, 
tiring-s to our memory their frequent treachery to the 
Britons, the massacre of the Danes, the treacherous 
assa-^sination of Ethelbert, kins'- of ICast Ant^les, by 
Ofta and his (jueen, when their j^ucsl and soliciting 
their dauirhter. and like instances. 

When the Norman historians represent the quanti- 
ty of plate and valuable articles taken in Ensjland, it 
should be remembered that it was the property of 
the nobility, wrenched frcnn the laborers of comraorvs 
and serfs. 



4o8 



THE MODERN PERIOD. 



and violence against person and property 
was a common complaint against the 
Anglo-Saxons in all ages; and that would 
necessarily he expected of theni, as the 
natural result of their habits of war and 
violence — it was the moral spirit that 
Wodenism had instilled into them, which 
Christianity was iniable to eradicate.''^ 

In h'acing the change wrought in the 
English people, frotn the time of Edward 
III to that of Elizabeth, we see that it cul- 
minated with the death of Richard III. 
The change was from the rule of the Plan- 
tagenet to that of the Tudor. The former 
had acquired the true characteristics of the 
Anglo-Saxon sovereigns; war, violence, 
selfishness, were the predominant features 
of their times, especially from the death of 
Edward III to that of Richard, a period 
considerable over a hundred years. Ed- 
ward IV and Richard were especially war- 
like, cruel and heartless. Richard on the 
last morning of his life, in going the rounds 
of his encampment, found a man asleep on 
his post, and immediately, without a word, 
gave him a mortal stab with his dagger; in 
afterwards si'Hiaking of it, he said, with a 
cold, .sarcastic indilYerence: "I found the 
man asleep, and left him so." The charac- 
ter of the so\ereign witii singular and un- 
accountiible facility insinuates itself into 
that of the people; and though the people 
may labor against it, yet that of the sover- 
eign will prodominate with the govern- 
ment. 

In Henry Tudor this spirit was material- 
ly changed — the candid historians of that 
time, and since, have assured us so. He 
was born and brought up at Pembroke 



17 Hume, 472 — 3. Ibid, p. 13. "The leaders and 
their military coni])anions were niainfciined by Ihe 
labors of their slaves, or by lli<^ weaker and less war- 
like pari of their coniiiiunity. * * * * AH the 
refined arts of hfe were unknown." Ihid, 174 — 5: 
"The liarons were the chief atiettors of robhers, mur- 
derers and ruffians of all kinds, and no law could be 
executed asjain'^t diese criminals. The nobilitv were 
broujjht to give their promise in parliament that 
they would nol avow, retiin or support any felon or 
breaker of the law; yet this entfajjement, whicli we 
ma)' wonder to see exacted from men of their rank, 
was never rejjiirded by them. The commons make 
continual complaints of the multitude of robberies, 
murders, rapes, and other disorders, which, theysay, 
were becomiiif^ numberless in every part of the 
kinjjdoni, and whicli they alw.ays a.scribe to the pro- 
tection that tlie crimmals rect:ived from the fj'reat." 
(2 Hume, p. 272 — 7, and 324) and this was in tlic 
time of Edward HI. 



[Book V. 

castle, imtil he was fourteen years of age, 
surrounded by his native Cvmry, their 
manners and sentiments, and under the 
tuition of an excellent widowed mother. 
He was then sent to Eaton school where 
he tinished his education. At London he 
met his mother's relative, Henry VI, who 
was so pleased with the youth, and his 
sprighth' and comely appearance, that he 
predicted his destinj'.''^ After being edu- 
cated some years in P^ngland, he incurred 
the jealousy of Edward IV^, who attempts 
to imprison him. He escaped to Brittany, 
and after various trials and romantic es- 
capes, he was brought to the throne of 
England, chastened by adversity, but a true 
Britoi\ in hearf and lineage. Though a 
brave man and a true soldier, he introduced 
into England a new regime, the true inter- 
est and welfare of the country, the cultiva- 
tion of peace and its arts. He cultivated 
the interest and prosperity- of the people, 
rather than the peculiar welfare of the no- 
bility ; like his countrynun generally, he 
loved the interest of humanity rather than 
that of the selected few ; therefore feudal- 
ism greatly declined diu-ing his reign, and 
individual treehold and property greatly in- 
creased. This is thus sustained by the his- 
torians. Hume says:'** "The reign of 
Henr\" VII was, in the main, fortunate for 
his people at home and honoral)le abroad. 
He put an end to the civil wars with which 
the nation had long been harassed, he 
maintained peace and order in the state; 
he depressed the former exorbitant powers*, 
of the nobility. ='- * * * He loved 
peace without fearing war; he discovered' 

18 Bacon, in Iiis history of Henry VII, alludes to- 
this as well as Shakspeare in Henry 'VI, Act IV", 
Scene VI, where we find; 

"Kini;;^ Hen. — My Lord of Somerset, wliat youth is 
that. 
Of whom you seem to have so tender ciire? 

Som. — My liey^e, it is youn^ Henry, carl of Richmond. 

K. Hen. — Come hither, tnoland's hope, [Lays his 
hand on his head] If secret powers 
Susjj>;est but truth (o my divining: thoug^hts. 
This prettv lad will prove our country's bli.ss, 
His looks are full of peaceful majesty, 
His head b}' nature formed to wetir a crown, 
His hand to wield a sceptre, and himself 
Likely in time to bless a regal throne. 
Make much of him, my lords, for this is he 
Must help you more than you arc hurt by me." 

19 5 English History, p. 67. See also Bacon's 
Henry VII. 11 Pictorial English History, B. vi, ch. 
vii, p. 86S. "The trading classes were growing rich 
under the strong rule ot the Tudors," says Froude 
in his History ot England, Vol. i, p. 40. 



Chap. HI. I PEOPLE CONSTITUTING THE UNITED KINGDOM. 



no timidity, either in (he conduct of his jif- 
fair.s or in the day of haltle; and though 
often severe in his punishments, he was 
commonly less actuated by revenge than 
by maxims of policy." But the great ser- 
vice rendered by Henry to his country was 
his perseverence in his peace policy, which 
enabled the people, under his encourage- 
ment, to organize trade, commerce and 
manufactories; as well as by the destruc- 
tion of the feudal system, which transferred 
* large portion of the landed property 
from the aristocracy to the commons and 
jeomen; which in reality is the foundation, 
at this day, of the greatness and prosperity 
of the English and the British nation, 
which could not have occurred under the 
state of thing'> \\ hich existed previous to 
the Tudors. 

The historians who have taught tiiat "we 
must look to Slesvvick for fatherland and 
old England, from whence came the En 
glish people, and e\'erything they now 
possess or that is worthy," are leading the 
student of history astray, with myth and 
fable, and ignore the evident truth of his- 
tory. He who teaches that England is in- 
debted to the Teutonic race for what exalts 
her and elevates her position, and that the 
Celtic race are but her menials and serfs, to 
whom she owes nothing for her position, 
is not only teaching what is false without 
fairly examining the subject, but doing 
himself injustice; but still greater injustice 
to the larger portion of the people who 
constitute the inhabitants of the United 
Kingdom, who are equally its citizens and 
its pride, and upon whom she depends, in 
common, for her safety from conflict and 
peril. 

The truth is we are not to look back to 
the people or the barbarous times, which 
brought upon all Europe the barbarity and 
revulsion in civilization, which character- 
ized the dark ages, for what now so dis- 
tinguishes Great Britain ; for that is the 
work of the composite people we have 
demonstrated — the production of British 
soil in modern times — a new developinent 
of human affairs, unci-nnected with its pre- 
tended source in Sleswick. 



409 
arsjer and 



Another class of historiaijs, 
more truthful and candid, place the ques- 
tion ot the ethnic cliaractcr and origin of 
the English people where we have placed 
it. Prot". Crea.sy-' .says: "Our English na- 
tion is the conibineii product <>1 several 
p(>])ulalions. The Saxon element is the- 
most important, and may be treated as the 
chief one; but, besides tliis, there is the 
British, there is the Danish, and there is 
the Norman element. Each of these four 
elements of our national character has 
largely modified the rest, and our national 
institutions. It is not until we reach the 
period when these elements were thorough- 
ly fused and blended together, that the his- 
tory of the English can be properly said to 
begin. This period is the thirteenth cen- 
tury, ll was then, and not until tlieii. that 
our nationality was complete. By niUion- 
ality is meant the joint result of unity as to 
race, language, and institutions." .\nd 
equally strong upon this subject is Lord 
Macaulay, who says:^ ''Here commences 
the history of the English nation. Tlie 
history of the previous events is the history 
of w rongs inflicted and sustained by various 
tribe.'j, whicii included all who dwelt on 
English ground, and which regarded eacJi 
other with av(,:r.sion such as has scarcely 
ever existed between communities sepai-ated 
by physical barriers. For even trie mutual 
animosity of countries at war with each 
other is languid when compared with the 
animosity of nations which, morally separ- 
ated, are yet locally intermingled. In no 
country has the enmity of race been car- 
ried farther than in' England. In no coun- 
try has that enmity been more completely 
effaced. * * * * Then it was that the 
great English people was formed, the na- 
tional character began to exhibit those pe- 
culiaritie.s which it lias ever since retained, 
and that our fathers became emphatically 
islanders, islanders not merely in geograph- 
ical position but in their politics, their feel- 
ings, and their manners. Then first appear- 
ed with distinctness that constitution which 



20 Among- these wc would name Prof. Ci-ea.sy, 
Lord Maciiulay and Prof. Arnold. 

31 En}^li.sh Constitaiioa, ch. ii, p. 12. 

22 I Macaulay's Kng-lish History, cli. i, p. i^. 



410 



THE MODERN PERIOD 



has ever since, through all changes, pre- 
served it? identity — that constitution of 
which ;tll other free constitutions in the 
"world are copies, and which, in spite of 
some defects, deserves to be regarded as the 
best under which anv great society has ever 
yet existed during many ages. Then it 
■was that the house of commons, the arche- 
type of all the representative assembhes 
"which now meet, either in the old or in the 
new world, held its first sittings. Then it 
was that the coinmon Jaw rose to the dig- 
nity of science, and rapidity became a not 
■unworthy rival of the imperial jurispru- 
dence. * * * * Early in the four- 
teenth century the amalgamation of tiie 
races was all but complete; and it was 
soon made manifesf, by signs not to be 
mistaken, that a people inferior to none 
existing in the world had been formed by the 
mixture of three branches of the great 
Teutonic famiiy with each other, and with 
the aboriginal Britons." 

This beginning of the modern English 
nation may be more properly placed at the 
death of Richard III, at Bosworth, than at 
iiny former period; for then it was that the 
old Nornicn and Plantagenet dynasty ex- 
pired, with their love of war, commotion 
and tvrannj- ; and then arose in their place, 
under the Tiidors, the cultivation of peace 
and home atfairs. Ttien arose civil enter- 
prises, manufactures and commerce; the 
more decided cultivation of literature, 
science and arts; and then was a period dis- 
tinguished in English history tor a galaxy 
of such eminent men as Moore, Cromwell, 
Wooisey, Coke, Bacon, Ben. Johnson and 
Shakspeare. It was with the Tudors that 
the transition took place from the old to the 
new of the national aftairs; and then com- 
menced that career in English history 
which marks a course of new events as 
characteristic of the English and the com- 
mon property of the whole nation This 
is apparent as the great epoch, when we 
compare what England was before with 
what Great Britain and Ireland, as a com- 
mon country, have become since. That 
was the obvious turning point between the 
rule of the Saxons with the Woden aris- 
tocracv; the iron rule of the Norman with 



[Book V 

feudal lordships on the one hand, and the 
ameliorated condition of modern English- 
men, with a just and more liberal rule to 
all classes of men, founded upon benevo- 
lence and good will to common humanity. 
This is apparent when we look at the great 
change in the condition of the great mass 
of English people in the time of Richard 
II and Miat of Elizabeth. 

It has been shown that the English peo- 
ple so far as they derived their origin from 
the Saxons were ot the Teutonic race, and 
so far as derived from other sources were 
Celtic; for the Ancient Britons — the Cym- 
ry of both Britain and Armorica, which in- 
cluded a large portion of France and 
Normandy, the Irish and the Scots were 
almost exclusively Celts, and the Normans 
principally so, with decided antipathies 
against the Teutons or Saxons. The En- 
glish must be descendants of one or the 
other of thete two great races — the Teuton 
or the Celt — or they are composed of a 
mixture and amalgamation of the tw^o. It 
is thought that it has been fully shown that 
they were of this composite race in which 
the Celtic characteristics prevailed over the 
Teutonic.23 When the characteristics of 
these races are severalh' contrasted, as 
analyzed and inducted from the best author- 
ities, it is seen that they more readily agree 
with the Celtic than the Teutonic; that the 
Welshman, the Scotchman, the Irishman, 
or the Armorican Frenchman, with the 
like educational advantage, approaches 
nearer the English gentleman than the 
Teuton. And first, let us see 

THE CHAKACTERISTICS OF THE TEUTON. 

I. Physiological charucter. With regard 
to the complexion, color of the hair and 
eyes, as compared with the Celt, they are 
doubtful, and the best of authors disagree.^* 
The head round, or square, or angular ; 
the body inclined to be corpulent and flab- 
by. Though we find many small men , 
thcA" are generally tall and heavy bodied; 
bones large, "feet often large, even clumsy 
when compared with the Celtic variety." 



23 See ante, B. — , ch. — . 

2.^ Sec ;inte, B. — , ch. — . Sec the Remarks o 
Bishop Percy'.s inlroduclion to Mallet's Northe ra 
Antiquity, Bohn's Lib., p. 33. 



PEOPLE CONSTITUTING THE UNITED KINGDOM. 



Chap. Ill 

With both variety the legs are generally 
stniight ; the exceptions are, in the Tcnton.s 
they how out, in the Celts the exoe])tions 
are the lock-kneed. These exceptions are 
not more freciuent with one people than 
the other. 

2. Psycholoiriciil ckaracttjr. The Teulon•^ 
are slower, and sometimes called stolid, and 
that slowness may sometimes produce 
greater accuracy ; but not as brilliant for 
witticism as the Celtic variety, nor 
for taste2'' in literature or the arts. The 
'i'euton will expend a great deal upon his 
barn in architecture and ornaments, while 
he neglects his hou.se; the Celt will apply 
his means with better taste as to propriety 
in rcierence to the object — he would be apt 
to think that ornamental architecture would 
appear with more proj)ricty on his house 
than on his bain.^*' 

The Teutonic people, it is said, are more 
sjif-indulgent — more given to their appe- 
tites- -eat, drink and smoke to excess. We 
lind this to be asserted by most of the En- 
;glish historians, from the Norman conquest 
down to recent times :2" We read of the 
»Saxons "unbuckling at their meals," which, 
1 believe, is not true to the same degiee 
with tiie Cell. The Saxons were slower in 
literature, and with superstition devoted to 
the objects oi war. The Teuton is slower 



i5 Arnold's Celtic IJterature. 

26 lu passing through Pennsyiviinia the Uavilcr 
will see in the Teutonic districts this uiis.ipplicution 
oi' iirchiteciural tuste. An Kn;.'Jish Uijy, wrilinj^ 
from Germany to Krazer'-s Mag-azinc, (and cnpied in 
N. Y. iiclectic, October, 1S75,) with irreat tervor in 
favor of what she found in Germany, still questions 
the German capacity for objects of taste. She says: 
"(xerniai) dresp iias no orijriniility and no c'lh. * * 
* * Of the harmony (of colors) ol well cho.^en low - 
t<;ned tints, of unity of cftect in itie corrcspondin'c 
.shades of li^loves, parasols and bonnets, or the judi- 
tious juxtaposlion of dark and light, of a dark color 
on a sober background, the ordiniiry German knows 
nothing-. * * * * Perhjips in no country i.s dress 
>o much talked of as in Germany, with so liUle re- 
sult. Tart-ans of the most eccentric color.-; r.nd ar- 
rangement are always e/i z'oj/itr.''^ Ptrh ips the 
Knglish l-.idy is doing the Germans injustice in mat- 
ters of tasto and hannonv oi colors: but in America 
we often hear tiashy and incongruous colors spoken 
of as Duicli iaste. 

27 Sec Kemble's Saxous in Knglaud, Vol. i. ch. 
xiii. '''nie anfree, the serfs.'" Kemble. with ail his 
leaning to the Saxons, suflicltntly .shows the h;ird 
condition of the body of the Anglo-Saxons. "The 
slave is 'ihe absohite property of his lord, a chattel 
10 be dispo.scd of ;it his lord's pleiLSure. * * * * 
If he be guilty of \'.'rong, he cannot in-.ikf compensa- 
tion, for he can l>;ive no property of his own. save 
his skin; that his skin mu.sl pay for him and the lash 
i>e his bitter portion. Kemble, Ibid, p. JXX) — 10. 



4" 

to anger; but when his anger is raised, it 
becomes terrific and ungovernable; it be- 
comes a frenzy, and strikes wherever it 
may happen — iriend or foe. His cold, de- 
liberate action renders him less sympathet- 
ic and cliaritable, and will apply his govern- 
ing principles — his self-interest — to even 
the demands of near relatives, friends, or 
the patriotic objects of public interest. All 
Teutonic people, and especially the Saxons, 
maintained slavery as a cherished institu- 
tion, either as serfs or slaves, and the latter 
in its most hideous forms; and in this con- 
diliojT was held the great body of the 
English people, until it became extinct un- 
der the Tudors. The slave systein of the 
Southern States was only a continuance of 
the Anglo-Saxon laws upon that subject, 
only it was confined to persons of African 
descent. 

THE CELTIC CH ARACTK.H ISTICS. 

1. Physiological character. As remarked 
in relation to the Teuton, it is almost im- 
possible to reconcile the books, between the 
two races, as to complexion, hair, color, and 
stature. B ut according to my observation 
in .\merica, where only I have seen and 
\\\<\\l& of them, there is but little dilFerence 
in statiiro; there are tall, or short, or small 
persons found in lx)th races — the Teutot\ 
is the offenest found with a bulky body. 
As to a well formed person, you will find 
it among the Irish as often as in any peo- 
ple. As to complexion and color of hair, 
although the dark and the light complex- 
ion and hair prevail dilferently in different 
families in both races, and the dark isoften- 
er met with than the fair, yet airiong the 
Celts from the British islands we oftener 
meet with red, auburti or light hair, and 
the r:iir or white complexion — the blonde — 
than in the Teutonic race. In the Irish 
femak- we often see the fair complexion, as 
descriix^d by the Romans in her Gallic an- 
cestors.'* 

In the formation of the skull the Celts 
are diKtinguished by an oval head, while tlie 
Teuton is either round or square; in their 
general conformation they are less angular 



2S See IV New American CycloiKtdia, Tit. Celtae, 
p. <»T,. ,\nte, B. — , ch. — . 



412 

tlian tlie Teuton. It has been often claim- 
ed that the Celt is less strong and muscular 
than the Teutonic race, but it is believed 
that this has been contradicted by scientific 



rilE MODERN PERIOD 



[Book V 

tinguishe<l tor sentiment, ardor and sympa- 
thy ; "quick to teel impressions, and feeling- 
them \ cry strongly; his sensibility gives 
hnn a jieculiarly near and intimate feeling- 



tests. » In America the two great immi- j of nature and the life of nature. The same 



gi-ating classes are the German and the 
Irish; the fiist as the representative of the 
Teuton, and the latter as that ot the Celt. 
These have competed on our canals and 
railroads for hardiness and endurance, and 
universally the palm is conceded to tlie 
Irish. They endure hard labor as well, 
and accotnplish as much, as any people. 

2. P sycliological character . -'Quickness of 
perception, great powers of combination, ap- 
plication, love of equality, [human rights 
independent of self,] of society, of amuse 



sensibility made him full of reverence and 
enthusiasm for genius, learning, and the 
things of the mind; to be a hard, freed a 
wan — that 'is a characteristic stroke of this 
generous and ennobling ardor of their.s, 
which no race has ever shown more strong- 

Iv." 

Hut what most distinguishes tliese two- 
great races from each other, is the care 
with which the Teuton attends to his own 
interest, with a cold indifterence to the de- 
mands of sympathy or atFection. His per- 



ment. of glory; want of caution,"3<> and j '^"'^"""'^^'"^■'^t ^'^ ^'^^^^'^ ^'"^'' «"^ ^/"^P^^hy 

for others seldom leads him fron) it. What 



subject to synipathv in the demands ot 
r el atives, or friend.'-, or patriotism, which 
the Teuton's iove of self would avoid. 
"Distinguished for gallantry, fine biniidish- 
ing manners and external politeness; irasci- 
ble" — soon offended and easily reconciled. 
Usually they are good mechanics, and 
distinguished ibr taste in architecture, 
poetry and music. And as Tacitus de- 
stTibed the Britons, — easily governed when 
well treated, — indignant at injuries and in- 
tolerant of oppression ; ready in adopting 
the improvement and progress of civiliza- 
tion, even frotn the conquerinir Romans. 



he has made up his mind to do, his heart is> 
seldom in the way of his accomplishing it. 
He will, therefore, oftener succeed as a 
banker, for sympathy does not lead him 
from his interest; and when he is led into 
crime, his heart will not likely shrink from 
its liorror. 

I have ne\er seen these two great races 
to judge of them, except as I have .seen 
them in .\merica; beyond that I have de- 
pended upon books few my evidence. With 
both nationalities, as found here, I have 
been well acquainted, and have had warm 



They are distinguished for style and taste j friends in both.' What has been said as the 



in literature,3i and distinguished as mechan- 
ics and artists in every profession in which 
the arts are applicable. 

Mr. Arnold sums up the ditterence of 
characteristics of the two races thus: "The 
Germanic genius has steadiness as its main 
basis, with commonness and humdrum for 
its defect, fidelity to nature for its excel- 
lence. The Celtic genius, sentiment, as its 
main basis, with love of beauty, charm, 
ajid spirituality for its excellence, ineffect- 
ualness and self-will for its defect.'" The 
Saxon is said to be dull and slow, but true 
to nature and to fact. The Celt is dis- 



29 See ante, B. — , ch. — . Also Prof". Fi.^kc's 
Kss.-iy. 

,}o Sec the introduction to Mallet's Antiquities, 
Bohn's I..ib., p. 34 

31 See Prof. Arnold's Essay on Celtic ]^il<r,-\t>irc. 



peculiarity of each, is the result as drawn 
from the extremes of each, as found more 
fully developed in the one race than in the 
other; but it is rather the exception than 
the rule, when found equally developed in 
the other race. The good qualities of each 
are predominarit, and place thcn\ ahead of 
every other race. In the comparison be- 
tween these two, the greatest and best racei 
of the human family, both have their 
striking good qualities, with their concomi- 
tant and counteracting evil ones. Enemie* 
are too apt wilfully to exaggerate and ex- 
pose the evil qualities of their adversaries 
without noticing the concurring good quali- 
ty in mitigation. Both are distinguished 
foi great industry and perseverance; have 
accomplished great things — in the arts, law^ 
religion, literature, science and civilizatioti. 



Oiap. III.] PKOFLK CONSTlTirTlNG 

but the Celt has led in the way. Slower 
and later the Gennan Teuton has brought 
up the rear with a mighty force. The 
father of Frederick the Great remained 
characterized in his courts and institutions, 
by the rude civilization of" the passed ages, 
until F'rederick himself .adopted an im- 
proved civilization from Celtic France; and 
reformed Prussian literature by the aid of 
the genius and learning of Voltaire. 

No injustice or disrespect is intended to 
the English people, by claiming them to be 
tlius a composite variety of the human fam- 
ily—deriving their origin as well from 
the Romanized Briton as from the 
piratical and barbarous Saxon — from the 
Celtic as well as the Teutonic family ; that 
the true characteristics of the English have 
been formed in recent times by this union ; 
and that they are rather Anglo- Britons 
than Anglo-Saxons. The Saxons pro- 
gressed slowly, making a foot-hold in one 
district alter another, until in the course of 
a hundred years they obtained possession of 
South-eastern England. First, subjugated 
the Lloegrian Cymry, who received the 
Saxons with less tierce resistance than the 
Cambrian Cymry, and who, the ancient 
writers say, all became Saxons.32 In this 
slow process the Saxons took |x>ssession of 
the riu"il districts, converted the property 
to their own use; being an army of soldiers, 
they had few or no women, and took such 
women of the British population as they 
chose tor wives, the rest they converted in- 
to serfs to cultivate the land. They were 
unacquainted with city life, and only sought 
possession of the rural districts.''^' The large 
cities, as London, York, Winchester, Bath 
and Exeter, they despised, and which they 
neither destroyed nor took, but made them 
free towns, and subjected them to terms of 
furnishing for them clothing and other 
manufactured articles as were indispen.sable 
for theni. Thus the cities became stipen- 



THE UNITED KINGDOM. 



415 



32 See ante, B. — , ch. — . 

ij Sec Keinble's Saxons in Kiiffland, B. ii, oh. vii, 
p. 262 — ,?lo. N. li. The stunent sliouUi well inquire 

f Kemble does not, in iho midst of valuable materi- 
iiJs by him collected, urossly misrepresent the con- 
dition of the liritoms at Ihe lime of tiie S.axon con- 
quest, and the importance of their towns. It is ap- 
parent tliat he writes with great prejudice and un- 

airness against them. 



daries and tributaries to them; the citizen.* 
of the towns became useful jx^ople and 
serviceable to the Saxons, and their exist- 
ence suffered as free towns, but subject to 
Saxon rule as stipendaries, preserving 
many of their customs and orylds'^* to thi.^ 
day — they and their children becoming 
Saxons in the very humble condition in 
which they were found in Wat Tyler's 
time, and of those citizens of Canterbury 
and London who joyfidly admitted Wat 
and his people williia their town. They 
were all subject to the rule of Saxon nobili- 
ty — earls, all of a caste as descendants of 
Woden. The only city we have any ac- 
count of their having destroyed was An- 
derida ;•'•■' and the reason given for destroying 
it and its people was bccau-^e the citizen* 
made such determined resistance, and gave 
them so much trouble in taking it. 

In the course of this progress of the 
formation of the characteristics of the 
modern English, the candid student of his- 
tory will perceive numerous instance* 
where the Saxons came in contact with 
Ancient Brifons, to receive a portion of 
their character and nature, as well in 
modern times as in those when tliey took 
their wives from among the Britons. There 
was the league between Cadwallaand Pen- 
da ;36 the accession of another Cad walla 
and his brother, Ina, to the throne of Wes- 
sex ; the intercourse oetween Asser and 
Alfred the Great; the infltience that Geof- 
frey of Monmouth and his countryman, 
Walter, archdeacon of Oxford, had upon 
English literature; the intercoiu-se which 
made Henry Tudor and Oliver Cromwell 
the descendants of Welshmen and Cymry. 
This intercourse became more intimate af- 
ter the coming of the Normans, for they- 
considered the Cymry their relatives ini 
race and affinity. 

But between two peojile, thus constanth 
coming in contact with each other, there 
must be a constant admission and accretion 
of laws and customs which eludes the 
casual (>h.-.er\er. For instance, the Saxons 



34 Kemble, Ibid, p. 309. 

35 See ante, B. — , ch. — . 

36 See ante, B. — , ch. ^. 



414 



THE MODERN PERIOD 



bj their Salic law and custom excluded the 
female from the inheritance in land, and 
consequently from a participation in the 
government. On the death of Cenwalch, 
king of Wessex, Saxburga, his widow, 
claimed the sovereignty, "but the proud 
barbarians of Wessex disdained even the 
government of wisdom in the form of a 
woman. "■''7 The rule was, therefore, as- 
sumed bj the nobility during the interreg- 
num. This Salic kiw was introduced into 
France by the Franks, and has always pre- 
vailed there, as it had also prevailed in 
England until the time of the Tudors. But 
with the Britons this rule did not prevail. 
In the absence of male heirs, the nearest 
female relative claimed, and was allowed, 
as in the case of Boadecia and others. B ut 
in Tiidor's time Celtic law and principles 
had so far insinuated thcmsvlves into the 
English as to overcome the Salic law, so 
far as to enable Marj' and Elizabeth to be- 
come queens and sovereigns. Many other 
British laws and customs have become, 
silently, the laws and customs of England 
unobserved. It is now impossible to tell 
how much of British, Cymric or Celtic 
laws and customs have thus become the 
common law of England; or how much of 
the blood of the Ancient Britons flows in 
English veins; but we know it predomin- 
ates.38 A large number of the very able 
English jurists claim lh:it much of the 
common law is derived from ancient Brit- 
ish sources.3!' 

§2. — The Cymry or Welsh. 

It has already been shown how important 
a part of Western Europe the Cymry once 
occupied. It was all the northwestern and 
central part ot Gaul — Annorica and Bel- 
gium ; ail Britain, except the fiar north, and 



37 I Turner's Anef-S;ix., B. iii, ch. viij, p. 252 (A 
T). fV^i). Henry of ilimling-clon, p. 6i. Florence of 
Wore, p. 23. 

38 The student who wishes lO see more fully how 
rnuch tht Celtic or Cymric ch iracteristics prevail in 
the Kngiish, let him examine Prof. M. Arnold's 

'The Study of Celtic Literature." Mr. Arnold re- 
peats with .ipprobafion these words of Monsieur 
Edwards: "And so it turns out that an Englishman 
who now thinks himself sprunsf from tlie Saxons or 
the Normans is often in reality the descendant of 
the Britons." 

39 See Spence's Kquity. 



[Book V. 

the north of Ireland; leaving the Gaels to 
occupy the south of France, the northwest- 
ern highlands of Scotland, the south of 
Ireland, and the Isle of Man. Even after 
the Saxons had obtained possession of the 
southeastern part of Britain, in the time of 
Ethelred, A. D. 866, the Cytnry, under va- 
rious names, included and were in posses- 
sion of the promontory of Cornwall, 
Wales, Cumbria, Strath-Cljde — the most of 
Scotland except the northwest — and the 
north of Ireland. Then what has become 
of them? They have been absorbed and 
amalgamated with people of other names, 
so that their descendants are found some 
among the English, some with the Scotch, 
and some in Ireland; and perhaps occupy- 
ing a large, if not the largest, portion of all 
those nationalities. The Gaels were, prob- 
ably, in jDossession of Britain bel'ore the 
Cymry. The former retired to the north, 
and were probabfj- the Caledonians. When 
the Romans came many of the Cymry, as 
Britons, too hostile to the Romans to be- 
come their subject, and too fond of person- 
al liberty, retired to Scotland and became 
known as Picls. Other Cymric Britons in 
the like manner retired before the Roman 
and Saxons to Ireland, and there in the 
northeast of Ireland became known as the 
Scots; who in after times passed over to 
Scotlaiid, confejring upon it their name, 
and uniting with the Picts ;;nd Cymry of 
Strath-Clyde formed the kingdom of Scot- 
land. The Scots, therefore, are, by history 
and the remains of their ancient language, 
essentially the dest:endants of the Cymry 
and Ancient Britons.' There are so many 
things in history and antiquities which 
produce evidence to prove that the inhab- 
itants of all these countries originated in 
the same race and people, that there can be 
no rational doubt on the subject. 

As to the Cymry who remained in 
France, Michelet the author of the history 
of France, has much reduced my labors, by 
what he has said upon the subject. When 
the Cymry came to France the elder Celts 



I See ante, B. — , ch. — . Sei2 also 2 Kemble's 
Saxons in England, p. 4, as to the occurrence of the 
name Aber annexed to places in \Val'?s and Scot- 
land. 



PEOPLE CONTTITUTING THE UNITED KINGDOM. 



Cliap. 111.] 

yielded to them the possession of all the 
north-west of Gaul, and Chartres became 
their centre, and Auvergne that of the 
former. In Cresar's time, the Cymric tribe 
known as the Venetians were fast building 
up a new civilization, and possessed a com- 
merce and a navv which astonished Caj.sar 
— the archetype of modern British navy — 
and for a while held the Romans in check; 
but that heartless and ruthless warrior al- 
most exteriiiinated so promising an opposi- 
tion to Roman ambition. After that time 
this extensive possession became contract- 
ed and absorbed in other varieties of mod- 
ern France, so that they had become, when 
Michelet wrote, confined to Armorica or 
Brittany. Thi.s historian imagines to view 
them, when he wrote, from the high lands 
at the head of the Loire and the Seine, and 
says : "Two countries slope towards each 
other, and form but one valley, you may 
say, of which the straits of Dover are the 
bottom. On this side are the Seine and 
Paris ; on that, London and the Thames. 
But England presents to France that por- 
tion of her which is German, keeping be- 
hind her the Celts of Wales, Scotland and 
Ireland. France, on the contrary, backed 
by her Germanic provinces, opposes her 
Celtic front to England. Each country 
views the other on its most hostile side."^ 

"It is here, however, that we wish to be- 
gin our study of France; — the Celtic 
province, the eldest born of the monarchy, 
claims our first glance. * * * * Brit- 
tany, poor and hard, extends from her 
fields of quartz and of schist from the slate 
quarries near Brest, to those of Angers. * 
* * * The Breton tongue does not be- 
gin at Rennes even, but about Elven, 
Pontivy, Londeac, and Chatelandren. 
Thence, as far as Cape Finisterre, it is true 
Brittany — the more unlike the French than 
it is like the Gaul, and would have slipped 
us moie than once, had we not held it 
grasped, as if in a vice, between four 
French cities of rough and decisive charac- 
ter — Nantes and St. Malo, Rennes and 
Brest." 

"And yet this poor old province has 



41.? 



a I Michelet's Hist. France, B. iii, p. 149. 



saved us more than once. Often when our 
country has been held at bay and been at 
the point of despair, Breton heads and 
breasts have been found harder than the 
stranger's sword. When the Normans 
were ravaging with impunity our coasts 
and rivers, the Breton Nomenoe was the 
first to resist. The English were repulsed 
in the fourteenth century by Dugnesclin; 
in the fifteenth, by Richemont; and in the 
seventeenth, were chased through every 
sea by Duguay-Trouin. The wars of re- 
ligions and those of political liberty pre- 
sent no more purely and innocently glori- 
ous names than Lanone's, and that of 
Lalour d' Auvergne, the first grenadier of 
the republic. The story runs, that it was a 
native of Nantes who uttered the last ex- 
clamation heard at Waterloo — 'The guard 
dies, but does not surrender !' " 

"The Breton character is that of untame- 
able resistance, and of blind, obstinate, in- 
trepid opposition, — for instance, Moreau, 
the opponent of Bonaparte. In history of 
philosophy and literature, this character is 
still more plainly evidenced. The Briton 
Pelagius, who infused stoicism into Chris- 
tianity, and was the first churchman who 
uplifted his voice in behalf of human liber- 
ty, was succeeded by the Breton Abelard, 
and the Breton Descartes. Each of these 
three gave the impetus to the philosophy 
of his own age. * * * * This spirit of 
opposition, which is natural to Brittany, 
manifested itself in the last century and ia 
ours, by two apparently contradictory facts. 
The same part of Brittany, (St. Malo, 
Dinan, and St. Brienc,) which, in Louis 
the fifteenth's day, produced the unbeliev- 
ers Duclos, Maupertuis, and Lametrie, has 
given birth in our own time to the poet 
and to the orator of Catholicism, to Cha- 
teaubriand and to La Mennais." 

Abelard led the way in literature, and 
Descartes in philosophy, just as Geoffrey 
of Monmouth had preceded them in his- 
tory and romantic literature in Britain and 
modern Europe. And just as Pelagius had 
led for individual responsibility and inde- 
pendence in religion in the east, so did 
Roger Williams lead the way for freedom 
and liberty of conscience in the west 



41 6 



THE MODERN PERIOD 



What Michtlet has said of the general 
character of the Bretons is equally true wf 
the Cymry of Whales and the Ancient 
Britons. They are distinguished for their 
industry, "indomitable perseverance, and in- 
dividual treedom. Never was a conquest 
)-o slow in its accomplishments, as either 
that of the Romans or Saxons; and neither 
would have succeeded had they not been 
continually recruited from the continent. 
Armorica — Brittany — was first settled by 
the Cymry, before their emigration to 
Britain; but during the Roman times there 
were frequent emigrations back again from 
Britain to Brittany, and after that a contin- 
ual interchange and emigration of people 
from one to the other. Originall>' the two 
people were identical; but after a separa- 
tion of so many centuries, there is but an 
astonishingly slight difference in character 
or their native language-^ — both people are 
distinguished for their early cultivation of 
Christianity and literature. 

The Cymry of Britain, at the time of the 
departure of the Roman army and the 
coming of the Saxons, were a numerous 
people, occupying the whole of Britain 
from the southern channel to the highlands 
of Scotland, having a population of at least 
three millions of people, with numerous 
cities and a highly cultivated country. 
When conquered by the Romans, during 
the reigns of Claudius and Nero, they were 
a civilized people, possessing a learned 
body of men,^ their instructors in religion, 
morals and science ; having a considerable 
commerce with Gaul and other portions of 
the Roman empire — coined money, and 
cultivated many of the arts. Until con- 
quered, and resistance to the power and 
experience of the Romans had become des- 
perate and hopeless, they made a noble de- 
fense for their independence and freedom. 
After submission, they made rapid progress 
in adopting Roman arts and science to 



3 See ante, B. — , ch. — . 

4 See Mr. Arnold's "The Study of Celtic Litera- 
ture, No. II. where he say.s: "VVe have the most 
weighty and explicit testimony — Strabos, Caesar's, 
Lucan's — that this race once possessed a special, 
profound, spiritual discipline, that they were wiser 
than their neighbor-s." I>ucan's words are singular- 
ly clear and strong, and serve well to stand as a 
landmark in this controversv. 



[Book V 

that of their own, in becoming a Christian 
people and in taking Roman civilization. 
The Romans encouraged them to do so, 
and kept them engrossed in the arts of 
peace as a means of securing them from a 
rebellion, and to enable them to pay their 
tribute, taxes and stipends. They were 
strictly prohibited from engaging in war 
or any mijitary exercises, which was ex- 
clusively reserved for the Roman army. 
They thus were rendered incapable of 
that military defense against the Saxons 
which had been so conspicuous in their 
ancestors against the Romans. In the 
meantime, for about four himdred years, 
the Romans studiously cultivated their lo- 
cal and tribal division and distinction, 
until union and national concentration had 
been eradicated as far as Roman discipline 
could make it. When the Saxons canne to 
conquer, not like the Romans to cultivate, 
to tax and draw tribute, but with barbarian 
instincts, to rob, plunder and destroy, thej 
foimd the Britons unaccustomed to mili- 
tary affairs, and without union and care 
for each other, as was eminently the case 
with their ancei-tors in the tiine of Caracta- 
cus and Galgacus. 

The conquest of the Britons by the Sax- 
ons, at the time, was inevitable. War was 
their profession and religion ; and as pagan 
barbarians they applied it with heartless 
cruelty to take from others whatever they 
chose to apply to their own use, while, un- 
like the Romans, they were incapable of 
conferring any benefit to civilization or hu- 
manity. They practiced upon the Britons 
those very barbaric cruelties of which 
the Saxons so bitterly complained as being 
practiced upon themselves three hundred 
years later by the Danes. So slow, but 
inevitable, is natural justice in her retribu- 
tion. But the Britons were then the peo- 
ple of peace, having exclusively cultivated 
it for four centuries. In the meantime dif- 
ferent sections of the island had become 
strangers to each other; the Lloegrians 
had become in some measure strangers to 
the Cambrians; the Cumbrians had for- 
gotten their relation to the people of Kent; 
and national unity and sympathy was lost 
in Roman policy and injustice. Cumbria 



Ohap. tii.| PEOPLK CON'STl I'l' TING 
or StrathClvde knew hut little of Kent, 
and ciircd as little when informed that 
Hengist and iiis soldiers had taken posses- 
sion of an island in Kent, or a margin of 
its sea shore, thev thought it of no conse. 
quence to them. Hut after the lapse of a 
hundred years, when various positions up- 
on the .sea shore had heen taken and new 
native population had grown up, it liad 
then become Um late to renieiiv the evil. 
When the Saxons then began to extend 
their possessions, Arthur rallied the Britons 
and after a terrible battle gave them a mem 
orabJe deteat at Baden hill. That was so 
severe that no further conquest was at- 
tempted for thirty or perhaps fifty years. 
Then the Saxons had become permanently 
fixed in their sea shore margin, and a large 
portion of their population natives of the 
soil. Jt was thought that it was safe and 
less cruel to let them remain there. In 
the meantime Arthur was called, bv a sense 
of duty, to aid his relatives in Arniorica. 
He was detained there five years. When 
he returned he found his sovereignty be- 
trayed and usurped by a relative, and a 
civil war ensued, in which the great Arthur 
lost his life. The Saxons took advantage 
of this unfortunate event, and by their dis- 
position to war and conquest, their increase 
of native population upon the fertile lands 
in England, and constant accession of sol- 
diers from the continent, the contiuest be- 
came inevitable. 

The barbaric invasion of the Roman em- 
pire by the people of the north overturned 
the civilization of the age, and everything 
which supported it; commerce was anni- 
hilated; all ci\il and intelligent intercourse 
between nations was stopped, and Western 
Europe was relapsing into its native bar- 
barism — Christianity expelled from that 
part of Britain now known as England, and 
revolting paganism and rude barbarity es- 
tablished in its stead. Wherever the Sax- 
ons went a new and rude s^'stem of landed 
property was established — a feudalism 
which placed the land in the possession of 
the nobility — a caste, the exclusive descend- 
ants of Woden — the alderman, who ruled 
and controlled evervthinof under the .Saxon 



TH K r N I T E D K 1 NG DO M . 



4'7 



kings.-' These ruled with hateful despot- 
ism over the free Britons when conquered, 
as their serfs, and over the landless towns- 
men, burgesses or citizens, as their stipen- 
darics. But the Welsh, with the true 
characteristics of the Briton and Cymry, 
yielded slowly, with fierce opposition to the 
invaders and their injustice; it required 
over two himdred years before thej' con- 
quered west of the central ridge, and eight 
centmies before its final completion under 
Edvyard 1. During all that time the pro- 
cess of absorbing the Ancient Britons in 
the .Saxon race was going on and forming 
a new English race by the composition of 
the two. The Ancient Britons, thus ab- 
sorbed, first became Saxons and subse- 
quent! \- English, b\it the change of name 
or language did not change the natural 
characteristics or blood of the race, but 
conferred them upon the Saxons, who 
thereby became Englishmen instead of 
Saxons. 

During all that time the Cymry of Wales, 
as far as it was possible under the circum- 
stances, kept up their literature and arts; 
their towns and improvements.* This is 
evidenced by Asser's life of Alfred, by the 
writing.s of Giraldus, Nennius, Geoffrey, 
antl other Welshmen of the age, as well as 
their own national poets or bards and prose 
writers, which in these respects put them 
ahead ot' any nation of Western Europe. 
This is also proved hy the writings of 
Giraldus Cambrensis, who, after being edu- 
cated at Paris, visited Wales in the reign of 
Henry H, and was surprised to find at Ca;r- 

5 See Kcmble's Saxons in England, Vol. ii, p. 132. 
In Kent, he s^iys: "If there wore aldermen at all 
they were compri.«ed in the great caste of earls or 
nobles hv birth." He was inseparable from the 
shire, and was really "at the head of the ju.stice of 
the county." pbid, p. 137. Kemble says' "Posses- 
sion of land in the district was the indispensable 
condition of enjoying- the privileges and exercising 
the rights of a freeman." Ibid, Vol. i, p. 8S, also 
122. It is singular with what complacency Kemble 
speaks of the Saxon institutions ot slavery and the 
wrong and violence by which men arc made slaves 
and kept so by birth, "and yieJd to a yoke which 
they could not shake of?', and commend themselves 
to the protection of a lord." as though these -were in 
the order of Providence and not that of selfish man. 
Ibid, iSj. See also the article Towns, Vol. ii, p. 262. 

6 See Giraldus' Cambrensis, as to his account of 
the condition in which he found the Welsh, in the 
twelfth century, in possession of C.trleon on the Usk 
and other towns, and their extraordinary architec- 
ture. 



4iS 



THE IVlODEk'N PERIOD 



leon on the Usk still preserved the RoiiiJM 
style of architecture, buildings of -gteat 
merit, literature, music, and a sur^wising 
degree of Christian civilization; vihile in 
the same time in England the lauildings 
and roads of the Roman age were permit- 
ted to go to ruin and decay. Still bj the 
continual war wrought upon them by Sax- 
ons and Normans — frequent raids in which 
their towns were burned, their property 
taken or destroyed, and their people slaugh 
tered. It is strange that they were able to 
hold out so long against such wrongs and 
barbarous warfare. But that determination 
and perseverance was characteristic of the 
race, as it is now of the British people ; and 
this characteristic has increased in the 
English people since the Norman conquest 
in consequence of greater admixture of 
Ancient British blood, as we see it evidenced 
by the instances of the Tudors, Oliver 
Cromwell, Clive, Sir Thomas Picton, and 
others, so well established cases in English 
histor3^ 

With all the hostilities and adversities 
with which the Ancient Britons were sur- 
rounded it is marvelous that during those 
dark ages--those barbarian times — the 
Cymry were able to retain and keep up 
their Christianity, literature and civiliza- 
tion to the extent they did. It is a wonder 
that those wars and savagery did not over- 
whelm and subvert those qualities in those 
ancient people, as it did in the rest of 
Europe. But they did not have that effect: 
in a lull of those Saxon wars the Cymry, 
in the seventh century, broke out anew in 
a revival of their literature and concomit- 
ant improvement; and again in the twelfth 
century, placing them in these respects 
ahead of all the nations of Western 
Europe.7 But that continual war upon 



7 Sec Prof. Arnold's Essay on Celtic Literature. 
Also Thierry'.^ Noniwn Conquest. TJiis l."st author 
says: "The Ancient Britons lived and breathed in 
poetry — their poets were placed beside the aaricul- 
turisitand the artist as ihe three piilars oi social ex- 
istence" (Vol. i, p. 5X). '"Hence the extraordinary 
renown of king- Arthur, the hei'o of a petty nation, 
whose books were so full of poetry they had so pow- 
erful an impress of enthusiasm and conviction that, 
once translated into other lang-uages, they became 
most attractive readinfj for foreig:ners, and the theme 
upon which the romance writers of the middle asres 
most frequently constructed their fictions." Ibid, 
Vol. ii, p. 19S. ' And this was also the case with 
Geoffrey's History of tlie Britons. 



[B'ook V 

them at length destroyed^ their cities, de 
teriorated their civilization and reduced the 
country to poverty, of which they have 
since recovered. 

Nations, as well as individuals, are social 
persons, aiid liable to take from each other 
their good or bad customs or examples. Of 
course while the Cymry were surrounded 
by the evij.s of the dark ages, and deterioat- 
ing their condition, some of the evil customs 
of the barbarians insinuated themselves up- 
on the Cymry, of which they had beeu 
previously exempt. In the laws of Howel 
Da we find some traces of ^Hhe ivergyld" — 
the price of compensation fixed to be paid 
for a crime or injury, by the Saxons and all 
the northern barbarians. But that was con- 
trary to their former laws. Another bar- 
barous custom was common among them, 
perhaps more so amor.g those upon the 
continent than with the Saxons in England. 
And this was when a political aspirant had 
obtained the possession of an opponent or 
adversary, he would destroy his capacity 
for further opposition, by blinding him, by 
burning his eyes with hot metals. This 
barbarous and cruel custom was commonly 
practiced by both the Saxons and the Nor- 
mans, of which history gives us numerous 
instances. When some Cambrian prince 
attempted to follow so bad an example, the 
act was so reprobated by his countrymen, 
as cruel and disgraceful, that he was driven 
into exile. But what the Cymry most op- 
posed and resisted was the whole system of 
the feudal land laws ; so very different from 
their own and the Roman land laws, and 
so very oppressive upon the tenants and 
lower class of people. 

After the conquest of Wales, and es- 
pecially after the accession of the Tudors, 
the people of the principality were probably 
treated by the English government as 
kindlyS as ever fell to the lot of any con- 



S See 2 Thierry's Hist. Norman Conquest, p. 293, 
which says: "Henry VUI, while he allowed the 
Welsh, whom Henry VII, his father, had ennobled 
for services rendered to his person, to retain the Nor- 
man titles of earls, barons and baronets, treated, like 
his predecessors, tiie mass of the people as a con- 
quered nation, at once feared and disliked, and un- 
dertook to de troy the ancient customs of the Cam- 
brians, the remnant of their social state, and even their 
lang^uag-e." This, I think, must be a mistake, that 
any of the Tudors treated the Welsn people harshly, 



Chap. HI.] PEOPLE CONSTITUTING THE UNITED KINGDOM. 



qiiered people : and tliey are now fast be- 
coming English in language, custom, and 
habits. They have, from early times, 
furnished for England numerous distin- 
guished men, who were either natives of 
the principalit}- or their immediate descen- 
dants. Some of these have already been 
naniod : but there are numerous others who 
are deservingof it, who in their biographies, 
are credited as Englishmen : as for instance, 
" Price Richard, English clergyman, mora- 
list and philosopher, born in Glanmorgan- 
shire." Many such Welshmen, are only 
known as Englishmen, but who were either 
born in Wales, or the descendants of those 
who were. Thosewho were the direct descen- 
dants of the ancient Britons, who at the 
Conquest of England, became Saxons, we 
of course know nothing about. Of numer- 
ous Welshmen who have thus become dis- 
tinguished, Ave can only instance a few: — 
as Howell, who early in the Tvidor times 
distinguished himself as an English prose- 
writer and traveller ; Edward Lohuyd, 
author of British Archiology ; Sir William 
Jones; Inigo Jones, the renouned Ar- 
chitect; Pritchard, the distinguished eth- 
nologist; Thomas Johnes, M. P., and the 
publisher of Froissart's history; Sir G. C. 
LeAvis, eminently distinguished as a states- 
man, an author, and as a very learned man. 

It is vain to attempt to mention the 
names of all Welshmen who deserve to be 
noticed here; but from early times there 
has been a constant stream of emigration 
from Wales to England, until Welsh names 
prevail all over England, and known as the 
descendants of the Ancient Britons. 

A portion of the English historians in 
their opposition to the race, have asserted 
a number of matters of which the Welsh, 
as the descendants of the Ancient Britons, 
and Cymry, were incapable of performing. 
Among these Avere their incapacity for 
naval affairs and seafareing life: another 
Avas their incapacity to organize a central 



as did some of their predecessors; but the idea arose 
from Henry VIII's orreat desire that the Welsh should 
adopt tlie Eng-lish language, at least for the commoB 
transaction oi business, and thereby assimilate the 
whole country as one — Neo-Briton. This, undoubt- 
ed 1)', Avould be the common interest of all. But my 
information is that the nation was kindly treated by 
all the Tudors. 

27 



419 

and consolidated government, on the ac- 
count of discensious and divisions among 
themselves. Mr. F. Palgrave in his in- 
teresting history of the Anglo-Saxons, 
says: — "The Cymric Britons, though they 
lived in an Island, had no boats or vessels, 
except coracles^ framed of slight ribs of 
wood, covered with hides. These frail 
barks are still used by the Welsh fishermen 
on the Wye; and it may be remarked that 
the Celtic tribes in general have never taken 
to the sea, whilst the Teutonic seem always 
to have enjoyed the dangers of the ocean. 
But the valor of the Britons was displayed 
on land : they were brave and sturdy war- 
riors, and when they went forth to combat, 
they rode in chariots."^ And again : — " If 
the Britons had made common cause, the 
Romans might not have prevailed against 
them: but the insular tribes or nations 
Avere divided and disunited ; envious of 
each other, and Avh©n one tribe Avas con- 
quered, the others delighted in the mis- 
fortunes of their contrymen, and then the 
same fate befel them in their turn." 

NoAv is this a fair representation of the 
characteristics of the Cymry, when com- 
pared with other nationalities.? Is the 
Welshman incapable of any other naval 
affair than a coracle f Because they have 
ingenuity to build a coricle, is that an ev- 
idence that they could not build a seventy- 
four .? I apprehend that the whole historj"- 
of the Britotis and Cymry is a refutation 
of these imputations. The ancient Vene- 
tians of Armorica, were the same people as 
the Britons, and both people united in the 
great naval battle against Csesar; and the 
Ancient Briton as Avell as the modern 
Welshman ahvays made as apt a seaman and 
mechanic as any other people. We are 
informed that the Saxons after their settle- 
ment in England soon lost their acquain- 
tance with a sea-faring life, and naval 
affairs ; so that when they were attacked by 
the Danes, they were wholly unable to 
meet them at sea. Alfred was determined 
to build a navy to meet them on that ele- 
ment. Southeyio informs us that Alfred in 



9 History of the Anglo-Saxons, ch, i, p. 

10 In his History of tlie British Navy. 



42 o 

the pursuit of this object sent to Wales to 
procure mechanics skilled in building sea- 
vessels. And we are also informed that 
when the emperor Constantius was engag- 
ed in rebuilding a city in Gaul, he sent for 
the Britons as mechanics to accomplish his 
object. The Ancient Britons and their 
descendants have ever been distinguished 
as apt and skillful mechanics, and sailors; 
and as such none more distinguished than 
the people of Brittany and Wales." 

As to the other imputation against the 
Cymry, that they were subject to dissen- 
sions and divisions; we may say that it 
was no more than the common frailty of 
human nature, common to the Saxons as 
well as the Welsh. It is observable in the 
history of all nations, that their enemies take 
advantages of any division or dissension in 
order to promote their own interest. This 
was always practised, as their most success- 
ful policy, by the Romans and Saxons. To 
promote, and take advantage of a division; 
" to divide and conquer," — has ever been 
with all people a diplomatic policy; and if 
this operated unfavorably with the Welsh, 
we find abundant instances of civil war and 
divisions among the Saxons, as well as 
with the Cymry ; which assisted the con- 
quest of the Danes and the Normans over 
the Saxons, as those foibles aided the Ro- 
mans and Saxons in their conquest over 
the Britons: but nowhere do we find so 
deplorable an instance of the kind as the Sax- 
on Tostig against Harold in favor of the 
Norman. But the secret of the success of 
the Romans and Saxons, was the ability of 
both of these invaders to constantly recruit 
their armies from the continent, as they 
were decimated by the Britons, while the 
latter had no such resource to fill up their 
slaughtered ranks, nor do we, at all, admit 
that the Cymry were less capable of politi- 
cal organization than the Teutons; but they 
were more disposed to confederation while 
the latter were, perhaps, more dispose'd to 



II In one of tlie recent numbers of Harper's Maj^- 
azine we have an illusiratcd account of the ^-reat 
steamships from New York to Liverpool, in which 
an interesting' account is given of one steam passcn- 
eer vessel, commanded by Capt. Price, a native of 
bwansea, whose skill and responsibility in the com- 
mand of his steamship required the mind and the 
executive talent of an emperor. 



THE MODERN PERIOD. [Book v . 

consolidation and concentration. The An- 
cient Britons appear to have favored the 
preservation of their &e\'eral ancient states, 
for the security and protection of each in- 
dividual rights and freedom, and securing a 
greater degree of freedom from central op- 
pression and exactions. Like ancient 
Greece, and modern Switzerland, and the 
United States, they preferred a federal . 
union, rather than a consolidated govern- 
ment: if they had been permitted to pros- 
per under their own government, unmoles- 
ted by Roman or Saxon invaders, they 
would have perfected a general govern- 
ment for the union under the pendrugonate, 
which would have regulated and controlled 
all general, national, and foreign matters; 
while it left to the management of each in- 
dividual state the conduct of its own do- 
mestic afiairs. That they were capable of 
perfecting all this, if they had not been in- 
terfered with, from abroad, we are assured 
by their history, and the great men they 
have in all ages produced, from Caractecus 
to Glendower; and by the executive talents 
manifested by their descendants, in the 
Tudors, and Oliver Cromwell. 

But it is not at home alone that the Cym- 
ry have been able to exhibit some of their 
excellent qitalities. In America they and 
their descendants have occupied a distin- 
guished position in every department of 
human affairs. They were with the first 
settlers of Virginia and New England. 
There were a number among the emigrants 
in the Mayflower. Either as natives of 
Wales or their immediate descendants, we 
find the names of distinguished individuals 
in every state of the Union — from Maine 
to Louisiana, and from the Atlantic to the 
far west. Among the numerous persons 
who claim such descent from the Ancient 
Britons we may mention the names of 
Roger Williams, the founder of Providence, 
Rhode Island, and the first to insist upon 
the doctrine in America, so common to his 
race, the right of every one to exercise the 
freedom of conscience in ma'tters of religion ; 
Jonathan Edwards, the distinguished di- 
vine and logician. Daniel Webster, the 
great constitutional lawj'er and orator. 
William Floyde, of New York, one of the 



PEOPLE CONTTITUTING THE UNITED KINGDOM. 



Ghap. III.] 

sigfhers of the declaration of independence, 
and who occupied various jiositions of" re- 
sponsibility, military and civil. Among 
the people of New York the distinguished 
men of this race are numerous, from which 
may be selected the names of Frances 
Lewis, Morgan Lewis, Edwin D. Morgan, 
and the late Chief Justice Jones of New- 
York city, as well as that of William II. 
Seward, the late distinguished Secretary of 
State of the United States, all of whom 
have been eminently distinguished and 
been honored in important places, as gov- 
ernor of the state, or senators in congress, 
or as judges and jurists. 

In the like manner may the descendants 
of the Cymry in Pennsylvania be enumer- 
ated : William Penn, the founder of the 
state, either from his claiming to be a de- 
scendant of the Ancient Britons of Devon 
and Cornwall, or some other reason, al- 
ways favored the Welsh immigrants with 
partiality, and a number of settlements of 
them in his colony, especially those in 
Chester and Delaware counties. Of the 
distinguished men of Pennsylvania who 
were Cymry, either by birth or descent, 
may be specially mentioned Robert Morris, 
the distinguished treasurer and financier of 
the revolution ; General Anthony Wayne, 
Ellis Lewis, an eminent jurist and Chief 
Justice of the Supreme Court; Enoch 
Lewis, a celebrated mathematician, and 
numerous others. But in Virginia and 
the South they are equally numerous and 
distinguished, as Thomas Jefferson, the late 
President of the United States; John Mar- 
shall, the very eminent Chief Justice; Ben- 
jamin Watkins Leigh, who was so eminent 
as a jurist that he was looked upon by the 
court and bar as an oracle ; nor should we 
omit to name Benjamin Harrison, one of 
the signers of the declaration of independ- 
ence, and father of William H. Harrison, 
late President of the United States; nor 
to name General Thomas, so dis- 
tinguished in the late war. 

But throughout the United States we 
find numerous people of great eminence 
and distiaction, who with pride claim their 
descent from Cymric ancestors. Of such 
here were fourteen who si'^rned the declar- 



421 



ation of independence; twenty or more 
were among the most distinguished mili- 
tary officers of the revolution; congress 
has always had a large share of them; they 
have been eminent in every profession, and 
in every vocation of life and especially dis- 
tinguished as ingenious and .-.killfiil me- 
chanics and artists. They are too numer- 
ous to be enumerated here. 

No people present a more interesting 
history to the world than that of Scotland. 
In the midst of the cold of a northern cli- 
mate, and the adverse soil ot her rugged 
hills and mountains, her people have ever 
labored to improve and progress, and they 
present to us the most striking instances of 
noble efforts of patriotism, religion and 
literature — of a country never entirely con- 
quered by her powerful enemies, the Ro- 
mans, Saxons or Normans, and under 
every adversity, with energy and resolu- 
tion, maintained its independence and free- 
dom. In the midst of such adversities and 
hostilities have these people industriously 
labored their progress and improvements, 
from their rude and rugged beginning, un- 
til now they present a country and people 
as highly cultivated and interesting as any 
of the more favored parts of Europe. Every 
age has produced its interesting incidents. 
Who does not sympathize with Galgacus 
and his people.' with Wallace and Robert 
Bruce and their patriots.' or the honest 
faithfulness which enabled Flora Macdon- 
ald to depend upon the honor of her peo- 
ple in the protection of Charles the Pre- 
tendei', in the midst of thousands to whom 
the secret was known .-• And so has every 
age manifested its ability and genius in 
literature and poetry in common with their 
Celtic origin. It commences with Ossiani 
in the third century, whose poetry, in its 
modern garb, "carried in the last century 
this vein like a flood of lava through Eu- 
rope;" and after making all allowance for 
objections, "there will still be left a residue 
with the very soul of the Celtic genius in 



I Giles, in Ills History of the Ancient Britons, puts 
OssKin iu the time ol Carancius, and refers to him as 
Caron. 



422 



THE MODERN PERIOD. 



it, which has brought it into contact with 
the genius of the nations of modern Eu- 
rope, and enriched its poetrj."2 Since 
then'the Scots have shed a glory over every 
department of literature; while in Robert 
Burns and Hugh Miller we jiave instances 
of genius surprising the world with pro- 
ductions so far above their opportunities. 

It is not with the rulers and government 
that I now intend to deal, but with the peo- 
ple and their character. In ancient times 
the Britons called the north part of the is- 
land, now Scotland, Albion; and the Ro- 
mans afterwards called it Calledonia, and 
the people Calledonians. We have already 
intimated the opinion that Britain w^as first 
settled by the Gauls— the Gaels; and that 
after the Cymry came they withdrew to 
the north, and eventually became fixed in 
the highlands of Northwestern Scotland 
and in the south and west of Ireland. When 
the Romans, under the auspices of the em- 
peror Claudius, came, the Cymric Britons, 
who resisted a submission to the Roman 
conquerors, withdrew into Scotland, and 
afterwai-ds became known as the Picts. 
The remains of their language, and other 
evidence of antiquity, prove to us that they 
were Cymry, fleeing from Roman domin- 
ion and oppression. North of the Roman 
wall, in the valley of theTyne, the Romans 
never accjuired but a temporary and limited 
dominion, and the continual warfare waged 
by the Romans against the people kept 
them in a rude and but partially civilized 
condition, retaining their druids and bards, 
and their love for literature and poetry, 
which was specially developed in Ossian. 
At a later period another emigration of the 
Cymry obtained possession of the south 
part of Scotland, and established their do- 
minion of Strath-Clyde and Bernecia, the 
former on the west and the latter on the 
east. In the course of the Roman con- 
quest, other Cymric Britons, fleeing from 
their enemies and oppressors, fled to the 
northeast part of Ireland, and there, by 
some unaccountable fortune, became known 
as Scots. Subsequently, perhaps some 
time in the fifth century, the Scots, or a 



[Book V. 

principal part of them, emigrated to West- 
ern Scotland, principally in Argyleshire, 
and eventually conferred upon the country 
their own name. 

These several people — the Gaels of the 
northwest, the Picts of the east, the Scots 
of the west, and the people of Strath-Clyde 
and Berneeia in the south, are the found- 
ers and ancestors of the present people of 
Scotland. They were essentially Celts, 
and, with the exception of the Gaels of 
the northwest, were Cymric Britons. Be- 
fore the Romans finally left Britain, and 
while Western Europe was settling down 
into that barbarian darkness which soon 
overcame it, the Ancient Britons were 
making extraordinary exertion to prevail 
against it, and to preserve their Christian 
religion, their learning and civilization. 
This is amjily proved by the history of the 
learned Pelagius, Gildas, Nennius, St. Da- 
vid and Asser, as well as the extraordinary 
exertion made by the people, by the aid of 
bishop Germanus, to expel what they con- 
sidered a heresy in their religion, not bj 
persecution, but by argument and neason. 
That eftbrt, notwithstanding its very ad- 
verse times, produced many good and 
learned men, among whom w-ere St. David 
and St. Patrick. This eftbrt, like the last 
gleam of the sun before the coming of a 
dark night, pervaded Western Britain, Ire- 
land and Scotland. Previous to the fifth 
century Christianity had been propagated 
in Ireland and Scotland. About A. D. 
432 St. Patrick, as a missionary, gave a 
new impetus to Christianity in Ireland, 
whose disciples earnestly engaged in spread- 
ing their holy religion to every part of Ire- 
land and Scotland.3 This had previously 
prevailed to some extent in Scotland, but 
now a new" force was to be given to its 
mission. With this intention St. Columba, 
one of those who had been inspired by the 
example and teaching of St. Patrick, earn- 
estly embarked from his native country to 
carry to the people of Scotland the glad 
tidings in a more efficacious manner. He 
was kindly received by the king of the 



2 Prof. Arnold's Essay, No. iv, of Study of Cellic 

Literature. 



3 See Bede's History, B. iii, ch. 4. Previous to 
Columba, St. Ninias, a native of North Wales, had 
carried Christianitj- to the South Picts and converted 
them. 



Chap. III.] PEOPLE CONSTITUTING 

Picts; and the little island of Hi, since 
known as lona, was given to him to estab- 
lish his holj mission. 

About the year 546 Coliimba commenced 
his operation at lona, which was now to 
become the holy island of Scotland; and a 
new zeal and efficacy was given to Chris- 
tianity among the Picts and Scots. Soon 
all Scotland became the land of a devoted 
Christian people, and lona and its monas- 
tery became the most holy place of their 
devotion. This in a gi-eat measure will ac- 
count for the reason wiry England and the 
Saxons were not troubled by raids of the 
Picts and Scots, as the Britons had pre- 
yiously been. In A. D. 617, upon the 
death of Ethelfrith, the fierce king of 
Northumbria, Edwin came to the throne 
by the expulsion of the minor heirs, the in- 
fent ethlings, Osric and Eanfrid, who fled 
for protection to the Scots and Picts, as ex- 
iles, where they were kindly cared for and 
Christianized. After a reign of seventeen 
years, Edwin was slain in battle, and the 
young princes returned and were restored 
to the throne of their ancestors, but soon 
renounced their Christianity. "Soon after 
that," says Bede, '-Cadwalla, king of the 
Britons, slew them both, through the right- 
eous vengeance of Heaven," for their apos- 
tacy from the Christian doctrine they had 
been taught among the Scots. Then came 
to that throne Oswald, who had been edu- 
cated and taught Christianity among the 
Picts and Scots, sent and obtained from 
thence the services of a Christian priest 
who had been educated at lona, whose 
name was Aidan, and who was very suc- 
cessful in the conversion of the Saxons of 
Northumbria, and became their bishop. 
At that time, and to a much later period, 
the Christianity which prevailed in the 
west — in Wales, Scotland and Ireland — was 
that which was taught and prevailed in 
Britain before the departure of the Romans 
and the coming of the Saxons; and the 
Roman priests who afterwards came to 
the country greatly opposed them, though 
they found no objection to their Christian 
doctrines, but only complained that they 
did not observe the right day for Easter, or 
the proper mode of tonsure, which is very 



UNITED THE KINGDOM. 



4^3 



good evidence that these Celtic priests were 
very good and sound Christians. Thus 
commenced Christian faith and doctrine in 
Scotland, long before any missionary of 
the Roman church was sent to them. 

The next great event in the history of 
Scotland and her people was the union of 
the Scots and Picts under one government, 
which eventuated in the luiion of the whole 
countiy as one people — the Scots. About 
the year 836 Kenneth McAlpin came to 
the sovereignty of the Scots. The Picts 
at that time had been reduced from the po- 
sition of the most powerful people of the 
country to an inferior condition, by war 
and civil contention, and with all there was 
a disputed succession. Kenneth claimed 
the sovereignty of the Picts by virtue of 
his descent in the female line. Right or 
wrong, his claim succeeded, and the two 
people became one — the Picts became ab- 
sorbed in the Scots, and the name soon be- 
came obsolete. The probability is that it 
never was their true and favored name, but 
given to them by their eneniies, as the 
name of Welsh has been given to the Cym- 
rv, or that of Yankee has been applied to 
the people of the northern section of the 
United States. They were undoubtedly 
Cymry, as aU-eady stated. In numbers 
they were the largest portion of the i>eople. 
This union made the Scots powerful, and 
all other names and distinctions were sub- 
merged in theirs, as the general name of 
the people of the whole country. In the 
meantime the people made great progress 
in their position as Christians, and for their 
learning and intelligence. As of old their 
bards furnished them poetry and learning. 
Columbinus and others passed over to the 
continent as missionaries from Scotland, 
and were considered among the most learned 
and celebrated divines of the age; among 
others Erigena, or Joannes Scotus, or Dan 
Scotus, may be mentioned as one of the 
most learned and scholastic men of his 
day. He was received in France and oth- 
er countries of Europe as the most learned 
and intellectual man of the age. 

From the time of the union of the Scots 
and Picts to the conquest of England by 
William of Nonnandv, all Scotland gradu- 



424 



THE MODERN PERIOD. 



[Book V. 



ally came under the dominion of the Scots. 
For a long time the South — Strath-Cljde 
and Bernecia — were independent British 
kingdoms or principalities, but between 
A. D. 950 and 1016 these were vmited to 
the Scots. From that time the southern 
limits of Scotland became fixed bj a line 
from the Solwa^' Firth, by the Cheviot 
hills to the mouth of the Tweed. North of 
that line there is no just pretension of any 
conquest or rule of any other people than 
the Ancient Britons and Scots, having a 
permanent dominion over the country. 
Conquest was attempted by the Romans, 
the Saxons, the Dapes or Scandinavians, 
and the Normans, but in every instance 
their subjugation was only temporary and 
limited. The claim of some historians 
that the Northumbrians had extended their 
conquest north, over Northern Bernecia, 
along the Forth, to include Edinburgh and 
Midlothane, is founded on no better facts 
of history. If it be true that Edwin of 
Northumbria took possession of this terri- 
tory north of the Tweed, and improved 
Edinburgh and gave to it his name, it was 
an old British town, and his dominion there 
must have been, like the rest, onlv tempor- 
ary and furtive. Edwin's dominion and 
operations were more to the south and 
west; and the subsequent history of his 
successor, Oswald, in his intercourse M-ith 
the Scots, and sending to them for Aidan 
to come and teach tliem Christianity, for 
bids the idea that such Northumbrian con- 
quest was anything more than temporary ; 
or that the conquest of the territory was a 
permanent and settled part of English do- 
minion. It is true that in a number of in- 
stances their enemies made conquest, ob- 
tained tribute and acknowledgement of 
fealty over some jtortion of their territory, 
but it was tempoiar_\- and soon reverted. 
The country, as a ])ermaneiit matter, has 
always been under the dominion of the 
Ancient Britons or the Scots. The claim 
of the Scots that they and their country 
have never been permanently conquered, 
and their present union with England is 
the result of fair negotiation an i recipio- 
cal concession, is better sustained by histori- 
cal facts than in favoi- of anv other coun- 



try. 

It is, therefore, claimed that the people 
of Scotland are essentially the deccndants of 
the Ancient Britons and Scots; and on the 
other hand, the claim, sometimes set up, 
that the people of the Scottish low-lands 
are essentially Teutonic, is equally untrue. 
If that had been the case, it would have 
been inevitably England, under the num- 
erous and streneous etibrts made by the 
monarchs of England to conquer and pro- 
sess it ; but at alt times the great bulk of 
the people were strenuously against this; 
and in favor of Scotland, independence and 
freedom. It is true that occasionally, and 
perhaps frequently, single Roman, or Saxon 
or Scandinavian, or Norman, or French- 
man, as exiles or adventurers settled among 
them, and were hospitably received by 
them ; but they soon merged into Scots, and 
left their descendants with Scottish moth- 
ers, and no one knows how often their 
blood has been crossed by Celtic parents. 
But this is frequently ignored by those who 
know not, or forget, who their ancestors 
were. This the historian Lord Macaulay 
attempted to do, but was justly rebuked by 
the truthful Hugh Miller, as he deserved 
to be.4 This occa.sional admixture of for- 
eign blood by fathers of whom but little is 
known beyond their names, with a more 
ready introduction of new fashions, with 
the more genial climate and fertility of the 
soil of the lowlands, has in the course of 
time, developed a perceptible difference 
between the highland and the lowland 
Scot. But essentially, in their personal, 
their high character for genius and in- 
tellectual capacity, they are uniformly- 
one and the same people, partaking strong- 
ly of the character of the Ancient Britons. 
As the highlanders adopt the customs of 
and language of the lowlanders, their com- 
mon identity of moral and ethnic charac- 
ter strongly appears; and leaves nothing to 
divide them, except progress in modern 
civilization; or to distinguish them from 
the best of the British people.* 



4 See Hugh ^liller's Paniphlel luUlressed to Lord 

Macaulaj'. 

5 .See T}iierry'.s Normon Conquest, Vol. ii, p. 318. 
He -savs: "Civilization, which makes rapid progress 



PEOPLE CONSTITUTING THE UNITED KINGDOM. 425 



Chap. Ill 

What has particularly distinguished the 
Scots, as a people and nationality, since the 
Norman conquest, is their great and pat- 
riotic efforts that they have ever made to 
preserve their independence and freedom : 
which has become so striking a part of his- 
tory, and so vividly calls to memory the 
names of Wallace and Bruce, and link them 
with other venerable British names as 
Caractacus and Galgacus, Arthur, and 
Glendower. But these have been faintly de- 
lineated in our previous history: but what 
is now intended, is to call the attention of 
the reader to the striking character and 
conduct of the Scots, in relation to their 
patriotic efforts in favor of independence 
and freedom in matters of religion, within 
our modern period. During the five hun- 
dred years tliat transpired from the com- 
mencement of the Saxon period, to that of 
the Normans, that extraordinary effoi-ts 
made by the Britons to promote literature', 
religion, and learning, at the close of the 
Roman dominion in Britain, which pro- 
duced the efforts of St. David and Taliesin 
in Wales, St. Patrick in Ireland, and St. 
Columba in Scotland, and subsequently 
sent forth Aidan and Scotus to teach and 
Christianize England and Europe,'' was 
almost extinguished by the barbarity and 
ignorance of that dark age, produced by 
the invasion and wars of the Saxons, the 
Danes, and the Scandinavians, which al- 
most annihilated that rising civilization, 
and cut off all connection with its eastern 
origin." Thai much efforts were made by 
these ancient people, is too true to be 
controverted, and too stronglv supported 
by the evidence of the remains of literature, 
to be doubted. Yet, during that dark and 
troubled period, the people of Scotland 
struggled, against insurmountable difficul- 
ties, to preserve and improve their con- 
dition, as a continued list of men of great 
genius and learning proxes; and their 
ancient uni\ ersities are witnesses of the 
interest that these people have ever taken 



among all the liranches of the Scotish .population, 
has now ijcnctrated beyond the lowland towns into 
the highlands." If that were truii thirty^ years ago, 
how iniu'li :nore must it be so now? 



in literature and learning from the earliest 
time to the present day; and fully demon- 
strate their capacity and genius for it, under 
trying difliculties, and the most adverse 
circumstances. The Scots have, in the 
midst of modern progress, distinguished 
themselves as foremost in every branch of 
literature, science, and philosophy;** and 
that too, when surrounded by difficulties 
and adversities. In proportion to their po- 
pulation, no people ever excelled them in 
the progress they have made towards a 
high order of civilization. This develope- 
ment is not only in literature and science, 
but in every branch of industry and manu- 
factures. Their skill and industry is 
known throughout the world: of which 
their flourishing and prosperous cities, are 
its finest; which has rendered Edinburgh, 
in its beauty, taste, and in its improvement 
of rugged nature, one of the most interest- 
ing cities of modern Europe. All this 
developement is more attributable to the 
o-enius, taste, and industry of their Ancient 
British origin, than to any characteristic of 
Saxon or Teutonic origin, as Sir Walter 
Stiott, Hugh Miller, and Robert Burns, 
bear ample testimony. 

The same state of things which existed 
during the Saxon period, which so retarded 
the progress of Scotland, the barbarian war 
which so effectually surrounded them in 
gloom and darkness, continued during the 
Norman period, with but little variation. 
Edward I and III made strenuous 
effort to conquer the country, and brought 
all the power and resources of England 
against them: but the united patriotism 
and gallantry of the Scots eventually pre- 
vailed, even against every effort of the 
English monarchs to divide them and con- 
quer. Those wars were destructive and 
cruel : it was a war of plunder and devas- 
tation.y Cities and houses were laid in 



6" See ante, B._ — , ch. — . 
7 Sec ante, B. — -, ch. — . 



8 On this see Vol. xiv, New American CyclopiE- 
din TiUe Scotland, for an interesting paragraph on 
this subject, including the names ot ?iisting;uished 
Scotchmen in every branch of learning and science. 

Q II Buckle's Hi.%t. Civil., p. i.p, who says: "In 
1296 the Knglish entered Berwick, the richest town 
Scotland nossessed; and not only destroyed all the 
property, "but slew^ nearly all the inhabitants. They 
then marched on to Aberdeen and Elgin, and so 
completely desolated the country that the Scotcli, 
flying to the mount;iiiis and stripped oi thvir all, had 



426 



THE MODERN PERIOD 



ashes; and the people impoverished by the 
destruction of their property: still they 
preserved their independence and tVeedom. 
These attempts at conquest by the Norman 
dynasty were constant and insiduous; 
which with its rugged soil and climate 
kept the country in perpetual poverty. 
"The darling object of the English," says 
Prof. Buckle,"^ " was to subject the Scotch; 
and if any thing could increase the dis- 
grace of so base an enterprise, it would be 
that, ha\'ing undertaken it, they ignomini- 
ously failed." Though in those days, these 
invaders engaged in such crimes and ig- 
nominy as though it was with them a re- 
ligious duty. But with the Tudors came 
the policy of peace, and a better sense of 
Christian duty, and the rights of one 
people. With that policy a better auspices 
came to both countries; and Scotland with 
her industry and enterprise pursued a 
steady course of improvement, from that 
day to the present. During the dark ages, 
Scotland, was particular! v, and more than 
any other country, isolated, and surrounded 
by enemies of every kind, which either pre- 
vented or retarded their progress in cIn ili- 
zation. What they wanted was peace, in 
order to enable their industry and persever- 
ance to work out their own civilization : 
which came with the Tudors, more ap- 
parently than any other point in their his- 
tory. 

Prof. Buckle unjustly as I think, attri- 
butes the slow progress that the Scots 
made during the dark ages, to their in- 
tellectual characteristics; because their 
method of re;;soning was deductive 
instead of inductive. His error in Ibis 
assertion, if true, was in attributing this 
peculiaritj- he discovered, to the character- 
istic of the race or nation, instead of the 
circumstances with which they were sur- 
rounded, and the isolated situation in 
which they existed. Isolation, and ex- 
clusion irom the outside world, and the 
great source of general intelligence, tends 



no resource left but to wage from their niitive fast- 
nesses a war similar to that which their ancient an- 
cestors conducted ap,ainst the Ilomans." See also 
ante, 126 — 7, Ibid. 

10 See Prof. Buckle's History ot Civilization in 
England, Vol. ii, p. 132. 



[Book V. 

to the deductive method of reasoning' 
rather than the inductive. A race that is 
a religious and conservative people, are 
more apt to reason by deduction from what 
surrounds them— their venerable laws, cus- 
toms, and dogmas; than an erratic, light 
and changeable people, who run at once 
for every thing new. Peo])le who live in 
cities, such as London is, or Rome, or 
Athens, were, who came in contact with 
strangers and the outside world, and enjoy 
the advantage of the inforsTialion of what- 
ever is passing in it, will more readily 
reason by inducti\e, than those who are 
isolated from such advantages, even 
through their natural capacity, mind, and 
intellect, were equally capable for either 
mode of reasoning. Mr. Buckle wrote hi* 
history ot civilization forty or fifty years 
ago; and perhaps his materials were a 
great deal older : if he were to write of 
them in the present day, perhaps his views- 
of the capacity of the Scots, would have- 
been different.' But on the whole, Mr. 
Buckle is disj)osed to do justire to the in- 
tellectual character of the .Scots, as he 
could not otherwise do: but to the people 
generally as, "in practical matters, not only- 
industrious and pro^•idcnt, but singularly 
shrewed." But his prejudice against the 
Scotch people is foimded in his opposition 
to the priestly influence that the Scotch 
clergy had over their people; that neces- 
sarily would lead to a deductive mode of 
reasoning; for whenever a dogma or any 
principle or law is fixed as an established 
law, all reasoning upon that subject must 
necessarily be of the deducti\e. and not of 
the indeductive mode of reasoning, tor 
these exclude ail outside matters as heresies ; 
and compelled to reason from within, and 
deduce all inferences from what is already 
established, and not permitted to resort to 
new^ or imtried matters, or to draw by in- 
duction from the outside to prove or test 
the truth: but must adliere to established 
principles; and when these are wrong or 
established in error, error must still be in 
the reason or conclusion deduced front 
them. It is true, that this is in violation of 



II See hi.'? i Vol., p. 177. 



Chap, in.] PEOPLE CONSTITUTING 

the Baconian mode of reason or logic; but 
it is more often to be attributed, when com- 
mon to a people, to the circumstances by 
which they are surrounded, than to' their 
national characterestic or that of their race : 
and especially so as to the Scots, who are 
so eminently distinguished for their in- 
tellectual capacity. 

I have said that the Scots were distin- 
guished tor their religion and conservative 
character; and this is etninently so with 
all the people who derive their origin from 
the Ancient Britons — they desire to ad- 
here to their religious, and to their position, 
and not fly in haste to that which is new, 
until satisfied of their error, or convinced 
of the truth of the new. This is confessed- 
ly so of all the old British Celts. This is 
strikingly so with all the people, as their 
descendants, along the western part of 
Britain, from Devonshire to the northeast 
of Scotland. The Welsh, with all, have 
always been distinguished for their ad- 
herence to the right and liberty of the 
freedom of opinion and conscience. Per- 
haps the Scots have not been equally dis- 
tinguished in preserving the right and 
freedom of conscience: but the doctrine 
inculcated upon this subject in the Triads 
were not equally known to the Scots. But 
at all events, the Scots have ever been 
among the foremost people in all reform 
and reformation of the church. They were 
staunch Catholic, until convinced of the 
errors and corruption of the church, and 
then they became equally as staunch Pro- 
testants. It is very questionable whether 
the Scots were obnoxious to the charge 
made against them by Mr. Buckle, of being 
priest riden, more than any other religious 
people of that day. Their clergy were their 
most learned body of men of that time, and 
were therefore entitled to their veneration 
and confidence; that in some instance may 
have b?en abused, as they have in most in- 
stances where much confidence and power 
have been conferred upon them. But that 
is rather to be attributed to the unfortunate 
failings common to human nature, rather 
than to the perversity of any particular 
people or race. 

The Scots became Protestants from the 



THE UNITED KINGDOM. -^27 

very earliest period in that movement, and 
were among the most radical reformers of 
the abuses of the Roman church, and es- 
tablished the Presbyterian organization of 
their church with a view of keeping it within 
the simplicity and purity of the original 
Christian church, and giving no temptation, 
for ambition or covetousness, for those 
high in the confidence of their church 
Whatever grounds there were for Mr. 
Buckle's charges against the Scottish 
clergy, and the superstition of the people 
in the old Catholic church, it is probable he 
would have withheld his censure, had he 
witnessed the patriotic devotion, and the 
absence of all selfish interest in the Scotch 
clergy, manifested by them at the establish- 
ment of their free church. At that time,^^ 
the Scots claimed that by terms of the 
union, their Presbyterian church was 
guaranteed to be free from the powers of 
the British parliament, and that the various 
acts of power and oppression which were 
impos.sed upon the church were illegal and 
void. To oppose the measures, and insure 
free religion to the people, four hundred 
and seventy four of the clergy, the most 
eminent for piety, learning, eloquence, and 
usefulness, withdrew trom the established 
church, and organized the free church of 
Scotland. This devoted and patriotic act 
of the clergy rendered the established 
church in a great measure paralyzed; the 
new church abandoned all support from the 
government, and relied upon the free con- 
tributions of the people. The history of 
the free church has generally been that of 
peace, and its progress has been that of 
prosperity and success, and is now a great 
power in the land, sustained and enjoyed by 
the people themselves,making this one of the 
most self-denying and patriotic movements 
the world has ever witnessed. 

It appears, therefore, probable that Mr.. 
Buckle has mistaken that which was pro- 
duced in the Scots by their surrounding 
circumstances, as evidence of their ethnic 
or national characteristics. Without a 
great deal of care, travelers and philoso- 
phers are liable, if not apt, to commit this 

12 In A. D. 1.S43. 



428 

mistake. And it is possible, if not proba- 
ble, that Prof. Arnold has committed a sim- 
ilar mistake in relation to tiie Welsh, a 
kindred people to the Scots, in saying: 
"The religion of Wales is more emotional 
and sentimental than English Puritanism; 
Romanism has indeed given way to Cal- 
vinism among the Welsh, the one super- 
stition has supplanted the other, but the 
Celtic sentiment, which made the Welsh 
such devout Catholics, remains, and gives 
unction to their Methodism Theirs is not 
the controversial, rationalistic, intellectual 
side of Protestantism, but the devout emo- 
tional, religious side."i3 Mr. Arnold has, 
in his essay, done the Welsh ample justice, 
still I believe he has missed the intellect- 
ual character of the Welsh, as Mr. Buckle 
did that of the Scots. 1 have had no op- 
portunity of judging of the characteristics 
of the Welsh, except as I have seen them 
in America, alongside the Teutons and 
other nationalities. And here we observe 
a striking contrast between the supersti- 
tion of a German and that of a Welshman. 
The former has his superstition in regard 
to everything he does; he neither sows 
nor reaps, ploughs or tills, or builds a house, 
without inquiring what time it was in the 
moon; and he is equally as superstitious as 
to whether he turns to the right or left. 
The Welshman, with all his devotion and 
sentiment, has none of this superstition; 
what he has to do he does without inquir- 
ing as to the face of the moon, or which 
way he should turn so that he turns suc- 
cessfully. His Calvinism is not founded 
upon superstition, but upon metaphysical 
reason and logic, though founded, as I be- 
lieve, upon lalse premises. The Methodists 
of America are generally Armenians, as 
the Welsh are generally Calvinistic; and I 
have been often surprised in listening to 
their polemical controversies, to witness 
the force and ingenuity with which the lat- 
ter maintained their position. They had 
always a reason for the faith that was in 
them; it will not do to put the conclusions 
of Calvin, Thomas Coke and Jonathan 
Edwards as the result of superstition ; they 



THE MODERN PERIOD. 



13 See Prof. Arnold's Essay, The Study of Celtic 
Literature, No. or ])art iii. 



[Book V 

are rather a refined conclusion of meta- 
physical logic, which among Christians is 
drawn from very narrow premises — some 
expressions of the scriptnres and dogmas of 
the church; but those narrow premises 
have not only divided Christians, but the 
whole world, from the earliest times. 
Among the pagans and Mohammedans, it 
was destiny ; among Christians, predestina- 
tion and God's will. But the Ancient 
Britons and their descendants have ever 
occupied a most distinguished part in the 
rational and logic of the controversy, with 
Pelagius as the extrenae of the more liberal 
and rational views of the different ques- 
tions on the one side; and with Jonathan 
Edwards following St. Augustine on the 
other. The intellectual capacity of the 
Celtic race cannot be questioned, whether 
we refer to Brittany, Wales, Scotland or 
Ireland, as these in all ages have produced 
the foremost men in intellect and philoso- 
phv, as evidenced by the names of Pelagius, 
Duns Scotus, Des Cartes, Reid and Ed- 
wards, and even the grandfather of Kant 
was a Scotchinan. 

What has been said of the Welsh, that 
they were religious, devotional, and senti- 
mental, is equally true of the Scots. They 
resemble each other more strikingly than 
ahnost any other two distinct people. They 
differ more in the fact that the Scots have 
adopted the English language as their 
common tongue, while the Welsli have 
not to the same extent, as probably it 
would be better, if they had, and leave the 
Cymreig, like the Greek and Latin, a dead 
language, to the learned professors. This 
resemblance is another striking evidence of 
their origin from the same source. Of the 
Scots it lias been said, which is equally 
true of the Welsh, that " no people have 
shown a more resolute determination in 
detence of civil and religious freedom."'* 
. . . "Notwithstanding the smallness 
of its population, Scotland has produced an 
array of names, eminent in literature and 
science, which scarcely any other nation 
can surpass."'^ 



14 New American Cyclopaedia, Vol. xiv, Title 
Scotland. 

15 Ibid, and enumerates a host of o;reat names i> 



Ohap. Ill] PEOPLE CONSTITUTING 

A foreign historian, a Frencliman,!'^ kind- 
ly furnishes an oppropriate conchision to 
this division, and says — "when the Scots 
lost their religious and political enthusiasm 
they directed to the cultivation of literature 
the imagiiiative faculties which seems in 
them a last trace of their Celtic origin, as 
Gauls, or as Britons. Scotland is perhaps 
the only country of Europe where know- 
ledge is really a popular acquirement, and 
where men of every class love to learn for 
learning's sake, without any particular 
motive, or any view to change their con- 
dition The number of distin- 
guished authors of every class, since the 
middle of the last century, has been far 
greater in Scotland than in England, taking 
into consideration the ditterence of popula- 
tion of the two countries. It is more es- 
pecially in historical composition and in 
narrative that the Scots excel ; and we 
may consider this peculiar aptitude as one 
of the characteristic indications of their 
original descent; for the Irish and the 
Welsh are the two nations who have at 
gi-eatest length and most agreeably drawn 
up their ancient annals." 

i;4 — The Iris//. 

Ireland! That emerald island of perpet- 
ual verdure — that island for which nature 
has done so much, and lavished upon it all 
that renders anv land beautiful and lovely, 
is still the land which the wickedness and 
avarice of man, by the m ans of piracy and 
robbery, by war and plunder, have subject- 
ed it to misery and suffering. Being placed 
on the outside of Europe, its solitary posi- 
tion rendered it the object coveted by all 
the neighboring countries, savage and civ- 
ilized, to despoil and subjugate it — not to 
well govern it, but to plunder it, to render 
it tributary, and to tax it. This was the 
course pursued by the Saxons, the Danes, 
the Scandinavians, and tinally by the Nor- 
mans and the Anglo-Saxons. It is no 
wonder then it was often the scene of op- 
pression, misery and suffering, until mod- 
ern civilization and better development of 



THE UNITED KINGDOM. 



429 



Christianity have recently come to its re- 
lief Still the people, by their own natures 
and the laws of humanity, were deserving 
a better fate. 

It has been stated that the original in- 
habitants of Ireland, so far as history can 
determine, were a portion of the Celtic 
people of Gaul denominated the Gaels or 
ancient Celts, before the arrival of the Cym- 
ry. It is claimed that these were lirst vis- 
ited by a colony of Milesians, but whether 
the latter were directly from Miletus in 
Asia Minor, or from a colony of theirs in 
Spain, is uncertain, but it is more probable 
to be the latter. These occupied the south 
of Ireland. When the Romans came to 
conquer Britain, many of the Ancient Brit- 
ons — Cymrj' and Lloegrians — fled from 
the conquest over to Ireland, while others 
pressed north into Scotland; the former 
became known as the Scots, the latter the 
Picts. 

The oldest historical account we have of 
the Scots is a map of Ptolemy, an Egyptian 
astronomer and geographer, who flourished 
about A. D. 160, a hundred years or more 
after the Roman conquest. On his map 
the Scott are mentioned as one portion of 
the people;' and this is in sufficient time 
after the Roman conquest to enable them 
to be a portion of the Britons who fled 
from the Roman oppression. The Greeks 
called the island lerne, and the Romans 
Hibernia. The Romans. made no serious 
attempt to conquer it; but from the time of 
the northern barbarians, the Saxons and 
Scandinavians became formidable to the 
Roman empire, Ireland also became an ob- 
ject of their cupidity and annoyance in 
e-\ery shape of piracy, plunder and con- 
quest. The Anglo-Saxons also made at- 
tempts upon it, but England was never 
able to make a permanent footing there 
until the time of the Norman, Henry II, 
about A. D. 1 172. It was about eight hun- 
dred vears before the latter date and about 
I the time that the Romans finally left Brit- 
I ain that St. Patrick was successful in con- 
I verting the people of Ireland to Christiani- 
' tv ; but even this time historical facts and 



«very department iif literature, .science and enterjirisr 
16 2 Thierry's Noinian Conquest, ji. 31S. 



I New American Cyelop»diii, Title Ireland. 



43° 



THE MODERN PERIOD 



antiquarian objects go to prove that the 
Irish had made considerable progress in 
civilization, probably under the guidance 
of a body of men similar to the druids. 
After Patrick's time great progress was 
made in Christianity, learning and the arts, 
and thej were able to send missionaries of 
Christianity and learning to other parts of 
Europe, as Columba to Scotland, and Col- 
umbanus to the continent; and as to Ere- 
ginus or Dims Scotus, one of the most 
learned and talented men of the middle 
age and patronized at Paris as the most re- 
nowned schoolsman of that day, it is ques- 
tioned whether he came from Ireland or 
Scotland; but tt made no difterence which, 
for he was in either case a representative of 
the same people. 

From the fourth to the eighth centurv 
the people ot Ireland were successful in 
making great progress in civilization; and 
it was during this period that they built 
those high round towers so common in va- 
rious parts of Ireland, which are now and 
have been for a long time in ruins; and to 
the same period is assigned the erection of 
numerous castles, now also in ruins. Not 
only do these relics of antiquity attest to 
their progress in the arts, but the remains 
of their literature in prose, poetry and his- 
tory sustain their claims to civilization. 
But towards the close of the eighth cen- 
tury that same cloud of desolation which 
darkened Europe cast its malignant shade 
over Ireland. The barbarians came also 
there, as Danes and Norwegians, and in 
the course of three hundred years did what 
they could to plunder and destroy the pros- 
perity of the coimtry, as was done in the 
rest of Western Europe; and all evidence 
of the progress that they had made — their 
architecture, their numerous churches and 
monasteries devoted to Christianity, were 
all, during those disastrous times, cast to 
ruins, and the country thrown back many 
centuries in its course of civilization and 
improvement. The barbarians came and 
departed, for a time, in casual and desul- 
tory expeditions to rob, plunder and de- 
stroy; the most effectual method to de- 
stroy a country and ruin a people. Af- 
ter a while there was more method 



[Book V. 

and design in the injuries committed by 
these enemies of the coimtry. They then 
took various towns and held them as 
their own, subjecting the people in various^ 
ways to their own interest. These invad- 
ers took such possession of Dublin and 
other towns that at length an effort was> 
made to expel these injurious and pestiferous 
invaders, and the Irish rallied imder their 
king in chief, Brian or Boroimhe, and in 
1014 a great battle ensued, memorable in 
the annals of Ireland as the battle ot Clon- 
tarf, fought in the immediate vicinity of 
Dublin, in which the Irish Mere eminently 
victorious; but 110 success would finally 
prevent the return of the barbarians. In 
this condition of war, dilapidation of im- 
provements and deterioration of the coun- 
try-, the people of Ireland remained until 
the tirne of Henry II, as above stated. In 
the meantime, in consequence of these in- 
vasions of the barbarians and pirates, the 
country and people retrograded ; none 
could tell when an enemy would fall upon 
them, their houses or town laid in ashes, 
themselves stripped of their properly, and 
fortunate if they barely saved their lives. 
Such were the misfortunes and injia-ies to 
which Ireland succumbed and to which all 
Western Europe, in that age of barbarian 
conquest, had yielded. No wonder, then, 
that during the three or four hundred years 
from the eighth century to the time of 
Henry II, these hostilities had reduced the 
Irish and their fair island to that state of 
semi-barbarism in wliich they were found 
and which characterized their former in- 
vaders. These had annihilated that civili- 
zation, progress and impnvement which 
followed the mission of St. Patrick, and tor 
three or tour hundred years had so aston- 
ishingly improved the island and its people; 
and which would have grown up into a 
splendid civilization of its own if those bar- 
barians and pagans who invaded Ihem had 
permitted it. Jt is contrary to every prin- 
ciple of human progres* to contend that 
the character of the Irish was such that the 
literature they had cultivated, and the 
learned men thej- had sent to (jermany, 
France and Italv^ to teach as the most 



Such men as Coluinbamis, Erign;\, and others. 



Chap, III.] PEOPLE CONSTITUTING 

learned ol" the age, could not have produced 
in Ireland that cis'ilization which cliarac- 
terized the Cells in France and elsewhere 
in their better dajs, in case they had heen 
let alone and permitted to do so. 

The history of Ireland in her happy 
days, when she was permitted to work out 
her own civilization, beibre the barbarian 
had ruined her prosperity, is thus hap])ily 
and truthfully condensed, though by an 
unfriendly witness to Celtic injustice. Up- 
on the death of Edwin of Northumbria, in 
634, a reaction took place with the Anglo- 
Saxons — Christianity was expelled and pa- 
ganism restored to the Saxons in England. 
Then says the historian : "It was not the 
church of Paulinus which nerved the 
Christian to the struggle for the cross. 
Paulinus had fled from Northumbria, and 
the Roman church in Kent shrunk before 
the heathen reaction. Its place in the con- 
version of England was taken by mission- 
aries from Ireland. To understand the 
change Ave must remember that before the 
landing of the English in Britain the Chris- 
tian church comprised every countrv, save 
Germany, in Western Europe, as far as 
Ireland itself. The conquest of Britain by 
the pagan English thrust a wedge of heath- 
endom into the heart of this great com- 
munion, and broke it into two unequal 
parts. On the one side Italy, Spain and 
Gaul, whose churches owned obedience to 
the See of Rome; on the other the church 
of Ireland. But the condition of the two 
portions of Western Christendom was 
ver}' different. While the vigor of Chris- 
tianity in Italy and Gaul and Spain was 
exhausted in a bare struggle for life, Ire- 
land, which then remained unscourged by 
invaders, drew from its conversion an ener- 
gy such as it has never known since. 
Christianity had been received there with 
a burst of popular enthusiasm, and letters 
and arts sprung up rapidly in its train. 
The science and biblical knowledge which 
fled from the continent took refuge in fa- 
mous schools which made Durrow and 
Armagh the universities of the west. The 
new Christian life soon beat too strongly to 
brook confinement within the bounds of 
Ireland itself. Patrick, the first mission- 



THE UNITED KINGDOM. 



431 



ary of the island, had not been half a century 
dead when Irish Christianity flung itself 
with a fiery zeal into battle with the mass 
of heathenism which was rolling upon the 
Christian world. Irish missionaries labored 
among the Picts of the Highlands and 
among the Fresians of the Northern Seas. 
An Irish missionary, Columban, founded 
monasteries in Burgundy and the Apen- 
nines. The canton of St. Gall still com- 
memorates in its name another Irish mis- 
sionary' before whom the spirit of flood 
and fell fled wailing over the waters of the 
Lake of Constance. For a time it seemed 
as if the course of the world's history was 
to be changed, as if the older Celtic race, 
that Roman and German had swept be- 
fore them, had turned to the moral con- 
quest of their conquerors, as if Celtic and 
not Latin Christianity was to mold the des- 
tinies of the churches of the west. "3 

And so, undoubtedly, it would have done 
if barbaric invasions and heathen conquest 
had not prevented and subverted it. Chris- 
tianity was then under Celtic auspices, on 
the highway to a better and purer develop- 
ment in Whales, Scotland, and Ireland, than 
the church of Rome itself aftbrded, and 
without its corruption. But, however that 
may be, this history of what the Irish ac- 
complished for themselves in that age is 
truly evidence of what the Irish are capa- 
ble of when they have a fair chance, unmo- 
lested by rude invaders. How completely 
too, does this history refute the usual asser- 
tion of Irish enemies, and Celt haters, that 
the Irish by character and nature were sav- 
ages and incapable of civilization and re- 
finement : and this should remind the 
Anglo-Saxonsof the character that the Nor- 
mans gave them, when similarly situated, 
by the injustice and oppression put upon 
them by the Norman conquest. Man is 
the creature of circumstances, and it makes 
great difference with him whether he is 
in the ascendance of the ruler, or in the 
depressed condition of an oppressed and 
injured subject. But this is a lesson too 
often forgotten by the former class. 

The prosperity of Ireland, just described, 



3 Green's History of the English People, p. i;7 — S. 



^33 THE MODERN PERIOD 

continued for more than two hundred and 
fifty years, and it is supposed that it was the 
Anglo-Saxons who first disturbed it. In 
683, Egfrid, king- of Northumbria, sent his 
general, with an army, into Ireland; and, 
says Bede,* "miserably wasted that harm- 
less nation, which had always been most 
friendly to the English." The ravages 
committed by this expedition, were most 
disastrous, for they not only plundered and 
destroyed a large tract of the country, but 
wantonly destroyed an innumerable num- 
ber of churches and monasteries. On the 
return of the army, the king, elated with 
its success, made an expedition against the 
Scots, who led him into an ambu>h, where 
he was slain with the greatest part of 
his army. " He refused to listen," says 
Bede, " to the advice of his friends, not to 
attack the Scots, who had done him no 
harm." Some time after this, the Danes 
and Northmen, and other pirates and free- 
booters, commenced their depredations on 
Ireland, and continued them until they had 
reduced the unfortunate country into that 
deplorable condition in which Henry II 
found it. This monarch, like his kinsman 
of that age, sought every opportunity of 
war upon the neighboring people, to plun- 
der and subject them, thought the Irish, a 
proper subject for his purpose, he obtained 
the sanction of Pope Hadrian IV, for his 
wicked purposes. This alliance between 
the king and the Pope, was under the pre- 
tence of civilizing the Irish, and bringing 
them in subjection to the Romish Church. 
Notwithstanding this authority of the 
Pope, the king delayed the expedition for 
some years on account of his engage- 
ment elsewhere. In the meantime, one of 
the provincial kings of Ireland had been 
expelled, as he probably deserved, by the 
name of Dermot. He came over to Britain, 
soliciting aid to recover his lost possession. 
He engaged in the enterprise two of those 
Norman wolves, who had been preying 
upon Wales in the same manner. The 
one, Richard de Clare, as Earl of Pembroke, 
and the other, Robert Fitz Stephens, con- 
stable of Cardigan. These collected a 



4 B. iv, ch. 26, p. 2^3. 



[Book V. 

snail force of their retainers, and passed 
over to Ireland for a conquest. They were 
successful as they were unwelcome and 
unexpected to the Christian people of Ire- 
land. Dermot profited by his betrayal and 
treachery to his country; and it was accom- 
plished by the same policy always pursued 
by the Roinans, the Saxons, and the Nor- 
mans, and by every plundering scamp from 
that time to this : to aid the exile and dis- 
affected, and thereby divide the people and 
conquer them. This success of his men 
excited the jealousy of Henry, and he re- 
paired thither in person, with additional 
force. He soon succeeded in establishing 
his authority satisfactorily in the southeast 
part of Ireland, from Dublin to Cork ; and 
returned to England, leaving his dominion 
in Ireland in the hands of Richard de 
Clare, known as "Strong-bow." From this 
time Ireland was never able to extricate 
itself, from either the clutches of FCngland, 
or those of the Church of Rome. Their 
hollow pretence that it was their object to 
civilize and improve the Irish, only renders 
their conduct more hypocritical and wicked 
Ireland stood in no need of their aid for 
that purpose ; the people by their genius 
and talents were able to do that for them- 
selves : and raise themselves again to their 
former high position as to Christianity and 
civilization, in case they were let alone by 
their enemies, who came solely to plunder 
them, and to raise taxes and tribute. From 
that time Ireland became the field for every 
poor politician or nobleman to seek a for- 
tune f©r himself, and plunder and gain for 
his government. During the existence of 
the Norman dynasty, the Irish endured 
hard government with little or no change, 
with continual oppression and inju.stice. 

The English government were contin- 
ually sending people to Ireland to become 
their rulers, to take from thein their prop- 
ertj-^ and land ; and to impose upon them as 
their feudal lords and holders of manors. 
Previous to this conquest, the land be- 
longed in common to the tribe, and its 
products went to the tenants, except what 
was granted to the chiefs for their support. 
When the Anglo-Saxons and Normans 
came, the land was taken under feudal ten- 



PEOPLE CONSTITUTING THE UNITED KINGDOM. 



Chap. III.] 

ures, divided up into manors and granted 
to the feudal lords. This change was ter- 
ribly oppressive upon the Irish people; and 
this change their oppressors pretended 
was civilization, and that their former just 
and humane laws were mere savage cus- 
toms: and this judicious and just discrimi- 
nation between one and the other system 
of laws, has pretty generally been kept up 
ever since. But such discrimination and 
justice are what is generally given by the 
conqueror to his subjects, — that justice 
given by the wolf to the lamb. 

The English army was kept up in Ire- 
land to enforce these oppressions and ex- 
actions. From time to time large emigra- 
tions from England, Wales, and Scotland 
were encouraged to settle in Ireland, and 
large tracts of land, taken from the native 
proprietors, was conferred upon them ; and 
every opportunity and advantage taken to 
use the weak, the traitorous, and the faith- 
less against their own country. During the 
Norman rule this hard and oppressive gov- 
ernment was kept upon them, and the con- 
sequent uneasiness, remonstrance, and war ; 
and there remained for the unhappy people 
little or no peace or justice. The Anglo- 
Saxons were now aiding the Normans in 
fixing upon the Irish that very system of 
oppression, rapine, and plunder which they 
themselves endured and complained of, 
against the Normans at the time of the 
conquest; much the same charges of sav- 
age ignorance, and want of refinement 
made against them. 

Upon the death of Richard III, and the 
accession of Tudor, the Irish during his 
dynasty experienced somewhat a better day 
and government. It was the policy of the 
Tudors to cultivate peace and conciliation, 
instead of that of power and oppression. 
Henry Tudor had witnessed and expe- 
rienced in his native land — in Wales, where 
he was born and reared — the difference be- 
tween the two systems, and accordingly 
sympathized upon the subject. He wished, 
as far as possible, for each counti-y 
to govern itself under the union, and work 
out its own salvation. But this did not suit 
the avarice and ambition of the Anglo- 
Norman lords, by whom he was surround- 



43J 



ed. When Henry, to conciliate the natives 
of Ireland, had appointed the Earl of Der- 
mond, a native, his Lord Deputy of Ire- 
land,' a number of his retainers, who ex- 
pected it for themselves or friends, remon- 
strated, and, as usual, urged the assumed 
vicious character ot the Irish, and the 
necessity of a strong and oppressive gov- 
ernment there. " Why," said they, " if 
Desmond is appointed he will rule as he 
pleases, and all Ireland cannot govern him." 
But Henry was not to be driven from his 
policy and wisdom, chastened bv expe- 
rience in adversity, and answered the cavil- 
ing by saying : "If all Ireland cannot gov- 
ern Desmond, then Desmond shall govern 
all Ireland." 

After the death of Elizabeth, the Tudor 
policy was neglected, and the old Anglo- 
Norman policy revived for the govern- 
ment of Ireland. James I. and Charles I., 
alike oppressed the people of the Green Isl- 
and. These monarchs favored Protesant- 
ism with peculiar notions of their own; 
they favored Presbyterianism, and opposed 
if not hated Catholicism, and were deter- 
mined to enforce their views in matters of 
religion, as well as their power in matters 
of civil government, upon the Irish. This 
rendered matters still worse, for their op- 
pression still continued, and it gave Ihem 
another occasion to oppose and hate the 
English. The Catholic priests took advan- 
tage of it, and made their people the more 
intensified Catholics than ever. They 
would say to them : " These English, 
Scotch, and Welsh came here only to rob 
and oppress you ; they not only rob you of 
your property, but would deprive you of 
your religion; they not only strip you of 
your property, but deprive you of your 
hopes of heaven. They are your most 
deadly enemies, both in this world and that 
which is to come. We are your friends; 
and though you are here injured and op- 
pressed, we will lead you to that world 
which is full of peace, love, and justice." 
These made the Catholics more numerous, 
and intensified their opposition and hatred 
of the English government. 

In the fore part of the reign of Charles 
I, that extraordinary man and tyrant, 



434 



THE MODERN PERIOD 



Wentwor'-h, Earl of Staftbrd, was appointed 
Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. He was a 
man of great ability, genius, and executive 
talent, but with all, embodied as much tyr- 
anny as was ever embraced by any proud 
and haughty vice-gerent. He was rude 
and ovei^bearing, but eloquent and winning 
when he chose to be ; and had as little sym- 
pathy for humanity as any Saxon ever 
brought to rule over his fellow man. He 
went to Ireland, and his system of govern- 
ment, both at home and in Ireland, he de- 
nominated " thorough ;" that is, it was 
thorough in prodvicing oppression and im- 
plicit obedience. Though he possessed 
eloquence, he was a rough and rude man; 
yet he could be plausible, hj'pocritical, and 
pretentious. He once, in his early life, as- 
sumed to be a leading republican, but when 
he found he could not win his sovereign, 
he became the most devoted loyalist; but 
his wavering principles, his love of power 
and tyranny eventually brought his head 
to the block, as it might well do for every 
such politician. In Ireland he organized a 
most thorough government of absolute 
power, with a regular armj' and a due sys- 
tem of revenue for its support; by means 
of which he brought all Ireland in subjec- 
tion to English rule, which probably was 
never before attained. Up to about this 
time the rule in Ireland was divided be- 
tween the then English conquest and the 
jurisdiction of the native government. 
The extent of the former was denominated 
" within the pale ;" which at various times 
greatly varied, dependent upon the vigor 
with which the governinent was able to 
maintain itself This produced a continual 
conflict, and consequent disturbance be- 
tween the people and their foreign govern- 
ment; that was so organized as to sub- 
serve the interests of the English govern- 
inent, and those sent them to rvile, and not 
that of Ireland and its people. This kept 
up continual animosity and prejudice be- 
tween the people and those who governed 
them ; and utterly forbid any reconciliation 
between thein : as is ever the case in any 
government thus administered. 

At several times and occasions the Eng- 
lish government, under strong prejudice 



[Book V. 

and antipathies against the Irish people, 
attempted to produce a change of charac- 
ter by colonizing it with English, Scots 
and Welsh, and for this purpose land was 
taken, confiscated and applied, under pre- 
tense of rebellion or sedition, and the na- 
tive inhabitants removed or slaughtered in 
such districts. Instead of conciliation and 
peace, it became a strife and conflict be- 
tween the races. It had the appearance of 
an attempt to exterminate the Celt, and 
supply his place with what was denomina- 
ted Anglo-Saxon. But the object of these 
measures Mas not always a success. Fre- 
quently the colonist, under the observation 
of so much oppression and injustice, be- 
came more of a Celt than English; and 
sympathized with the sufferer. In the 
time of Richard II., laws were passed to 
prevent such changes and sympathies 
against the government. They forbade any 
man of English blood to adopt the Irish 
language, name, or dress. It was treason 
for such person to inarry a person of Irish 
blood ; and it then seemed almost as though 
at that time, the Irish were not entitled to 
the principles of humanity. But these 
cruel times passed oft' as intolerable, and the 
law became a dead letter. After a while the 
English complained, that instead of their 
being able to make the Irish as English, 
the English there were becoming Irish, in 
customs, manners, and language. Even 
this was the case with the great Anglo- 
Norman families, who had become the 
lords of the land, as the Geraldines, the 
Fitz Stephens, and the De Veres, and 
others, were becoming Irish, and adopting 
Irish names, as McPhillips, McMahon, or 
Mc Williams; while the natives were resist- 
ing that oppression, which sought to com- 
pel them to become what the enemies were. 
They were elements that could have easily 
been molded into fusion and consolidation 
by benefits and kindness; but Mould be 
resisted when attempted in blind haste, by 
compulsion. This Mas chatacteristic of the 
Celts, if not that of the best part of the 
human race. The Britons, Tacitus repre- 
sents, readily adopted the improvements 
and civilization of the Romans, when 
kindly treated; easily led, but hard to be 



Chap, hi:] PEOPLE CONSTITUTING 

driven. There was a hostile difference be- 
tweeii the principles ot' conquest of the 
Romans and that of the Anglo-Saxons: 
the former always permitted their con- 
quered people to retain for themselves their 
laws, customs, and language; and govern 
themselves in local matters, so they sub- 
mitted to their sovereignty as the necessary 
paramount rule; and peaceably pay their 
tribute and taxes. But the Anglo-Saxons 
everywhere required a hasty change of 
laws, customs, and language. This pro- 
duced an irreconcilable hostility, especially 
when the unjust and oppressive feudal 
laws were proposed, instead of the equita- 
ble and humane Irish tenure laws, which, 
in feudal tenures, were so very objectionable, 
and long since abandoned by the English 
themselves; but everything Irish was then, 
bv the prejudices of the Anglo-Saxons, de- 
nominated, "savage." These unfavorable 
operations of the government kept up a 
hostility, instead of creating an assimila- 
tion and fusion between the two races. The 
fact that the old Anglo-Saxon settlers were 
becoming Irish, was strong evidence in 
favor of the latter, that they possessed 
something favorable and inviting in their 
character; for the tendency of mankind is 
to adopt that which is an improvement, 
instead of that which is a deterioration. 
These Anglo-Saxons were attracted by the 
gentleness of character and sociability of 
the natives, and felt an irresistible tendency 
to assimilate with the conquered ; to be- 
come Irish, and to adopt their manners, 
language, and dress. They admitted the 
Irish to their society and confidence, and 
acquired a taste for their songs and poetry. 
As was olten the case, that the Anglo- 
Saxon conquerors and settlers were be- 
coming assimilated to the conquered. All 
this the English government, and their 
oflicers in Ireland, looked upon as being- 
very objectionable; and denominated it, a 
degeneration. They adopted strenuous 
measures and laws to counteract it, and 
required a substitution of the English lan- 
guage and dress, and even a change in the 
cut of the hair. ' A non-compliance with 
these severe and arbitrary measures were 
severely punished. Such laws and meas- 

28 



THE UNITED KINGDOM. 



435 



ures were not at all times equally adopted 
and rigorously enforced : dependent upon 
the character of the times, and that of the 
viceroys and officers sent them to rule. 
Sometimes even the severity and tyranny 
of the laws caused them to be disregarded, 
and rendered them obsolete. The very 
rigor of these laws tended to produce a dif- 
ferent result from that which they were 
intended. 

The reign of the Tudors had been gen- 
erally more favorable to the Irish, though 
that of Henry VIII was here, as else- 
where, that of a master spirit. He intro- 
duced Protestantism into Ireland with as 
much quiet and submission as elsewhere; 
and the rule of the Catholic church and 
the monasteries were as completely sub- 
verted to the interest of the Reformation 
in Ireland as in England : and it is proba- 
ble that had the Anglo-Saxon government 
continued to have been kind and concilia- 
tory to the Irish, they would have as deci- 
dedly adopted Protestantism as they had in 
Scotland and England. But subsequent 
severity aggravated the hostility and oppo- 
sition of Ireland to the Anglo-Saxon rule; 
and by that means Catholicism was revived 
and fixed in the minds of the people as 
their only friend and hope ; when under a 
more parental and conciliatoi-y govern- 
ment it would have been otherwise. 

During Cromwell's time the people of Ire- 
land became uneasy, and divided upon the 
questions which divided and agitated the 
English. Cromwell came to Ireland with a 
large veteran army, and, with his usual 
vigor and cruel measures, reduced the 
island to his subjection. The eftect of these 
measures had but a few years to pass over 
before they were greatly aggravated by the 
war there, between James II and William 
III. This war was principally founded 
upon matters of religion, and the Catholic 
elements rallied around James, as those of 
the government and Protestantism did 
around William; and this involved them 
in a fierce war, exciting the irrepressible 
questions of patriotism, conquest and reli- 
gion. The war and circumstances were 
unfavorable to the Irish, as it might be ex- 
pected, with the power that William con- 



436 



THE MODERN PERIOD. 



trolled, with his veteran troops, against the 
inexperienced and undisciplined Irish. 
These untoward events for the unhappy 
island, onlj increased their irreconcilable 
hostilities, in which was involved the exci- 
ting questions of patriotism and religion, 
and established the unhappy party division 
of Catholics and Orangemen. This pro- 
duced an intense opposition and hatred be- 
tween the parties ; and gave the Catholics 
a better opportunity to ingratiate them- 
selves with the Irish, especially the lower 
class, and satisfy them that the English 
were their inveterate enemies; and the 
Catholic church their true and only friend, 
upon whom alone they could build any 
hopes for the future, either in this world, 
or that to come. This gave the Catholic 
priests a wonderful command over the peo- 
ple, which, under the circumstances, was 
not to be wondered at, but should be con- 
sidered as their natural consequences, in- 
stead of its being a national characteristic, 
or that of the race. 

From the time of the war of the English 
Restoration to that of A. D. 179S and 1803, 
— from the battle of the Boyne to the de- 
feat of the Dublin insurrection, in the lat- 
ter year, — a period of one hundred and 
twelve years, Ireland endured every degree 
of political wrong and mismanagement, 
which would or could degrade and discour- 
age a people: a bad government, political 
disfranchisement and oppression, and reli- 
gious intolerance. If the country, during 
that time, were unable to exhibit the im- 
provement and progress that characterized 
the rest of the British empire, it is not 
so much to be wondered, as that Irish in- 
dustry, perseverance, and endurance ena- 
bled them to survive it. It made but little 
difference with Ireland whether its unfor- 
tunate government were in the hands of 
the expiring house of Stuart, or that of the 
Guelphs, the Irish was sure to receive no 
other care or protection, but such as is 
rendered by the wolf to the flock. The 
insurrection of the latter years referred to, 
was brought about by the hopes the people 
had of relieving themselves of so intolera- 
ble a government, and thus secure their in- 
dependence and freedom. This was excited 



[Book V 

by the success of the American revolution' 
and the inspiration of the P^rench revolu- 
tion. France and Spain were ever encour- 
aging such insurrection, with the promise 
of efficient aid, but always deceived them 
with an insufficient support, wh'ch only 
brought the unfortunate island into further 
difficulties, and the people left to meet and 
battle the consequent misfortunes by them- 
selves. The result was that, for this long 
time the state of the country and govern- 
ment was going from bad to worse, until all 
was controlled by the English government 
from abroad, and a few Anglo-Irish Prot- 
estant families at home; while four-fifths 
of the inhabitants were entirely excluded 
from all participation in the government. 
While they were thus robbed of their free- 
dom, everything was done to subject their 
interest, labor, and commerce to that of 
England. 

The unhappy condition of the country is 
thus described by no unfriendly hand to 
Anglo-Saxon rule:- "The history of Ire- 
land, from its conquest by William III, 
up to this time, is one which no En- 
glishman can recall, without shame. Since 
the surrender of Limerick, every Catholic 
Irishman, and there were five Catholics to 
every Protestant, had been treated as a 
stranger and a foreigner in his own coun- 
try. The members of parliament, the 
magistracy, all corporate officers in towns, 
all ranks in the army, the bench, the bar, 
the whole administration of government 
or justice, were closed against Catholics. 
Few Catholic landowners had been left by 
the sweeping confiscations which had fol- 
lowed the successive revolts of the island, 
and oppressive laws forced even these few, 
with few exceptions, to profess Protestant- 
ism. Necessity, indeed, had brought about 
a practical toleration of their religion and 
their worship; but in all social and politi- 
cal matters the native Catholics, in other 
words, the immense majority of the people 
of Ireand, were simply hewers of wood 
and drawers of water, to their Protestant 
masters, who still looked on themselves as 
mere settlers, who boasted of their Scotch 



S Green's History of the English People, p. 773. 



Chap, in.] PEOPLE CONSTITUTING 

or English extraction, and who regarded 
the name of Irishman as an insult. 
But small as was this Protestant body, one- 
half of it fared little better as far as power 
was concerned, than the Catholics; for the 
Presbyterians, who formed the bulk of the 
Ulster settlers, were shut out by law from 
all civil, military, and municipal offices. 
The administration and jvistice of the coun- 
try were thus kept rigidly in the hands of 
members of the Established Church, a 
body which comprised about one-twelfth 
of the population of the island; while its 
government was practically monopolized by 
a few great Protestant landowners." Such 
was the condition of the Irish people until 
after the union of i Soi ; and if it be asked, why 
did not the people rebel and throw- oft" such 
oppressive and unjust a government? one 
may as well ask, why the Anglo-Saxons 
did not do so to the oppressive Norman 
government.' or the Britons that of the 
Saxon, or Roinan.? There are many rea- 
sons: the robber succeeds to rob his victim 
because he takes him unawares or unpre- 
pared. The hopes of the invaders are 
always greater than those who act on the 
defensive; and their preparation and disci- 
pline are always greater: then they are 
always supported and reinforced from 
whence they came, or they are not success- 
ful ; and w hen once successful they possess 
greatly the advantage to retain their pos- 
session. These matters are regulated by 
fixed and inevitable laws of nature; and 
not that a just God favors one people more 
than another, or that he uses these horri- 
ble wars and oppressions to accomplish 
any of his just purposes. These are the 
works of a wicked and unjust man, and he 
alone is responsible for them ; and a just 
and righteous God w^ill bring them to a ret- 
ribution, according to fixed laws and the 
ways of Providence. 

The interference of the English govern- 
ment with the progress and prosperity of 
Ireland was not only with its political and 
social happiness, but also with its industry 
and economical prosperity. Laws were 
passed to compel the Irish people to change 
their industrious pursuits, to abandon cer- 
tain enterprises or manufactures, so that 



THE UNITED KINGDOM. 



437 



they might not come in competition withs 
English interest. Thus was Ireland, for a 
long time, kept in a slavish subordinate 
condition to the interest of their masters; 
and this will fully account for the low and 
humble condition in which a large portion 
of the Irish people have been found: out 
of which under a more liberal and right- 
eous government, and fairer opportunities, 
these active and industrious people are fast 
retrieving themselves, both at hoine and 
abroad. 

In the course of time there arose a min- 
ister of the English government, who had 
studied, and well understood, the action 
and character of the Irish government;, 
and was determined, as far as lay in his 
power, to correct it. This was William 
Pitt, the younger. He was determined to 
give peace, and conciliation to the people of 
Ireland with a just and good government. 
One of his first objects was to bring about 
an universal toleration in matters of reli- 
gion, and emancipate the Catholic; but 
when this came to the ears of George III, 
his stupid and bigoted head forbade it. Al- 
though he was, therefore, unable to accom- 
plish all he intended for the good govern- 
ment and conciliation oflreland, hedidmuch 
While the rule of the island was confined 
to the persons and party in whose hands it 
was then confided, Pitt had no confidence 
in a fair and honest legislation of the Irish 
parliament; he, therefore, produced meas- 
ures by which that parliament was abol- 
ished, and both countries united under one 
government and parliament; and the whole 
country, England, Scotland, and Ireland, 
was declared to be united in one Union, 
and denominated che United Kingdom 
of Great Britain and Ireland; each having 
a proportion of members in the House of 
Commons, — their common parliament, and 
each country subject only to a fair propor- 
tion of the common taxation necessary for 
the support of the whole. This was a be- 
neficent measure for Ireland, and the whole 
country; it made parliament not the parlia- 
ment of England only, but that of the 
United Kingdom : that of Ireland as well 
as of England and Scotland; and it gave 
hopes to Ireland, with its large representa 



438 



tion in parliament, that they would even- 
tually be able to obtain a good government, 
founded upon the principles of justice and 
humanity. This was accomplished in iSoi ; 
and since that time much has been done to 
improve the government, and improve the 
condition of the Irish people. The Catho- 
lics have been emancipated; the Church of 
England_ has been separated from the gov- 
ernment, and placed on the same principles 
of right as other churches : thus giving a 
general toleration in matters of religion; 
and the people generally enfranchised as 
those of England. 

While England had thus entirely changed 
her mode and principles of governing Ire- 
land, the Irish people had been so ruthlessly 
treated, by a bad government and oppres- 
sive tyranny, that they had lost all faith in 
English justice, and hopes of any better 
government from it, that the patriotic peo- 
ple continued their efforts for independence 
and freedom. These efforts were led by 
some of the best men of Ireland, and with 
talent and skill; but the English govern- 
ment anticipated the movement before it 
was matured. It culminated in 1S03, and 
the patriots were effectually defeated in 
battle at Vinegar Hill, near Wexford; 
which involved the death or exile of many 
of the best men of Ireland, among whom 
were Robert Emmett and his family, and 
others, — as talented and patriotic as are to 
be ibund in any country ; but the powei's 
and resources of England were against 
them, and their conquest was inevitable. 

But now, since Ireland is admitted into 
the Union, upon equal terms with the other 
countries, with the assurance they are to 
have conciliation and justice instead of war, 
oppression, and inj ustice, it may and must be 
the true and inevitable interest of the peo- 
ple of Ireland to cling to the Union, and 
insist only upon equal and even-handed 
justice. Let that portion of the English 
who so vainly pride themselves, without 
knowing who they are, upon being a purely 
Anglo-Saxon race, cease to treat Irishmen 
with that unjust and bigoted contempt, 
which ''would regard the name of an Irish- 
man as an insult," and a Celt as contemp- 
tuous. These will well bear comparison 



THE MODERN PERIOD. [Book v. 

with the character given by the Normans 
of the Anglo-Saxons, which they them- 
selves admitted to be true, but excused by 
saying that they were habits and manners 
acquired from the Danes. Let such un- 
just national reproaches cease; and when 
due and just allowance is given to circum- 
stances, th£re will be left much to be ad- 
mired in both the Anglo-Saxons and Irish. 
The latter is impulsive, but his impulses 
are oftener for good than evil. Under the 
inspiration of Father Matthew, he could 
sacrifice his enjo_yment to the cause of tem- 
perance. Under the call of the " United 
Irishmen," or the "Association for the 
Union," he would drop his antipathies and 
injuries tor the call of duty and patriotism, 
any selfish interests or desires are at once 
sacrificed for the calls of kindred or human- 
ity. His heart is ever open to the impulses 
of every good, and never hardened to the 
reproaches of the want of duty, or of 
crime. Calumny and reproaches between 
two such races as the Teuton and Celt, — 
the two best races of men — is at once an 
evidence in the individual of the want of a 
due discrimination, and a proper sense of 
justice. Kindness conquers them to sub- 
mission, but injury and oppression rouses 
them to indignity. A just cause, or a good 
object, will induce thein to drop their big- 
otry or resentment. The evidence oi this 
is well told by a foreign historian :6 "The 
men whom the Irish Union acknowledged 
as theii- superior chiefs, were of various 
origin and religion : Arthur O'Connor, 
who, in the popi.ilar opinion, was descended 
from the last king of Ireland; Lord Ed- 
ward Fitz-Gerald, whose name connected 
him with the old Norman family of the 
Fitz-Geralds; Father Quigley, an Irish- 
man by birth, and a zealous papist; Theo- 
bald Wolf-Tone, a lawyer of English ori- 
gin, professing the philosophical opinions of 
the eighteenth century. Priests of every 
religion were members of the society; in 
general, they filled the high stations, but 



6 Thierry's Norman Conquest, p. 339; founded 
upon the authority of Sir R. Musgrave, wlio was 
"one of the agents of the government in ihe troubles 
of 179S, and indeed prejudiced against the Iiish, but 
his very partiality more fully confii'ms all the facts 
he relates to their advantage." 



Chap. III.] PEOPLE CONSTITUTING 

there was no jealousy among them, or dis- 
trust of the skeptical doctrines of some of 
their associates. Thej urged their parish- 
ioners to read much and variously, and to 
form reading clubs at the houses of the 
schoolmasters, or in the liarns. Sometimes 
ministers of one religion were seen preach- 
ing in the church of another; an auditory 
composed half oi Catholics and half of 
Calvinists, listening with earnest atten- 
tion to the same sermon, then recei\-ing at 
the church door a distribution of some po- 
litical philosophical tracts." This would 
be a fair description of what we have fre- 
quently witnessed in free America, and 
such a peaceable scene is a natural produc- 
tion of a free and generous government; 
and hostility, bigotrv, and oppression that 
of a tyrannical government. 

It is, therefore, vain to contend that the 
Irish are incapable, as some of their ene- 
mies do, of a peaceable, civilized govern- 
ment, free from bigotry and lawlessness. 
What has been just said, and their position 
in America proves the contrary, and that 
would be the case with them, wherever a 
tyranny and bad government did not pro- 
duce the contrary. What, to contend that 
such men as Burke, Sheridan, Castlereagh, 
O'Connell, Palmerston, and Cams, men 
who triumphantly led in the House of 
Commons; and also such men as Welling- 
ton, General Evans, Goldsmith, or Moore, 
are incapable of good government and of 
civilization and progress.? That would be 
preposterous! But since Pitt's time there 
has been great progress in good govern- 
ment. The English people begin to see 
the great mistake they have committed, and 
the injustice they have done to unhappy 
Ireland. For some years the parliament 
of the Union have been endeavoring to re- 
form and restore the government of Ireland 
to just and equitable principles, founded on 
Christian conciliation and peace. Not only 
has Ireland progressed in making such im- 
provement in govermenti-l and civil affairs, 
but in the mean time has accomplished 
great amelioration in the social condition 
of her people. In former times, by the 
confiscation and transfer of the real prop- 
erty of the country, from the natives and 



UNITED THE KINGDOM. 



439 



resident owners, to those of Britain, in 
vast estates, the people and country thereby 
became impoverished ; there was no ac- 
cumulation of wealth, and the fertility of 
their land went to enrich other people. 
Out of this arose innumerable other injuries 
and oppressions. Of this the British par- 
liament has become well aware, and of late 
with a Christian generosity have done 
much to relieve these just complaints. 
Much has been done to encourage and fos- 
ter the return of the real property to actual 
residents ; and thereby rid the country of a 
set of official harpies, v.'ho preyed upon the 
country as middle men, between the absent 
landlord and the unfortunate tenant. 
These measures are a happy relief and efft- 
cient means in restoring the country to a 
natural and prosperous condition. 

Besides, the British parliament, with a 
view of restoring to the Green Isle her 
just due and just capacity for improvement, 
have made a large appropiration for drain- 
ing and reclaiming a large amount of her 
most fertile lands which in a state of na- 
ture were covered with water. These returns 
of natural rights, accompanied with such 
generous amends for errors and injuries past, 
give to the Irish a well-founded hope, after 
centuries of oppression and injustice, that 
they and their countr_y are now restored to 
that happy state of prosperity and wealth 
that God, and a generous nature, intended 
for them. Not only at home, in the midst of 
oppression and adversity, have Irishmen 
sustained their capacity for the higher pur- 
suits of civilization, as statesmen, warriors, 
poets, authors, and philosophers, but in for- 
eign countries, when relieved of the former 
oppression of their own, have they sustained 
a capacity and position equal to the best; 
as in America, in France, and in Spain: 
wherever a free competition is opened to 
them, for the exercise of their sprightliness, 
their wit, their industry, and capacity for 
all the industrial pursuits. In America 
and France has their gallantry been fully 
tested, when at home, circumstances would 
not admit of a fair test: as witness the gal- 
lantry of the brigades of Irish exiles in the 
French service, at the bloody battle of Fon- 
tenoy : and what Christian country is there 



44° 



THE MODERN PERIOD. 



that does not bear testimony to the merits 
and capacity of Irishmen, or their descen- 
dants, and their renown? 

CHAPTER IV. 

CONCLUSION OR EPILOGUE. 

In considering the history of the Ancient 
Britons, I was led to inquire how far their 
blood now formed the basis of the present 
population of Britain. I was surprised to 
find such conflicting opinions on the sub- 
ject: Some with bigoted bitterness denying 
that the Ancient Briton or Celt formed any 
part of the English people; that the Celts 
were aliens to them in '-blood and religion ;" 
and every opportunity was taken to express 
their opposition to the claim and contempt 
for the idea. Not only was the relation 
denied, but the Celt was calumniated and 
traduced, and the Saxon and Anglo-Saxon 
lauded and exalted at his expense. It was 
this which first led me to inquire into its 
history as a matter of truth and science, 
and to ascertain its credibility and truth- 
fulness; and my history is the result of it. 

But I found upon investigation that this 
bigoted opinion was confined to only a 
class of the English people, and generally 
to those who knew the least upon the sub- 
ject, or at least of their own lineage and 
extraction ; for such were the least re- 
strained in dressing up in their imagination 
as they pleased the virtues and greatness 
of their unknown or forgotten ancestors. 
Why people should be so very desirous of 
connecting their ancestry with a people 
whose very origin in history was that ot 
pirates and plunderers, whose ferocious 
and savage habits and mannersi were in 
keeping with their former residence in the 
swamps and wilderness at the mouths of 
the Elbe and the Eider — so far from the 
center of civilization, or, as Caesar suggests, 
because so far from Rome — one is at a loss to 
imagine, unless it be that ignorance gives 
free vent to the imagination and distance 
adds charms to the fancy. 

But why such enmitv and hatred upon 
the subject.? It is, in fact, only a question 



I See for character of the Saxons 
tory, p. 177; also ante, B. iii, ch. — . 



Hume's His- 



[Book. V. 

of history, — of truth and science; and 
wherever that places it, let it stand, wher- 
ever that may be. It is very natural, it is 
true, for those who are conscious that they 
or their ancestors have injured another, to 
hate and despise those they have wronged. 
A robber always hates those he has robbed, 
and never Iras a good word for them ; he is 
desirous that his robbery may, in some way, 
be justified, or forgotten, or excused. But 
the present Englishman who conceives 
himself to be a pure descendant of the 
Saxon, and of unquestioned lineage, is not 
at all responsible for any injury the Saxons 
may have done the Britons: for that is tocf 
long passed; the descendants of both na- 
tionalities have been too long commingled 
and intermixed, and long since have be- 
come fellow-subjects, fellow-citizens, of 
the saijie country. As to pedigree and an- 
cestry, that has become a mere question of 
history and science. 

But as to the term, hatred, which, if it 
exists, is so unjustifiable, pardon me, if I 
refer to a few .facts to show its existence. 
Prof. Arnold speaks of Celtic hatred as 
having an undoubted existence; and to no 
other principle can those instances, to 
which we refer, be attributed. This class 
of Englishmen, who thus laud the Saxon 
and hate the Celt, are relatively few, though 
widely spread over the British Dominion 
and America, 2 and should, therefore, be 
pardoned ; for this development of charac- 
ter may be a constitutional defect which 
they can no more help than insanity, for 
which they are not responsible. Besides 
the other and opposing class of English- 
men are fast increasing, as evidenced by 
the works of Sharon Turner, Mathew Ar- 
nold, and others. 

This opposition and fanaticism has pro- 
duced "a body of men in Britain and Amer 
ica, who, in politics and in literature pro- 
claim the merits of the o-reat Ang-lo-Saxon 
race, and foresee for it an almost universal 
ascendancy over the world. * * * * 
They call the British Empire an Anglo- 
Saxon empire ; and the United States an 



2. See Xew Amer. Cyclojiedia, Title, Ano^Io- 
Sa.xon. 



Chap. IV.] 

Anglo-vSaxon confederation i"-"* and all this 
with little or no regard to historical facts. 
These usually go through a formula, as 
the basis of their theory, that - when the 
Saxons came to Britain they " slaughtered 
all the ancient Britons, who did not flee 
to the mountains of Wales," so that they 
had a new country free from other races ; 
and, as the result, a pure Anglo-Saxon 
race. However heartless this theory may 
be, their conclusion would be right if their 
premises were true; but it is thought that 
it has been shown to be palpably untrue :* 
and many of the best-informed English 
writers most decidedly support this latter 
opinion.5 These opponents of the British 
claim, and advocates of an exclusive|AngIo- 
Saxon elements of their race, are more or 
less virulent in their claim. Their object 
seems to be to ignore, to exclude and abol- 
ish everything connected with the history 
of the country ; they admit that the Ro- 
mans were once there, but they had left: 
that a few of the Britons were left, 
but of them who did not flee, all were 
slaughtered and exterminated; and they 
were so very uncultivated and savage-like, 
that the Saxons were justifled in the cruelty 
of exterminating them. All this is built 
up by ignoring and falsifying the facts and 



3. Ibid, ut supra. 

4. See Ante B. --. C. --. §--. 
J. Palgrave's A. S. p. 3S-40, p. 56-58; on p. 71, it 

is said: " The political subjug-ation of the coantry 
did not necessarily lead to the total expulsion of the 
British tribes. * * * * The British peasantry con- 
tinued to dwell upon the soil,tnoug-h the domain was 
transferred to the lords." See also Latham's Eth- 
nologv of the British Islands, who has full)' studied 
this subject, and in page 259, says: "Kelts, Ro- 
mans, Germans, and Scandinavians supply us with 
the chief elements of our population, elements 
which are mixed up with each other in numerous de- 
grees of combinations; in So many, indeed, that in 
the case of the last three there is no approach to pu- 
rity. However easy it may be, either among' the 
Gaels of Connauyfht, or the Camhro-Britons of 
North Wales, tn find a typical and g^enuine Kelt, the 
German, equally genuine ;uid typical, whom writers 
love to place in cojitrast with him, is not to be found 
within the four seas, the nearest approach beino; the 
Frisians, of Friesland." "It is important, too, to 
remember that the mixture that has already taken 
place, still g-oes on; and as three pure sources of 
Keltic, without a corresponding spring of Gothic, 
blood are in full flow, the result is a slow but sure 
addition of Keltic elements to the so-called Anglo- 
Saxon stock, elements which are perceptible in Brit- 
ain, and which are very considerable in America. 
The Gael or Briton who marries an Knglish wife, 
transmits, on his part, a pure Keltic strain, whereas 
no Englishman can effect a similar infusion of 
Germanism, his own breed being more or less 
'hybrid." 



CONCLUSION OR EPILOGUE. 441 

circumstances of history, more glaringly 
than anywhere else found in the literature 
of our races. Gibbon has no other words 
for Britain or Britons, than those of degra- 
dation and despair; to the Romans she was 
"the last province acquired, and the first to be 
thrown away :" with little or no remorse, 
he tells us, that " the Saxons, who hated 
the valor of their enemies, disdained the 
faith of treaties, and violated without re- 
morse, the most sacred objects of the 
Christian worship. The fields of battle 
might be traced almost in every district, by 
monuments of bones; the fragments of 
falling towers were stained with blood: 
the last of the Britons, without distinction 
of age or sex, were massacred in the ruins 
of Anderida;6 and the repetition of such 
calamities was frequent and familiar under 
the Saxon Heptarchy ."7 Still, he reminds 
us that "the love of plunder was more nat- 
ural than the inspiration of ambition." 
And every object of veneration and pride 
to a true Briton that may be possibly con- 
troverted, is denied them with a zest; upon 
any pretext or slightest evidence. Maxi- 
jnus, Constantine, the Briton Helena, and 
every one, are made natives of Spain or 
any place, rather than they should be the 
natives of Britain. 

Hume, too, though usually kind to the 
Britons, must have a fling at them, and call 
them, "the abject Britons;" an epithet 
which should never be applied to a Briton, 
of whatever race he might be, especially to 
those brave Britons who so valiantly de- 
fended their country and freedom, from 
the time of Csesar to that of Edward I; 
but it might still be a question whether 
that epithet was as applicable to the ancient 
Britons, as to those who, upon the event of 
one battle, subjected themselves to the rule 
of William the Norman. At least, we might 
suppose that a representative of the brave 
Scots might spare the word, "abject," as 
applied to the Britons, while writing the 
history of the Saxons. 

Though such partial and unjust remarks 
in this connection, so frequently found in 



Ante, B.— , C— . 

Gibbon's Decline and Fail, Ch. 38, Vol. I, P. 



526. 



442 



English histories, still, seldom so glaringly 
as in Mr. Woodward's History of Wales; 
where, in almost every page, he calumni- 
ates the subject of his history : and why he 
should select such a subject, one is at a loss 
to guess, unless it was for the \ery purpose 
of doing so. 

The object of this small class of English 
writers is, undoubtedly, to cut off all rela- 
tion with the Ancient Britons, and form a 
new and independent basis of English his 
tory. Some have fallen into this error 
without considering well the subject, or 
what they were doing in following a matter 
of temporary fashion. Mr. Francis Pal- 
grave, in his history of the Anglo-Saxons, 
though admitting, abundantly, the mixture 
of the ancient Britons in the modern En- 
glish, yet undertakes to represent that the 
Ancient Briton and his descendants, incapa- 
ble of the necessary skill of a mechanic 
and mariner for a naval and sea-faring life; 
and that his coracle was the uttermost of 
his capacity.s Whereas, both in ancient 
and modern history, we have abundant evi- 
dence of the Cymry's skill, in the mechan- 
ical arts and naval affairs, both in Britain 
and Brittany. Polybius and Cjesar allude 
to it. Constantius, in Gaul, sent to the 
Britons for skillful mechanics to build a 
town in his province. Southey informs us 
in his history of British Naval Affairs, 
that Alfred sent to Wales for men skilled 
in naval affairs and architecture, to aid him 
in building a navy to operate against the 
Danish invasion. Not long since I read 
a long article in Harper's New York Mag- 
azine, upon the great development of steam 
ships on the Atlantic, between Britain and 
this country; in which a great English 
steamer was selected for the subject, and 
its captain was a Captain Price, a native of 
Swansea, whose great responsibility, skill, 
and care would have been adequate to anv 
naval command: and it thus directed 
■would have filled the place of an Arthur, 
a Tudor, a Cromwell, or a Picton. There 
is no large town in the United States but 
what can produce evidence of the Cymrv's 
mechanical skill and abilities for naval af- 



THE MODERN PERIOD. 

fairs. 



[Book 



S. Palgrave's History of the Anjflo- Saxons, ch, 
I, p. 4. 



This history of Mr. Palgrave's was sent 
to me from Liverpool, and it contains some 
illustrations of its subject, and among them 
was a picture of Csesar's first attempt to 
land in Britain. There was Caesar, upon 
the deck of his vessel, directing the affair; 
the standard-bearer of the tenth legion, 
plunging iifto the sea, and calling upon his 
men to follow : the Britons valiantly rush- 
ing, with their weapons, to meet and oppose 
them; and men with horses and chariots, 
filling and exciting the scene. Under this 
was printed the subject of it: "Conflict 
between the Romans and the Saxons." 
This is in keeping with some of the infor- 
mation we get of British history. Though 
the picture represented a scene which trans- 
pired more than five hundred years before 
the Saxons came to Britain, I do not at all 
charge the fraud upon Mr. Palgrave; but 
the publication must have passed through 
the hands of tliose who knew better, but 
were willing that the fraud should pass, to 
create a false impression in the history of 
their country, upon the minds of those who 
were not so well-informed. 

A very recent historian, the author of 
"A Short History of the English People," 
has given us a very good history, except 
his occasional labor to traduce and calum- 
niate the Celts, and misplace the origin of 
the English people. He begins by exclu- 
ding the Ancient Britons and Celts from 
having any participation in the formation 
of the present English people and govern- 
ment. He commences by saying: '-For 
the fatherland of the English race we must 
look far away fiom England itself =i= * * 
The one country which bore the name of 
England, was what we now call Sleswick, , 
a district in the heart of the peninsula 
which parts the Baltic from the Northern 
sea." Thus the Ancient Britons, as well as 
the Welsh, the Scotch, and the Irish are 
made entire aliens to the English people. 
He admits that "of the temper and life of 
these English folk in this old England 
we know little," and the "country was then 
but a wild waste of heather and sand, girt 
along the coast with sunless Avoodland, 
broken onlv on the western side bv mead- 



Chap. IV.] 

ows, wliich crept down to the marslies 
and the sea. * * * * The dwellers of 
this district were one of those tribes, * * * 
who bore among themselves the name of 
the central tribe of the league, the name of 
Englishmen." That there was but "little 
known," is true, but that gives the writer a 
chance to drcs>^ them up as Englishmen, 
the better; and as thev might appear in 
his own imagination. Latham, in his Eth- 
nology of the British Islands, after a most 
profound and learned investigation, for the 
locality and history of the Angli, comes to 
the conclusion that it is not to be found : 
but that it was not to be found in Sleswick, 
and if found anywhere, must have been 
south of the Elbe, in Hanover. So uncer- 
tain and doubtful did the learned author 
find the ethnic character of the Saxon in- 
vaders of Britain, as to their history and 
original countr3', that he says of them: 
" A Saxon population, considered without 
reference to date, locality, and similar im- 
portant circumstances, may be in any or 
no ethnological relation to the Angle; this 
meaning those who are not only Angles in 
reality, but w^hose actions are described 
under the name of vhigle. It is only when 
this is the case that we can be sure of our 
men. A Saxon may be anything, provi- 
ded he be but a pirate.'' "An Englishman, 
representing as he does the insular Angles, 
and looking to the part iiey have played in 
the world, may, with either pride or regret, 
as the case may be, say that on their native 
soil of Germany, the Angle history is next 
to a nonentity." It is well for another, 
who pretends to write English histoi-y, to 
begin, by excluding all connection with it, 
of the Ancient Britons antecedent to the 
Saxon conquest; to have a subject of 
which so little or nothing is known : and of 
which anything may be said, except that 
they must not be pirates. Although that 
author thus carefully excludes the Briton 
from his history, yet their descendants are 
not so oblivious of his notice; nor does he 
neglect an opportimity of heaping upon 
them undeserved obliquity. Thus his ac- 
count of the battle of Eversham, in which 
the great Simon Montfort, Earl of Leices- 
ter, met his last. The Earl saw, before the 



CONCLUSION OR EPILOGUE. 



44.3 



battle began, that the conflict would be lost, 
and advised all that could do so to save 
themselves. A terrible slaughter ensued; 
and the author says that the Welsh who 
were engaged with Montfort, in his strug- 
gle for freedom, "fled like sheep," and were 
slaughtered in the cornfields and gardens, 
while fighting in company with the En- 
glish, in Montfort's ranks. Welshmen, 
like other men, were sometimes compelled 
to flee, and sometimes slaughtered; but of 
all men they were least liable to be branded 
with the epithet of fleeing like sheep : and 
one would have supposed that the author 
could ha\e spared that offensive epithet. 
But then it was hardly to be expected of 
an author who began his history of the 
English as he did. 

But Macaulay thinks th.at the history of 
the " English nation did not begin" until 
modern times; not until the great charter 
of John had reconciled a people to each 
other by means ol" a free and just govern- 
ment. "The history of the preceding 
events," says Macaulay, " is the history of 
wrongs inflicted and sustained by various 
tribes, which, indeed all dwelt on English 
ground, but which regarded each other 
with an estimation such as has scarcely 
ever existed between communities separa- 
ted by physical barriers. * * * * In 
no country has the enmitj^ of races been 
carried farther than in England. In no 
country has that enmity been more com- 
pletely effaced. The stages of the process 
by which the hostile elements were melted 
down into one homogeneous mass, are 
not accurately knoAvn to us. But it is 
certain that when John became king, the 
distinction between Saxon and Norman 
was strongly marked, and that before the 
end of the reign of his grandson it had 
almost disappeared. In the time of Rich- 
ard the First, the ordinary imprecation of a 
Norman gentleman, was, ' May I become 
an Englishman.?' His ordinary form of 
indignant denial, was, ' Do you take me for 
an Englishman.!" The descendants of such 
a gentleman, one hundred years later, were 
proud of the English nam-e."9 



9. Macaulay's Hist. England, p. 12. 



444 THE MODERN PERIOD 

If it be trvie "that such enmity has been 
effaced," in England, and " tlie hostile ele- 
ments melted down into one homogeneous 
mass," it is well, and a happy event; and a 
great moral and rational reform. It is 
what human progress and civilization 
should be. But it is' to be feared that it 
was a reform that Macaulay, himself, did 
not always observe. Why were the Celts 
left out in the cold, when everything was 
made warm and comfortable for the Saxon 
and the Norman.-' Are the Welshmen, 
the Scotchmen, and the Irishmen no part 
of the people who constituted the national- 
ity of the United Kingdom, or even of En- 
•gland itself.'' Are these, who constitute so 
large a portion of the British people, 
and who have done so much for the .honor 
and glory of the " English name," to pass 
for nothing? To judge from Macaulay's 
history, one would suppose that was the 
case. He leaves no opportunity untouched, 
where he may laud the Saxon and calum- 
niate the Celt. In telling the story of the; 
Highlander, Macdonald of Keppoch, he 
represents that "Inverness was a Saxon 
colony among the Celts; a hive of traders 
and artisans in the midst of a population 
of loungers and plunderers : a solitary out- 
post of civilization in the region of barbar- 
ians." Now, this may be all true, for aught 
I know for a certainty, but I doubt it. If it 
were exclusively a Saxon colony, how came 
the place by the name of Inverness.^ Or 
the Celtic people by the designation of 
loungers and plunderers.'* for these always 
belonged to the Saxons, with the addition 
of that of pirates : or the place to be a hive 
of tradesmen and artisans? for that was 
more the characteristics of the Celts than 
the Saxons. For, from the earliest times, 
the Saxon was always associated with piracy 
and plunder; as the Celt, in general, has 
been that of an artisan, a laborer, and an 
honest man. I have no doubt the place 
was made up of a mixed population of 
Celts and .Saxons; but among the" indus- 
trious artisans, the majority, undoubtedly, 
were the Celtic-Scots. But Macaulay goes 
on to say, that on a Svmday in April, 16S9, 
Keppoch and his Highlanders, in favor of 
King James II, attacked the town. "The 



[Book V. 

ravagers went round and round the small 
colony of Saxons like a troop of famished 
wolves round a sheep-fold. Keppoch threat- 
ened and blustered. He would come in 
with all of his inen. He would sack the 
place. The burghers, in the meanwhile, 
mustered in arms around the market 
cross to listen to the oratory of the minis- 
ters. The day closed without an assavilt;" 
and the place was relieved. All this is said 
in the most obnoxious manner to the feel- 
ings of the Celt, and to the exaltation of 
the Saxon, at the expense of the former. 

But it is not nationalities alone, that Lord 
Macaulay attacks and disparages, but car- 
ries it to individual personalities. He en- 
deavors to rob Goldsmith and Ireland of 
their mutual right to his birth-place, and 
him of his hisjh honor of being an Irish- 
man and a Celt. I know not how miich 
Saxon blood, if any, Goldsmith may have 
had in his veins, but have every reason to 
believe he was born in Irela' d, of Irish 
parents; and his own character and gener- 
osity, and that of his brother, Henry, who 
was said to have been of a "thoughtless 
generosity of manner, and a quick and sen- 
sitive temper, though his anger was only 
momentary, and he never cherished resent- 
ments," marked them and their family as 
decidedly Celtic. Yet Macaulay asserts 
that Goldsmith was a Saxon ;io and with 
usual greed, he is claimed as an English 
author, born in Ireland, where all he had and 
all he possessed, was due to his nationality. 
This claim is usually made for all authors 
who write in English, whatever may be 
their blood, — Celt or Jew. In the same 
manner, Macaulay treats Sir Walter Scott, 
and says: "Yet, when Sir Walter Scott 
mentions Killiecrankie he seems utterly to 
forget that he was a Saxon, that he was of 
the same blood and of the same speech as 
Ramsay's foot and Annandale's horse. His 
heart swelled with triumph when he rela- 
ted how his own kindred had iled like hares 
before a smaller number of warriors of a 
different breed and of a different tongue."" 

I imagine that Sir Walter Scott knew 
best whether he was a Celt or Saxon; and 



Macaulay's History, p. 239. 
Macaulay's History, p. 291. 



Chap. IV.] 

all we know of him shows that he rejoiced 
in being the former. It is also probable 
that in case he had lived to read Macaulay's 
history, he would have been as indignant 
at the manner in which his Celtic friends 
had been calumniated, as Hugh Miller was, 
who wrote an indignant pamphlet to his 
Lordship upon the subject; and reproached 
him of forgetting or ignoring his own lin- 
eage: and referred to his Lordship's grand- 
father (I think it was), who was himself a 
Celtic-Scott, a native of one of the islands 
of Western Scotland. But this was noth- 
ing more than a. common circumstance in 
history, of a person ignoring his own lin- 
eage, and claiming to be an Englishman. 
This was the case with Lord Lyndhurst, 
who denounced the Cells as "aliens in 
blood and religion." This might be ex- 
pected of a lord w^ho was disposed to forget 
his lineage; for his grandfather's family 
were Irish emigrants from the count}' of 
Limerick, Ireland,' to Boston, in the United 
States, where he himself was born.'* How 
much Celtic blood there was in his veins, 
we are not exactly informed; but we must 
not be surprised if such a man should ig- 
nore that there was any. 

These instances are lamentable and dis- 
graceful enough; especially' when used by 
a comparatively few persons, towards a 
great body of their fellow subjects, and cit- 
izens of a common country, who have 
done as much as any part of that popula- 
tion to support and maintain that common 
country's glory and renown. No battle 
has been fought, in which England rejoiced, 
from that of Cressy to Alma, but that in 
which the abused Celt has acted a generous 
and noble part, and aided Englishmen in 
their achievements, as the common prop- 
erty of a common country. What, is all 
that has been done by Welshmen, or Scotch- 
men, or Irishmen, in maintaining the rights 
and glory of Britain in the Spanish penin- 
sula, in the Crimea, in India, at Waterloo 
itself, to pass for nothing; or to be paid for 
in unjust reproaches or abuse.'' These 
three Celtic nationalities have not only sus- 
tained their country in war and battle, but 

12. Chamber's Hncyclopedia, Tit. Lyndhurst. 



CONCLUSION OR EPILOGUE. 



added their full share to everything, in the 
literature, the art, and sciences, and the 
civil achievements, which Englishmen 
boast as their own, or as that of the United 
Kingdom. Whatever is achieved by a 
Celt, or whatever is -written in the English 
language, is immediately claimed by those 
who have been denominated Celt haters^ as 
English productions, and their authors as 
Englishmen. Such as Price, Prichard, 
Owens, Lewis, or Jones, born in Wales, or 
of acknoweldged Welsh parents, and un- 
doubted Celtic blood. Or such as the gen- 
ius of Scotland has produced in a Scott, or 
a Burns, or a Hugh Miller, or a Reid. Or 
what the wit and genius of Ireland have 
produced; or the learning of a Burke, or 
the eloquence of a Sheridan, or a Curran, 
or an O'Connell, have added to the renown 
of the English parliament, or the courts: 
all will be claimed for English glory, in 
case they were not calumniated and tra- 
duced as Celts. This animosity exhibited 
by a part of the English people towards 
another portion of their fellow-countrymen, 
who, since the union, especially, Ipave a 
common right and interest in whatever 
concerns the whole country — Great Britain 
and Ireland: and as such should be exempt 
from these. But, at least, it sub- 
jects their traducers to the application 
of an humble English proverb, "That 
it is a foul bird that befouls its own 
nest." With them it would be treason or 
heresy, for one to affirm that such men as 
Prichard, Howell, Sir Wm Jones, Sir G. C. 
Lewis, Baxter, Vaughan, or any of the like 
names of a thousand, were Welshmen; or 
that Burke, Sheridan, Moore, or Goldsmith, 
were Irishmen; or that Ferguson, Reid, 
Campbell, Burns, or Thomson were Scotch- 
men, and all of them of a Celtic lineage: 
or to affirm that Shakspeare and Milton 
were the descendants of Celtic ancestors, 
and that their writings and peculiarities 
prove them such; yet this has been fre- 
quently*stated by the best of judges and 
critics. 

Generally speaking, when an author 
writes in English, or speaks the English 
language fluently, he is claimed to be an 
Englishman, and is no longer reproached 



446 



THE MODERN PERIOD. 



with being a Celt, unless, like Sir Walter 
Scott, he will still insist upon being a Celt, 
and glory in the achievements of his coun- 
trymen. It would be greatly to the advan- 
tage ot" all, if the business and educational 
language of Great Britain and Ireland were 
that of the English language, for this is 
fast becoming the language of the world; 
and every gentleman of these three coun- 
tries learns to speak English as though it 
was his mother tongue, and retains his 
Celtic speech as a dead language, as he 
does his Latin and Greek. The people of 
the Lowlands of Scotland, those of the 
country between the Severn and Ofta's 
dyke, and those on the peninsula between 
Bristol and the British Channel, have long 
since adopted the English as their mother 
tongue; and this will now soon be the case 
under all the facilities now afforded for that 
purpose, with the residue of those countries. 
This will subserve their own interests, as 
well as those of the other parts of the whole 
country. 

But this change of language does not 
change the blood of the race. The Afri- 
cans of the United States, because they 
speak English onlv, do not become En- 
glish, or their descendants, Aryans. A 
vast amount of people now speak the En- 
glish language only, who are the descen- 
dants of the Ancient Britons, or the Celts, 
and these pass for English, though they are 
wholly unlike the Teutons; and the Ger- 
mans say so, so unlike are they, that noth- 
ing is more common here than to hear the 
Germans talk of their desire to Germanize 
the English of America. The English 
language, and the English themselves, are 
the production of modern times; and there 
is little, or nothing, in either like the lan- 
guage or the people of the ancient Saxons 
This is perfectly apparent when one exam- 
ines the poem of Cctdmon in the original, 
or read the description of the Saxons when 
the Normans came, or even in the time of 
Henry I.»3 

It was not until modern times that the 
English people and their language were 
formed. This did not take place, as Mac- 



Ens' 



See ante, B. V, ch. ii. i Macaulay's Hist. 
I p. II. I Hume, p. 246;'also the Appendix i. 



[Bowk v- 

aulay says, until the various elements of 
which they and it are composed, were 
melted down into a new and homogeneous 
and coinposite individuality, wholly unlike 
their original elements, but retaining some 
traces and analogy of each. But the En- 
glish is wholly unlike the original Saxon, 
the language ot Ccedmon. The mistake 
that English authors make in considering 
the English language to be identical with 
the Saxon, is in consequence of their tak- 
ing the Anglo-Saxon of a later date, as 
that of Alfred, as evidence of what the 
Saxon was, originally. In the course of 
tnose four hundred years, the language had 
materially changed, by their intercourse 
\\ith the Britons, so that the language of 
the Saxons had changed in the Anglo- 
Saxon of Alfred, and of subsequent 
times; but the great change in lan- 
guage was still at a later period: as it was 
with the people themselves, when they 
were still more mixed up with Danes 
and the Normans, of William the Con- 
queror, and the vast amount of Celtic- 
Fiench who came with him. It was this 
amalgamation of races which formed the 
English people, and produced their modern 
language. The English language then be- 
gan to grow, but did not acquire its full 
form, so as to be fully distinguished as the 
language of Milton, until about the time of 
Gower and Chaucer, a period of about a 
thousand years from the first advent of the 
Saxons. In the mean time there was a 
constant intercourse between the Saxons 
in Britain and the Britons themselves. 
The British army under Cadwallon, and 
that of the British-Saxons under Penda, 
were for a number of years united in their 
operations and war, at least two hundred 
years before Alfred's time; and that inter- 
course w'as ever kept up, as much as it was 
between Wessex and Northuinbria. Mar- 
riages were going on between the two peo- 
ple, in their highest as well as in the lower 
ranks of their societies in their respective 
provinces. The Saxons generally came as 
single men, as warriors, and took for their 
wives the British women they chose. The 
rest of the population who married, cultiva- 
ted the land, and manufactured tor them. In 



CONCLUSION OR EPILOGUE 



Chap. IV.] 

this intercourse tlie English language was 
lormed, wholly unlike the Saxon; and 
as much of it is due to the Britons as to 
the Saxons. London and its vicinity was 
its headquarters, Irom whence it spread out ; 
and even in our own day the learned men 
ot London, and the people of distant parts 
of England could hardly understand each 
other. Here, then, were found the fathers 
of the English language, and not among 
the Angles or Saxons who came from the 
Elbe or Eider. Instead of English being 
imported from thence to England and 
Scotland, It was London that sent it to 
Scotland and Friesland. Itwas carried into 
Scotland by James I, who had been educa- 
ted in London, by Henry IV, and from hjs 
time, by other intercourse with the English, 
— and St. Boniface and other missicmaries, 
carried it to Friesland. There is no other 
way of accounting for the similarity of the 
languages found in those three countries^ 
when the old Saxon was so totally unlike 
the English.'-* This is my conjecture, 
which, upon a thorough examination, I 
doubt not will be so found. The contrary 
is only proved by taking the recent Saxon, 
moditied by the English, as what the Saxon 
was, when it was brought over to England. 
England, English, and Anglo-Saxon are 
all modern names. Even the name of 
England was unknown until about the 
time of Athelstan, about four or five hun- 
dred years after the Saxons came. 

Such were the materials out of which 
the English people and the English lan- 
guage have been formed; originally, prin- 
cipally Saxon and British, the growth of 
British soil, and not that of Germany. 
Since then, additional Celtic blood has been 



14. Latham's Ethnology of the British Islands, p. 
215, where it is said: " It is only certain that as early 
as the 9th century there were continental writers 
who atlributed to the Germans of Britain, movements 
from the Island to the Continent, as far back from 
their own time as the 5th century. Naj', later still, 
there were some historians who wholly reversed the 
order of Ang^lo-Saxon migration, and deduced the 
true Fatherland Germans from England." So that 
the English, or the resemblance of English in Fries- 
land, is more to be attributed to their intercourse with 
London, than that the English people owe their lan- 
guage to the Saxons or the Frieslanders. This is a 
subject which needs a more thorough investigation. 
It is a cosmopolitan language, borrowed from every 
other, which the English have assimilated, and made 
it a new language ot their own. 



447 

constantly added to the original stock.15 
First came the Danes and Norwegians, a 
very different people from the Saxons; and 
then came the Normans, an almost pure 
Celtic blood, whose fathers were only com- 
paratively a few Norwegian soldiers, who 
by treaty took possession of Rouen, and 
then the goyernment of the whole of Nor- 
mandy, married native wives, and were in 
themselves in proportion to the Celtic popu- 
lation of the country, only one to several 
hundred : and to this disproportion they were 
constantly receiving additional Celtic stock 
by constant marriages with the people of 
Armorica. The Norman conquest greatly 
increased the Celtic stock of the English 
people. Since then other additions of pure 
Celtic blood have been made: i. From 
the Welsh, as the Tudors, the Williams, 
the Jones, Evans, Owens, and others; .2. 
From the Scots, as the Stuarts, the Camp- 
bells, the Murrays, the Gordons, McLean, 
Macaulay, and others ; 3. From the Irish, 
as the Burkes, the Sheridans, the O'Con- 
nell, O'Connor, and others; and then on 
the female line, constant additions were 
made, as in the case of Lord Palmerston, 
whose mother was a Miss Mee, or Meehan, 
a pure Celt. We are also informed that> 
some years since, three young Irish ladies 
came from Ireland to London, by the name 
of Guning. They were most charming 
girls, and became stars in English society, 
and each became married to an English 
peer. In every such intermixture, the En- 
glish are becoming more and more Celtic, 
for, says Latham, "The Gael or Briton who 
marries an English wife, transmits on his 
owi^part, a pure Celtic strain, whereas, no 
Englishman can effect a similar infusion of 
German, his own breed being more or less 
hybrid." " The process," says Macaulay, 
"by which these elements have been melted 
dtiwn into one homogeneous mass, are not 
accurately known to us." But we may 
conceive it is by the ordinary process that 
families are ordinarily formed; and that 
process is still going on. 

Thus we may claim that the English 
people are not Teutons, but Britons slightly 

15. See ante note, this ch. 



44* 

tinctured with the Saxon, but eminently 
interested in everything that is British, 
from tlie earliest time to the present day. 
The Germans themselves say that the En- 
glish are not Teutons, but are a different 
breed. That difference must depend upon 
their intermixture with the Ancient Britons 
— the Celts; and the pure Celt more 
easily becomes an Englishman, than a Ger- 
man ordinarily can. This is proved by ex- 
amination of their history, 16 language, eth 
nology, and of their physiology, as well as 
of their cranium, taste and style. It is, 
therefore, not a question to be determined 
by prejudice or whim, but by investigation 
and science. 

This question does not concern the Brit- 
ish people alone ; for it equally concerns us 
in America to be truly informed to what 
race of people we belong: and whatever 
character, morally and intellectually it may 
be. The Germans, of course, have a right 
to claim that they are pure Teutons. But 
they themselves claim that the people of 
the Low Lands, along the German or 
Northern Sea and Atlantic Ocean, from 
Brittany to the north of Norway, are not 
a pure Teutonic race, but a mixture of sev- 
eral races, as the Teutons, the Sclaves, and 
the Cimbri. Ptolemy, the geographer, who 
wrote in the 2d century of the Christian 
era, places the several tribes, occupying 
this whole coast, in his time, and this is the 
latest account we have until after the dark 
ages. He places the Cimbri at the very 
north end of the Cimbric Chersonesus, 
now Denmark. Of course, this v/as after 
that great body of Cimbri, who left near 
the mouth of the Elbe, many centuries be- 
fore; and after those had left there, with the 
Teutons, to invade the Roman Empire, in 
the time of Marius. Those noticed by 
Ptolemy, were the remnants still left there, 
who became mixed and assimilated with 
the Danes and Norwegians, in conjunction 
with the Sclaves ; which will account for 
their differing so much from the Teutonic 



16. See Turner's History of the Ang-lo- Saxons; 
Thierry's Hist, of the Norman Conquest; Prof. M. 
Arnold's Celtic Literature; Dort Nicholas' Pedigiet; 
of the English People; Mr. Owen Pike's, The En- 
glish and their Origin; Prof. John Fiske's, "Are We 
Celts or Teutons?". 



THE MODERN PERIOD 



[Book V 

races. This association of the Danes and 
Norwegians with the Celtic people, shows 
that Rollo and his Normans were some 
mixed with the Cymric-Celts, when they 
first came to Normandy, and were more 
acceptable to the natives of Neustria. 

The theory of the few Celt-haters among 
the English, has taken root with a few 
among u§ in America; and they have taken 
it upon trust, without an examination: and, 
like all such theories, it takes well because 
it is cheap, and formed to their hands with- 
out any study. They are taken by such 
bold assertions as that the English were 
free from any intermixture with the Brit- 
ons, and borrowed nothing from their lan- 
guage, unless it be the word, basket; and 
that the Britons and Welsh were unac- 
quainted with maritime affairs, and were 
onh' acquainted with their coracles. They 
either ignore or deny the fact that a great 
many Welshmen, whose names have been 
already suggested, have greatly added to 
English literature and English fame. The 
same may be said of Scotchmen and Irish- 
men; but then all the fame and renown 
thus acquired, are attributed to English- 
men. How much of English literatare, or 
fame, or renown would be left, if all were 
taken from them that inay be justly attrib- 
uted to one or another of the sons of these 
three Celtic peoples.'' This would put it to 
a severe test; and under it, in the opinion 
of many fair critics, the works of Shaks- 
peare and Milton would be included, as 
those of the descendants of the Ancient 
Britons, or those of Celtic origin. 

This opposition to the just claims of the 
Celts in America, I am disposed to contest 
upon personal observation here, and not 
like that which has been said concerning 
the British people, which was wholly 
founded upon evidence deduced from his- 
tory. This disfavor towards the Celt has 
been aided here by a few Englishmen, who 
have come over, and written about us in 
the United States. At the commencement 
of the late Rebellion, an Englishman came 
here as reporter for the London Times, 
whose name, I think, was Dr. Russell, 
who made many observations in dis- 
paragement of the Celt, and in laudation of 



Chap. IV.] 

the Teuton. He spoke of, and compared 
those of the name cf Hampden and Thur- 
low, I believe, when compared with the 
Mc's and the O's; and how much better 
men the former names produced than the 
latter. Either this or some other person, 
made also this statement: That the Teu- 
tonic or Anglo-Saxon race were far more 
prosperous than the Celt; that if fifty fam- 
ilies of each were settled in Edinburgh, 
under similar circumstances, a few years 
would find the first successful and prosper- 
ous, while the latter would be among the 
unprosperous and degraded. This is the 
substance of the statements, and it is be- 
lieved they were found in the Times. The 
Times is not to be held responsible for the 
sentiments of the reporter, who alone mvist 
be responsible. I understand that the en- 
terprising and distinguished- proprietor of 
the Times is a Mr. Walters. I know not 
how this is, but, judging from the name, I 
would risk any odds upon the fact that Mr. 
Walters would find himself a descendant 
of the Ancient Britons; and not many gen- 
erations back he wovild find his parentage 
in Wales. My observations in America 
would not sustain Dr. Russell in his obser- 
vations and comparison between the Hamp- 
dens and the Mc's and 0's.i7 The Irish 
have been an oppressed people, compelled to 
seek labor and subsistence in other coun- 
tries, under poverty and adversity. In 
very differently when they were oppressed 



CONCLUSION OR EPILOGUE. 



449 



17. Since writing^ this I tind in Mr. Darwin's " De- 
scent of Man," Vol. I, ch. v, p. 167, where he says: 
"Thus the reckless, degraded, and often vicious mem- 
bers of society tend to increase at a quicker rale Ihan 
the provident and generally virtuous members. Or, 
as Mr. Greg put the case, ' The frugal, lore -seeing-, 
self-respecting, ambitious Scot, stern in his moraht}^, 
spiritual in his faith, sagacious and disciplined in 
his Intelligence, passess his best years in struggles 
and celibacy, marries late, and leaves few behind 
him. Given a land originally peopled by a thousand 
Saxons and a thousand Celts, and in a dozen genera- 
tions iive-si.'cths of the population would be Celts, 
but five -sixths of the property, of th<; power of the 
intellect, would belong to the one-sixth of the Sax- 
ons tiiat remained. In the eternal struggle tor exis- 
tence, it would be the inferior and least favored race 
that had prevailed; and prevailed by virtue, not of 
it« good qualities, but of its faults.' " While I con- 
cede to this article all it says in favor of the Scots, 
who are and must be, essentially, the descendants of 
the Ancient Britons, and those who so nobly fought 
for iheir independence under Galgacus; yet I must 
protest against its spirit as to what is said in its com- 
parison of the Saxons and the Celts, to judg-e on my 
extensive observation in America, as being untrue, 
and founded in prejudice, and upon false and unwar- 
ranted classification. 



judging of the merits and capacity of a 
race, it is necessary, in order to do justice, 
that we should take into the account the 
circumstances of oppression or freedom by 
which such race was surrounded. Thus 
the Anglo-Saxons should be judged of 
for ages by the Normans, and the whole 
race — even the noblemen — becoming serfs, 
voluntarily, rather than bear the opppres- 
sive hand of their masters in freedom. 
Then the Anglo-Saxons were held in op- 
pressive contempt, and calumniated by the 
Normans, in derision, as slow, ignorant, 
and degraded people. They would be en- 
titled to a very different judgment when 
the same people became freemen, and for a 
long time enjoying a free government un- 
der the civilizing influences of the later 
English government. 

Every race, Teuton as well as Celt, will 
occasionally show a poor, declining and de- 
graded family, and I have seen some of 
these among the descendants of the Anglo- 
Saxons as well as among the Celts. Wheth- 
er they were the descendants of the young- 
er sons of nobility, oppressed and pushed 
down to lower grades, I am not for a cer- 
tainty informed; but of truth we maj' say, 
"we always find the poor among us." But 
as to the Mc's and O's, I must say that 
both in the British Islands and in America 
they possess some of the most talented men 
of genius and intelligence of either country ; 
the Irish in America have among them as 
prosperous and exalted families in society 
as any race. Among the Irish and their 
descendants are enumerated such men as 
T. A. Emmet, Charles O'Connor, Brady, 
Gen. Jackson, Calhoun, Greeley, A. T. 
Stewart, the prince of merchants, and the 
list may be increased to an}' extent. They 
frequently come here poor and degraded, 
having been for generations oppressed and 
robbed of the native wealth of their coun- 
try, and in a few years we find some of 
them among the most successful and pros- 
perous men in the country. I have now 
in my mind a lawyer who holds a high 
rank in his profession, whose parents came 
here quite poor, and to be employed on our 
canals and railroads. In 1832, while on 
f heir way, the parents were taken with the 



450 



THE MODERN PERIOD. 



cholera and died, leaving an infant child — 
the future lawyer — an orphan, dependent 
npon charitable and kind friends unknown 
to the parents. B ut the Irish infant grew 
up, was educated, and ranked first amongst 
lawyers of Anglo-Saxon and Teutonic de- 
scent. Another instance, not very unlike 
it, where an Irish boy was by an accidental 
friend selected for a West Point cadet. He 
made a gallant officer — one of the most 
distinguished and renowned of the late re- 
bellion. Instances of this kind, where an 
Irish youth has made his way up in the 
world in the midst of the best Anglo-Sax- 
ons or Teutons, are not rare. His wit and 
activity often gives him a fascination. 
When a fair opportunity is given to him, 
the Irish Celt is not behind the Anglo-Sax- 
on or Teuton in the battle of life. In my 
immediate neighborhood is a street a quar- 
ter of a mile in length, from the iron bridge 
to the depot, every family in which is an 
Irish family living on their own lots, with 
good, substantial, neat and comfortable 
homes, all painted, who came here about 
twentv-five years since poor and depressed, 
and compelled then to live in shanties. No 
people, under the circumstances, have done 
or can do better than these. If some of 
our German immigrants are better off in 
the world, it is because they came here un- 
der better circimistances ; not that they 
have done or can do better under their 
circumstances since they have been here. 

I have nothing to say against the Ger- 
mans; they have great qualities and merits 
of their own. The Teuton and the Celt 
are the two best races of the world ; each 
has his superior points and their concomi- 
tant foibles; each is very industrious and 
productive. The German may, as a gen- 
eral rule, hold on to what he gets with a 
more severe grip, because he is a little 
more selfish, the Celt a little more free and 
generous; but both in his way equally in- 
dustrious and productive — few loafers or 
loungers to be found with either. But what 
is insisted upon is, that though the Teuton 
and the Celt have each their peculiar mer- 
its and good points more strikingly develop- 
ed in the one than in the other. What is a 
striking merit in the one is only a little 



[Book V 

le&s so in the other, or answered by coun- 
tervailing qualities in the other, aud each 
merit has its concomitant foible or evil; so 
that, upon the whole, the characteristics of 
the two races are pretty well balanced. The 
difference is more in the circumstances by 
which each have been surrounded. What 
I protest against is that neither should be 
calumniatecfor traduced by prejudice and 
hatred, and the one extolled at the expense 
of the other. Each has his peculiar merits 
and let him stand there. In taking the ac- 
count, the fact should not be overlooked 
that the Irish — the extreme wing of the 
Celtic race— have been an oppressed and 
injured people by all their surrounding 
neighbors — the Saxons and Anglo-Saxons, 
the Danes and Scandinavians, the Nor- 
mans and English; but happily now, in a 
great measure, that is being removed and 
a better government, guided by the princi- 
ples of Christianity, humanity and justice, 
being extended to them. And is to be 
hoped that Ireland, under her better auspi- 
ces, may yet recover and hold a position as 
she did in the sixth and seventh centuries, 
when she sent her missionaries and schol- 
ars to the rest of Europe. 

We often see it stated in English papers, 
and perhaps in the Times as often as any, 
that America is to be a Celtic country, that 
a majority of the people are Celts or their 
descendants. It is believed that this is true, 
though that was undoubtedly said with a 
view that it should be a reproach. The 
immigration of Erench, Welsh, Scotch and 
Irish, and the mixture of Celtic blood in the 
English, render us far more Celtic than 
Teutonic. 18 The Irish emigration alone 
exceeds that of the German. The German 
here often talks of Germanizing America, 
but the previous hold that the people from 
the British Islands had acquired renders 
that now impossible. It is now impossi- 
ble for them to change the habits and the 
moral and religious feeling of fitly millions 
of people. Americanism is now too deep- 
ly fixed to be so eradicated or changed. 
Nor is it really to be desired ; we have too 



iS Those who doubt this let them examine Prof. 
Fiske's essay, "Are we Celts or Teutons," in Ap- 
pleton's Journal, October, 1S69; also, Nicholas, 
Pike and Arnold on the same subject. 



Chap. IV.] 

many evidences of its moral good and pros- 
perity tor any such desire. Wliat was not 
long since said by a distinguished member 
of the British parliament upon this subject 
may be appealed to as truth, and admitted 
by every unprejudiced observer. Mr. 
Bright, in speaking of the United States, 
said : "That great and free people, the most 
instructed in the world — there is not an 
American to be found in the New England 
states who cannot read and write, and there 
are not three men in the whole Northern 
states who cannot read and write, and those 
who cannot read and write are those who 
have recently come from Europe." Upon 
another occasion he said : "Considering the 
short space of time to which their history 
goes back, there is nothing on the face of 
the earth besides, and never has been, to 
equal the magnificent ai'rangement of the 
churches and ministers and of all the ap- 
pliances which are thought necessary for a 
nation to teach Christianity and morality 
to its people. Besides all this, their econo- 
my in the annual public expenses is won- 
derful; and there has always existed 
amongst all the population an amount of 
comfort and prosperity and abounding 
plenty such as I believe no other country 
in the world, in any age, has displayed." 

Now if it be said that this country, in the 
main, is a Celtic country, so be it, as I really 
■ claim it is ; the Irish are numerous, as it 
has been already said, and outnumber the 
Germans. Then comes the French — Hu- 
guenots and others — all of whom stand in 
need of no eulogy here, are numerous and 
important citizens throughout the country. 
Then come the Scots, who from the earli- 
est times, with their prudence, industry, 
talents and genius, have been adding to 
the wealth and prosperity of the country, 
as their names in brilliant numbers every- 
where indicate. 

It has been frequently remarked by these 
prejudiced writers on the subject that the 
Celts were incapable of being successful 
colonists, compared with the Teutons. This 
too is a great mistake, founded upon preju- 
dice and a partial view of facts, and not 
making due allowance for those facts and 
cii'cumstances upon which those opinions 
• 29 



CONCLUSION OR EPILOGUE. 451 

were founded. In all the original settle" 
ments of the United States, from the first 
to the present time, a full share ofthe Brit- 
ish emigrants were due to the Celtic fami- 
ly, either the Welsh, Scotch, Irish or Hu- 
guenots. This was the case with the set- 
tlement of New England and Virginia; in 
the Mayflower there were some Welsh 
people and, for aught I know, some Scotch 
and Irish. However that may be, it is cer- 
tain that these Celtic families form a large 
portion of the people of every state in the 
Union. They gave tone and force to the 
sentiment which brought forth the revolu- 
lution and formed the constitution. 

I. The Huguenots,iy numerous refugees 
from the oppression of France. These 
were connected with the names of Nantes 
and Tours in France, the very home of 
the Cymric Celts of that country. These 
came and formed very important and intel- 
ligent settlements in every state from those 
of New England to Florida, and in the his- 
tory of this country have placed high the 
names of Jay, Laui-ens, Marion, Bayard 
and others. 

II. The Scotch, who have settled in 
every part of the country, and have 
greatly added to its fame as well as to 
its prosperity; they have honored every 
profession as well as filled with credit 
every place, and given us numerous names 
of renown,as Weatherspoon, Breckenridge, 
Wilson, MacLean, Scott and others, who 
have here sustained their well earned rep- 
utation in their native land. 

III. Thelrish, who are to be found 
in every part of the Union; distin- 
guished for their generous sympathies, 
their wit and activity, as well as for 
talent and genius of every kind; and, not- 
withstanding their being calumniated and 
traduced by their special enemies, are 
adinired by all who have generosity 
and sympathy to perceive and acknowledge 
the meriti^ and energy of a people who are 
capable of rising so far above the misfor- 
tunes and oppressions of their race. This 
augurs well, that under the great reform 



19 See in the New American Cyclopasdia for this 
article, Vol. ix, p. 337, wiiere a very interestiuif arti- 
cle is found of Ine Hnj^uennts and llieir emia-ratioa 
to America. 



452 



THE MODERN PERIOD 



that the British government appears now 
to be disposed to render Ireland in accord- 
ance with the policy and views of William 
Pitt, in return for ages of injustice, robbery 
and oppression, that the Irish at home will 
be able, as in this country, to acquire and 
retrieve a position in the United Kingdom 
to which they are entitled under the great 
natural gifts that Providence has bestowed 
upon them and their country. But it is to 
be hoped that they will seek their future 
prosperity as a member, as .they now are, 
of the United Kingdom, under a stern de- 
mand for equal justice Sind humanity, in- 
stead ot a chimerical reparation and disso- 
lution.20 

IV. The Welsh or Cymry, though 
last, not least — the descendants of the 
Ancient Britons — have materially aided in 
the settlement and prosperity of the United 
States. They were found among the earli- 
est immigrants to New England and Vir- 
ginia. William Penn, the founder of Penn- 
sylvania, who himself claimed to be a de- 
scendant of the Ancient Britons who lived 
in Devon and other counties south and 
west of Bristol, had a warm side and par- 
tiality for the Welsh, and held forth every 
encouragement for the Welsh to settle 
in Pennsylvania. Large settlements of 
them were formed in the vicinity of Phila- 
delphia — Chester, Delaware and other 
counties in the state. These became flour- 
ishing settlements, long retaining their an- 
cient language, the Cymraeg, and became 
distinguished for their patriotism during 
the revolution. But the same course of 
events overtook them which has every- 
where, in England and America, overtaken 
them and converted their descendants into 
an English speaking people, though priid- 
ing themselves upon being of the blood 
and descendants of the Ancient Britons, 
though by strangers taken to be of English 
descent, and found among the most promi- 
nent people of the state, yet fully acknow- 
ledging their- ancient lineage, and known 
by such names as Morris, Merideth, Lewis, 
Evans, Griffith, Merrick, Williams, and the 
like, who have occupied every honorable 

30 As to the merits of the Irish people, see ante, 
this chapter. 



[Book V. 

station in every office and profession in the 
state and Union. Robert Morris was the 
great financier of the revolution; Gen. Cad- 
wallader was known as a military man and 
special friend of Washington ; Oliver Evans, 
of Philadelphia, was the first to invent and 
set in motion a steam carriage and steam 
boat. 

Of these people who rendered important 
services during the revolution, or since, in 
forming the government of the several 
states and Union, their numbers are singu- 
larly great and their service and positions 
distinguished. It is said that there were 
fourteen of them who signed the declara- 
tion of independence, and their names are 
easily distinguished upon it. But in the 
army of the revolution their numbers are 
surprisingly great, as the Putnams, Mor- 
gans, Lees, Humphreys, Cadwallader, 
Wayne, Shelby, the hero of the King's 
mountain and of the Thaines, the late gov- 
ernor of Kentucky, and numerous others 
might be mentioned. But it is not alone 
among the warriors that we find them, but 
amidst every profession and every position 
requiring intellect, industry and fidelity. 
New England has had many of them, and 
first of these should be remembered Roger 
Williams, the founder of Rhode Island, 
who was the first to teach to the American 
people, in accordance with his Cymric edu- 
cation, to insist itpon the right and freedom 
of individual conscience, and the right of 
religious liberty. To him we niay add 
Jonathan Edwards, one of the great intel- 
lects of America; Daniel Webster, whose 
father was a Scotchman and his mother a 
Welsh woman; Morse, the geographer, 
and father of Morse, the inventor of the 
telegraph; Breese, of Utica, the father of 
Commodore and Judge Breese, of Illinois. 
But in New York they have been numer- 
ous as governors, judges, chancellors and 
members of Congress, as Floyd, Lewis, 
Morgan, Jones and others. In Virginia 
they have been specially distinguished, as 
President Jefferson, Chief Justice Marshall, 
Benjamin Watkins Leigh, the distinguished 
jurist, and the late General G. H. Thomas. 
We might thus go over the whole of the 
United States, but they become toonumer- 



Chap. IV.] 

ous; but we might say that of the numer- 
ous families who claim an ancient British 
descent is the distinguislied family of the 
Beechers. 

As to the Welsh of America, this may 
be noted as a contrast between them and 
the German settlers, that the latter are 
noted for their acquisition of rich lands at 
any cost, while the former will accept such 
lands as Providence seems to throw readily 
into their hands and deem it their duty to 
improve them. While there are many in- 
stances where the Welsh have made good 
choice of fertile lands for their settlements, 
there are some instances where it has been 
otherwise. About the commencement of 
the present century an emigration came 
from Wales and made a settlement on the 
Alleghany mountains in Pennsylvania, 
which they first called Bula. Their settle- 
ment lias since received the name of Ebens- 
burg, and has become the capital of Cam- 
bria county. They immediately upon 
their settlement proceeded to erect a church 
and a school house. Although their place 
was a mountainous, hard and sterile land, 
their industry and perseverance made them 
a thriving and prosperous community. The 
Germans equally wondered at their choice 
of place and at tlieir success. Tlie Ger- 
mans had been for ages taught by their 
feudal tenures to look upon the land as that 
of the lord of the manor, and that their in- 
terest in it to be nothing unless it was in 
the fertility of the land.' The Welsh, how- 
ever, had not generally been subjected to 
feudal tenures, except in those parts con- 
quered by the Saxons before prince Llew- 
ellyn's time, and every man held his land 
in fee as by the civil law, and looked upon 
it as his home, and cultivated it with an af- 
fection for it, though it might be sterile and 
rugged. The feudal tenures they always 
opposed and fought. The Ebensburg peo- 
ple, therefore, when asked how they came 
to make choice of so rugged a place for 
their settlement, replied that it w^as more 
the result of accidental circumstances than 
of choice; that it was now the home of 
their affection, and as a part of God's crea- 
tion they were bound to cultivate it; and 
wherever Providence cast to them their 



CONCLUSION OR EPILOGUE. 



453 



lot, their industry would make it product- 
ive, even if the rock required to be pounded 
into tilth. 

Another instance of a similar kind hap- 
pened at what is now called Steuben, in 
the midst of the elevated hills about fifteen 
miles north of Utica in New York. A 
large settlement of Welsh people settled 
there in a few years after the revolutionary 
war. General Steuben, at the close of his 
services to the United States, had a tract 
of land given to him in Steuben, and about 
the close of the last centuiy settled upon 
it. Me soon became attached to his Welsh 
neighbors, who, by their honest industry 
and faithfulness, gained his confidence and 
regard. The general, by his testamentary 
will, devised a part of his land to a neigh- 
boring Welsh congregation, reserving ten 
acres of it for his own burying ground, and 
entrusted the care of it to the congregation ; 
so that the Teutonic general entrusted his 
body and last resting place to the care and 
honesty of his Celtic neighbors, which 
trust, I believe, has been honestly and 
faithfully performed. The Steuben people, 
soon after their settlement there, by their 
industry, made their hilly and sterile coun- 
try flourish, and became known in New 
York city as one of the most flourishing 
dairy countries in that State. Similar in- 
stances might be pointed out in other parts 
of the United States, but this must suffice. 
In reviewing the history of the Ancient 
Britons, the candid student -will observe 
and be compelled to admit how important 
a part the Britons occupied in ancient times, 
and their descendants not only in the west 
and north of Britain, but must also occupy 
in England itself. History and science 
prove this. No country was ever con- 
quered by a race of the same family, as the 
Saxous and Britons were of the same fami- 
ly of the human race — the Arj'an — but 
where the original race become an import- 
ant part of the new people formed by the 
conquest. This is everywhere proved by 
history, and as apparent in England, Nor- 
mandy, and in all other counti-ies, as it is 
fully shown by their history, and proved 
by all the investigation into the present 
physical and moral characteristics of its 



THE MODERN PERIOD. 



454 
people.2i 

The course of history shows this; and 
though in England the Saxons, in their 
conquest, swallowed up that portion of the 
Ancient Britons in England, known as the 
Lloegrians, who became Anglo-Saxons;*^ 
but the residue maintained their position 
in Britain until modern times, in all the 
west and north from the British Channel 
to the Cheviot Hills, the south line of Scot- 
land ; and thence all the north of Britain, 
which includes as the descendants of the 
Ancient Britons, the people of Strath- 
Cljde, the Picts and Scots: the latter hav- 
ing emigrated from Southern Britain to 
avoid the Romans, to the north ot Ireland, 
and thence to Scotland; where they united 
with the Picts as a common people. The 
English from the first landing of the Sax- 
ons to the present duy, have been contin- 
ually forming unions with the Britons, not 
only by the well-known union of the two 
people, under Cadwallon and Penda, A. D. 
633; but even earlier, hy their conquest, as-' 
sociations, and marriages : and since by the 
like intercourse. The English and the 
English language is the development of 
this union, and the subsequent addition of 
Dafies, Normans, and other emigrations 
from Cymric France. The British people 
of the present day are a new development 
of ^ race and language, the growth of Brit- 
ish soil; partaking more of their British 
than of their Saxon origin. The Saxons 
constantly carried on their wars in which 
their prominent men were constantly being 
slaughtered; and this was especially the 
case in the war of the Roses : so that the 
old race was constantly disappearing, and 
a new race coming on from the midst of 
the people; and sometimes from its loAvest 
ranks, so that it became difficult, if not im- 
possible, for any one to trace his lineage 
to an Ancient Saxon origin. 

In America the Celt and the Teuton 
meet upon a perfect equality as to their 
political, legal, and social standing; but 
those who are descendants from immigants 
of the British Islands, exceed in overwhelm- 



[Book V. 



21 See ante, B. — , ch. — . 
22. See ante, B. — , ch. — , 



ing numbers those from Germany. The 
descendants^ of the English, Welsh, Scotch, 
and Irish come far nearer those of a deci- 
ded English or Anglo-Saxon origin, in 
manners, habits, and predelictions than 
Germans do to either. Go to the farms of 
the two races, and an Jnnuediate difierence 
is perceived, in their culture and taste. 
While there is a striking similarity in all 
those from the British Islands, there is a 
striking difierence in the Germans. The 
latter, everywhere, cultivate a larger stock 
of horses than the former people. The 
Germans have a larger number of horses 
than of neat cattle ; while all the British 
people cultivate a larger stock of the latter: 
taking great pains to have a fine and choice 
herd and breed of neat cattle ; and this is 
the case whether they claim to be of a Cel- 
tic or Anglo-Saxon origin.23 There is also 
this difference between these two great na- 
tionalities, in their general mode and habit 
of thinking and acting in civil and political 
matters : The Teuton is generally more 
inclined to take care of self — his own indi- 
vidual interests — to the exclusion of that of 
others, or the public. This difierence be- 
tween the two races is by no means always 
so, for instances of the reverse are often 
found; but, then, it is the exception rather 
than the general rule. This individual and 
self-interest leads the Teuton people to pre- 
fer a close centralization, rather than to a 
federal or confederate union of the sur- 
rounding elements; and to look for his in- 
terests to be with those above him, with 
the hopes of arriving there himself, rather 
than with those in his own level, or class. 
The former he supports, the latter he leaves 
every one to take care of himself. The 
Celt is more inclined to sympathize with 
his own class, and to be charitable; to con- 
sider whatever interests man interests him. 
In this respect the Celt is more like the old 
Greek of the republic; the Teuton more like 
the Roman, not of the Republic, but of the 
imperial times of Diocletian and Constan- 
tine the Great. The former tends to build 
up the republic, the federal or confederate 



23. This appears also from a comparison of the 
eniistmcnt upon the tax duphcates, in counties where 
British or German settlements prevailed. 



Chap. IV.] CONCLUSION 

union; and to unite the exterior and several 
parts, for the purpose of controlling the 
tyranny or oppression of the center, as we 
find it to have been in Ancient Greece, 
and now in the United States. The Teu- 
ton tends more to consolidation and cen- 
tralization, as we find it now in Germany, 
with William as emperor, and every man 
a soldier. The Teuton looks to that which 
is above him tor his interest, rather than to 
sympathize for those around him in his 
own level; concentrating his hopes in his 
own elevation, rather than in the conunon 
elevation of his class. "Support and pro- 
tect our lord," savs the Saxon, "for he pro- 
tects me." But says the Cymro, "You 
must not unman the man." To which the 
Scotchman says, "Man is man for a' 
that." And the Irishman affirms, " Man 
must sympathize with man, and defend his 
rights and liberties upon terms of equal 
justice, benevolence, and humanity." The 
Teutonic element was manifest in the Sax- 
on gONcrnment from its origin to the Nor- 
man conquest, when all the landed prop- 
erty, and almost all the wealth of the coun- 
try were in the hands of the sovereign and 
his earls, all descendants of Woden; while 
two-thirds, or three-fourths of the people 
were either slaves or serfs. Of that govern- 
ment the House of Lords is a lineal de- 
scendant, while the House of Commons 
and the Congress of the United States are 
the Representatives of the Celtic elements. 
The Teuton's supreme regard, is power, 
. position, and wealth. The Celt, though he 
regards these, sympathizes still more for 
the individual man, and demands the great- 
est good for the greatest number. Still, 
each of these two great nationalities have 
their better points, and their foibles, while 
both are admitted to be the foremost of the 
world. Here, in the United States, it is 
but seldom that either is found traducing 
or calumniating the other, but admit tiie 
good qualities of each. Hatred is left for 
the calamities of war; but in peace, the cul- 
tivation of the amenities of friendship and 
amnesty. Recently a Northern man met 
a Southerner, who had been a general in 
the Confederate service; and both had been 
engaged against each other in the mortal 



OR EPILOGUE. 



45.5 



conflict of the Rebellion: but, now, the 
war being over, amnesty is cultivated, and 
no blood is spilt on accent of that conflict, 
in hatred and revenge. The Southern gen- 
eral approached the Northern man, and 
said: " Sir, as we now have peace, let us 
shake hands over the bloody cavern.'' " No, 
sir:" said the other, "not over a bloody 
cavern, but over a free and happy coun- 
try." 

What has been said in relation to the rel- 
ative character of the two races, has not 
been said in malice, but in the spirit of truth 
and science, in vindication of the Celt from 
what was concei\ed to be a false and un- 
just aspersion against them. All that is 
asked is that the investigation of the sub- 
ject be placed upon the basis of truth and 
humanity. Some take it for granted that 
as the Saxon has conquered, that settles 
the question of their relative merits. But 
it should be remembered that conquest is 
often the result of the advantage that " the 
assailant has over those who act on the de- 
fensive;" and are constantly reinforced 
from their original source. It was thus 
that the Tartars conquered the more civil- 
ized Chinese; the barbarian Turk, the civ- 
ilized Grecian; the northern barbarians, 
civilized Rome; and a thousand similar ex- 
amples, where the result depended more 
upon fortuitous circumstances than upon 
the relative merits of the intellectual and 
moral qualities of the two contending 
races. The Turks, however, contend for 
the rule of success and power; but, possi- 
bly they may change their opinion on this 
subject, as people often have. 

But, is it not true that there is, on the 
part of some, who claim a pure Saxon ori- 
gin, often without any evidence to prove 
it, a sentiment of hatred.? And, if so, is it 
not high time it should be reformed.' We 
find it so stated in Hume, Macaulay, and 
others; and Prof. Arnold, in his superior 
essay on Celtic Literature, repeats the of- 
fensive epithet as lamentable evidence of 
the fact. We all know with what unre- 
strained energy. Lord Nelson expressed his 
hatred of the French ; yet in the next gen- 
eration. Queen Victoria and Napoleon III 
meet in tlie most cordial friendship. The 



4S6 



THE MODERN PERIOD. 



two nations coalesced as allies in the Crime- 
an war; and like Christians forgot their 
animosities. Politicians will express hatred 
of their foreign foes, in order to gain pop- 
ularity with their constituents; and a soldier 
may do the same, for the purpose of crea- 
ting war, that he may have a field to exer- 
cise his profession, and gain fame : but they 
who do it against their fellow-countrymen, 
in time of peace, are to be pitied, for it 
would seem that they acted without rational 
motive, unless it would be a pure mali- 
ciousness. 

If such unfounded and unjust opinion 
and sentiment were prominent, as an unal- 
terable matter, it might be more serious 
and lamentable. But as a fact such senti- 
ments and opinions are <.ften a mere tem- 
porary whim or fashion ; not founded upon 
substantial tacts. Macaulay gives us a 
good instance of this. He tells us of the 
bitter hate and calumny once entertained 
against the Highland Scots, which after 
awhile passed away. "The English nation," 
says Macaulay,24 "still heated by the recent 
conflict, breathed nothing but vengeance. 
The slaughter on the field of battle and on 
the scaifold was not sufficient to slack the 
public thirst (or blood. The sight of the 
tartan inflamed the populace of London 
with hatred, which sho^ved itself by un- 
manly outrages on defenseless captives. A 
political and social revolution took place 
through the whole Celtic region. * * * 
As long as there were Gaelic marauders, 
they had been regarded by the Saxon pop- 
ulation as hateful vermin, who ought to be 
exterminated without mercy. As soon as 
the extermination had been accomplished, 
as soon as tlie cattle were safe, * * * * 



24. Miic.iuluy's History, Vol. 3, ch. 13, 



p. 246. 



[Book. V. 

the freebooter was exalted into a hero of 
romance. As long as the Gaelic dress was 
worn, the Saxon had pronounced it hideous, 
ridiculous, nay, grossly indecent. Soon af- 
ter it had been prohibited, they discovered 
that it was the most graceful drapery in 
Eiu-ope. The Gaelic monuments, the 
Gaelic usages, the Gaelic superstitions, the 
Gaelic verses, began to attract the learned 
the moment they began to disappear." * 
* * =:: "At lenglh this fashion reached a 
point beyond which it was not easy to pro- 
ceed. The last British king who held a 
court in Holyrood, thought that he could 
not give a more striking proof of his respect 
for the usages which had prevailed in Scot- 
land before the Union, than by disguising 
himself in what, before the Union, was 
considered the dress of a thief." 

Thus, it appears from Macaulay, as well 
as others who might be quoted, that there 
was not much reliance to be placed upon 
these hates or fancied affections, for both 
were often the result of anything but that 
which was founded upon facts and justice. 
But now, since the Union, and since the 
government has made so many reforms 
towards an equality of justice and freedom, 
it is to be hoped that the people of the same 
government, and under an Union beneficial 
to all ; and who are at least as much Britons 
as Saxons, will cease to hate, asperse, and 
malign each other: but respect and love 
that Union and people, who have, by a 
common etTort and merit, of both Saxon 
and Celt, extended their rule and influence 
around the whole globe; so that it is not 
so much the hailing of the rexeille as the 
morning sun passes in its daily course 
around the world ; as it is that it carries 
with it the English language, and British 



reedom and civilization. 



APPENDIX. 



NOTE I.— ERRORS IN HISTORY. 



ST. HELENA'S BIRTH-PLACE. 

Truth in history is what gives to it inter- 
est and confidence; and when that is absent, 
history itself sinks into the fable and ro- 
mance. The latter class of writings are 
tolerated when well written, for the reason 
that, when we read them we know them to 
be what they assume to be. But when we 
discover that our history is false, we feel 
indignant at the deception it produces. 
Still, errors do abound in history, and that 
from necessity ; the frail imperfections of 
man, in all cases, in ascertaining the truth, 
and in others from his prejudices or bigotry, 
wh'ch disables him from investigating and 
ascertaining the truth, and satisfies him 
with the errors. 

In our history we have, in several in- 
stances, pointed out the injustice done by 
some English writers to the Celtic race, 
and especially to the Cymry, by prejudices 
and unfounded assertions. The laboring 
oar at which they all labor, is the assertion 
that the Ancient Britons form no part of 
the ancestors of the present English, or 
impart any blood to the present inhabitants 
of England; for the reason, they say, that 
the Ancient Britons were all slaughtered 
or driven to Wales: or that the present 
inhabitants of Wales are not the descen- 
dants of the Ancient Britons. These as- 
sertions are fully and ably refuted by some 
of the best English historians; they also 
contradict each other, for one of these theo- 
ries refutes the other; and the whole is the 
most glaring perversion of the truth of his- 



tory found in the annals of any country. 

These instances need not again be point- 
ed out. They are made specially manifest 
in all that relates to the Celtic race, and 
nothing is so hostile to their antipathie.s as 
as any claim of capacity or honor claimed 
by that gallant, but unfortunate race. Let 
the reader compare Tacitus, Sharon Turner, 
Whitaker, M. Arnold, Thierry, Michelet, 
and Guizot as one class of historians, with 
Gibbon, Macaulay, Green, Woodard, and 
Wright as a class on the opposite side; 
and he can not help but become convinced 
of the unwarranted prejudice and antipa- 
thies of one class of fellow-citizens against 
another, who are fellow-subjects of a com- 
mon country, entitled to equal justice and 
forbearance and common rights. In the 
United Slates, after a most bloody and ter- 
rific war, between two classes of people, 
now that the war is over, an effort is made 
by all good citizens to forget and forgive 
their former difierences, and shake hands — 
not over a bloody cavern, but over a free, 
happ3', and prosperous country. Should 
this example be followed by that class of 
English writers referred to, it might be the 
means of restoring peace and good will 
to their fellow-subjects; especially now, 
since the whole of the British Islands 
have become a common country and 
nationality to all their people, under the 
renowned name of " The United Kingdom 
of Great Britain and Ireland: thus giving 
to all the common protection and prestige 
of that glorious name of Briton and 
British. 



458 



Macaula^^ Latham, and others show 
how great a variety of nationalities, people, 
and language of which the English people 
and their language are composed. The 
former author speaks of these various ele- 
ments being "melted down " until they 
have become one nationality. Of these 
those of a Celtic origin form the greatest 
portion of the present British people. Be- 
sides the Celtic elements that entered into 
this composition at the first entrance of the 
Saxon conquest, there has been ever since 
a constant addition to it by immigration 
from Celtic countries, as from France, Nor- 
mandy, Brittany, Wales, Scotland, and 
Ireland, who have amalgamated with the 
Saxon until that element has been "melted 
down," so that the people have become 
more truly a British people th'an that of the 
character of their Saxon origin; and so 
very different from the Teutons of the 
continent. This idea should especiallv re- 
store them to a friendship, q^nd to liberal 
principles of "peace and good will," since 
they have become under the Union, citi- 
zens of a common country and govern- 
ment: that of the United Kingom of 
Great Britam and Ireland. 

At present these benevolent principles 
prevail with a large portion of the British 
people, and give hope that they will soon 
take place of those of evil sentiments of 
prejudice and hatred. ^ This disposition of 
hostility to races first made its special ap- 
pearance in English literature, by a person 
of the name of Pinkerton, then a citizen of 
London, a little over a century since; and 
his antipathies have been kept up by others 
in the present time. By these opponents 
every claim set up by the Celts to their 
credit, has been controverted and contested, 
and everj' merit traduced, without regard 
to facts or history. If any of the great 
heroes of ancient times were claimed to 
be Britons, it was certain to be denied, with 
regret, that they were obliged to give their 
nationality to some other coimtry. Thus, 
Gibbon, in a number of instances, denies I 
to a number of distinguished persons the 
right of British nationality, where history 
most evidently made them such; although 
it is said he has generally treated the Celts 



APPENDIX. _ [Note I. 

with great liberality and fairness. With 
special manifestation of regret that he is 
compelled, by facts, thus to write, he says: 
"The fame of Constantine has rendered 
posterity attentive to the most minute cir- 
cumstances of his life and actions. The 
place of his birth, as well as the condition 
of his mother, Helena, have been the sub- 
jects not only of literary, but of national 
dispute. Notwithstanding the recent tra- 
dition which assigns to her father a British 
king, we are obliged to confess that Helena 
was the daughter of an inn-keeper; but at 
the same time we may defend the legality 
of her marriage against those who have re- 
proached her as the concubine of Constan- 
tus."i And, with great regrcf, he labors 
to make her the daughter of an inn-keeper 
of Drapanum, a town of Nicomedia in 
Asia Minor; or that her lather kept an inn 
at Naissus,!' w^here, he says, it is probable 
that Constantine the Great was born. All 
that Gibbon has said upon the subject is 
carefully written, and is contrary to what 
has been written by bumerous historians. 
We gather the following facts from Gibbon,. 
as well as from other sources of history: 
In the year A. D. 270, Aurelian was made 
emperor. Gaul at the lime was greatly 
overrun by the barbarians He soon sent 
those two distinguished generals, Probus 
and Constantius, to Gaul to recover it, and 
restore it to the full possession of the Ro- 
man laws. This was accomplished by 
them in A. D. 272. At the same time Zen- 
obia, the queen of the East, was making a 
successful progress against the Roman do- 
minion; and Probus was called from his 
operations in Gaul, to assist Aurelian in 
his conquest of the Queen of the East. 
This was during A. D. 273; and in the 
same time, Constantius was left in com- 
mand of Gaul, which had been reduced to 
submission and peace. In 274, Constantius 
was made governor of Moesia, which placed 
him at Naissus, its capital. These facts 
clearly prove the improbable story of Gib- 
bon, that Constantius in the year 273 had 



1. Gibbon's Decline and Fall of the Roman Em- 
pire, Vol 1, ch. xiv, p. 143; and notes H, I. and K. 

2. Naissus is not in Dacia, as Gibbon says, but in 
Upper Moesia, south of the Danube. 



ERRORS IN HISTORY. 



459 



met Helena, a daus^htcr of an inn-keeper 
at Drapanum,or Naissus, and there became 
the father of her child, the Great Constan- 
tine : for that year lie was in command of 
Gaul, and could not have been at either of 
those places: Drapanum being the greater 
part of a thousand miles east of Naissus, 
and the latter place still a far greater dis- 
tance east of Constantius's residence in 
Gaul. The storv is also refuted bjits own 
circumstances, for it is admitted b_y Gibbon, 
and all historians, that Helena must have 
been legally married to Constantius, for 
otherwise, his divorce would not have been 
required. Independent of the ultbi, it is 
the most improbable slory in the world, 
that Constantius, a great Ronian general, 
in the midst of his renown, should, upon a 
casual occasion, meet an inn-keeper's 
daughter at Drapanum, or Naissus, and 
actually marry her. Nothing but prejudice 
would enable an historian to believe so im- 
probable a slory. The best evidence is that 
Constantine the Great was born A. D. 274, 
and the most ancient historians say in Brit- 
ain; and that agrees with circumstances. 
In 270, Constantius, the father, was sent by 
the Emperor Aurelian to reconquer Gaul. 
During 271 and '2, he was actively engaged 
with Probus in that mission. In 273, he 
was governor of the province of Gaul, and 
probablj' that year built his town of Con- 
stances, in Gaul, a sea port on the British 
Channel, as stated by Henry of Hunting- 
don's Chronicle.3 It was here, or in Brit- 
ain, that Constantius Chlorus met Helena 
as a British princess, and married her. 
This also agrees with an old British history, 
which I, many years since, read, but which 
I can not now cite; but it was as reliable 
as any other history on the subject, which 
stated that that year Constantius was called 
from Gaul to Colchester or Camelodium, 
in Britain, as an arbitrator in a matter there 
in litigation, where he met Helena, the 
daughter of King Coel, of Colchester, 
whom he then married.^ This agrees with 
all the acknowledged facts, and all the 

3. See this History in Bohn's Antiquarian Lib. p. 
28. 

4. See also " Six Old English Chronicles," in 
Bohn's Lib., GeofFrey of Monmouth, p. 162; also 
Bichard of Cirincester, pp. 444, 446, and 467. 



probabilities of the case; and leaves no ac- 
knowledged fact controverting it. All the 
older historians on the subject, assert Brit- 
ain as the birth-place of Constantine the 
Great; and if he was born there, that ren- 
ders it the probable nativity of his mother. 
They contend that the words of Constan- 
tine's panegyrist, '■'• Britunnias illic oricndo 
nobilies fecisti,''' prove his birth to have been 
in Britain. But Gibbon, under his singular 
partiality, alleges that these celebrated 
words, " may with as much propriety be 
referred to the accession as to the nativity 
of Constantine." Then, if it may be as well 
referred to his nativity, as contended, then 
why not so refer iX.} The only answer is, 
that his pre]udice forbade it. 

Gibbon, in Note K to Chap. XIV, says, 
that there have been three places that con- 
tended for Constantine's birth-place, viz. : 
Britain, Naissia, and Drepanum. To the 
first he decidedly objects; but to the claims 
of the latter two, he appears to be doubtful 
and indilferent which should prevail. He 
says: " It is, indeed, probable enough that 
Helena's father kept an inn at Drepanum, 
and that Constantius might lodge there 
when he returned from a Persian embassy, 
in the reign of Aurelian. But, in the wan- 
dering life of a soldier, the place of his 
marriage, and the place where his children 
are born, have very little connection with 
each other." This sentence is written by 
Gibbon, with very little regard to his own 
sentiment, or that of mankind: it is, 
at least, heartless. But it is also.igainst all 
probability. Constantius was not, during 
the time in question, an embassador to 
Persia ; nor engaged in the war against 
Zenobia, the Queen of the East. That was 
the task of Probus. From A. D. 271 to 
274, Constantius was entirely engaged in 
Gaul ; first as general, and then as governor, 
and, during the latter time, both Spain and 
Britain were also under his command. But 
the supposition that a Roman general of 
Constantius's rank and standing, upon a 
casual, stoppage at an inn-keeper's house, 
would actually take that inn-keeper's 
daughter; who, it is said by her enemies, 
Avas then a hostler-girl, and marry her in so 
public and legal a manner as to induce the 



460 

necessity — in tlie opinion of the Emperor 
Diocletian — of a solemn and public divorce. 
The supposition is preposterous, and contra- 
ry to all morals and even Roman manners. 
Helena at the birth of her son, Constantine, 
was twenty-seven years of age, and it was 
eighteen years after that that she was sol- 
emnly divorced, in order that her husband 
might legitimately marry an emperor's 
daughter. If the marriage had not been 
so legal and notorious, it would have been 
better and easier to have considered Hele- 
na's marriage as illegitimate and void ; and 
thus cut off her children as heirs, to the 
prejudice of the children of the second 
marriage. 

In confirmation of this impi-obable stoi-y 
of Naissus or Drepanum, it has been al- 
leged that Constantius was never in Brit- 
ain until after it was recovered from Car- 
ausius, in 294. But this is said witliout 
any evidence, or probability, to support it. 
Nothing is more probable than that Con- 
stantius, while governor of Gaul, in 273, 
after Probus had gone east; and while it is 
said that both Spain and Britain were 
within the jurisdiction of the governor of 
Gaul, he may have been in Britain. Besides 
the history referred to, states that in that 
year he was called there at Colchester, 
upon an important arbitration, where he 
met Helena and married her. Besides, it is 
no stretch of probability to say, even if there 
was entire absence of evidence of his having 
been then in Britain, that Helena may have 
been married to him at his new city of 
Constances, where she was visiting her 
Cymric friends in Armorica, on whose 
coast the city was built. 

Now, it maybe asked, how came Naissus 
and Drepanum to be mentioned, and that 
Helena attended her father's stable at one 
or the other of those places, as a hostler- 
girl.? These three items can be easily ac- 
counted for. It was eighteen years after 
the marriage when she was divorced; and 
it was thirteen years further, in all thirty- 
one years, before she was relieved from the 
consequences of the marriage, by the death 
of her husband, and the accession of her 
great son. During almost all of that long 
time she lived at Drepanum, a city of B ith- 



APPENDIX. [Note i. 

ynia, at the eastern extremity of the sea o^ 
Marmoria. She was sent there as an eligi- 
ble place for the education of her son. 
There she and her noble son lived many 
years; and Britain had become almost a for- 
gotten country, by means of the wars then 
agitating Gaul and Britain, and the attach- 
ment she formed for her new home. Thus 
she became' forgotten by her native land. 
During that time she was under a cloud, 
especially atler the divorce, and before the 
accession of her son; she was scofted at 
and derided by the members of the new 
court, who had taken her husband away 
from her. But, still, Drepanum had be- 
come to her as her dearest home on earth; 
and after the accession, it was ordered by 
Constantine, the emperor, to receive the 
appellation of Helenapolis, in honor of his 
mother. Constantine was known to have 
lived there while a child, and was educated 
there. In the minds of her enemies who 
little cared who she was, she acquired a 
new biography : the keeper of the house 
in w'hich she lived, became an inn-keeper, 
and she herself became the former's atten- 
dant on the horses of the guests at her 
father's inn. During the time she was 
so under a cloud, thei'e were plenty of per- 
sons at the new court, who aided in robbing 
her of her marriage rights, who were ready 
to give currency to this story. 

Early in the reign of her son, and before 
Christianity was generally adopted by the 
ruling portions of the Roman people, 
Helena, in the enthusiasm of her Christian 
faith, took an early opportunity of visiting 
the Holy Land, and to pay her devotion to 
the birth-place of Christ. At Bethlehem 
she hastened to find the place of the ^table 
and manger in which she acknowledged 
her Savior was born. This gave occasion for 
ridicule by the heathen Roman people, and 
in her case applied the term, stabularia;^ 
which was afterwards used in narrating the 
story of her early life, as evidence of its 
truth, and of her huinble origin, by those 
who know nothing of her British birth, 



5. This word is li-anshited, " a tender of cattle," 
and was first applied to Helena in reference to her 
reg-ard to the stable at Bethlehem, by her pagan en- 
emies, and which g-ave occasion for the story of her 
having- been an inn-keeper's daughter. 



ERRORS IN HISTORY. 



461 



and Christian life : which were all forgotten 
in her long absence from her native home, 
and stories invented to cover up the inju- 
ries she had received at the hands of the 
emperor, in her divorce. 

In the like manner, by those who were 
ignorant of the truth, Naissus was made 
the birth-place of both Constantine and his 
mother; and the story of her humble ori- 
gin, ignorantly or maliciously repeated. It 
is true that Constantine may have been 
born there, or taken there in his infancy, 
for the facts of history render it doubtful 
whether he was born there or in Britain ; 
for it was in 273, while Constantius was 
governor of Gaul, that he was married to 
Helena, at Colchester: and in the latter 
part of that year, or the fore part of the 
next, that Constantius went to Naissus, as 
governor of Mcesia, to which place Helena 
was brought, either before or after the birth 
of her renowned son. 

The story of the inn-keeper was first in- 
vented with reference to Drepanum, bvit 
afterwards discovered that it (iid not apply 
there, it was transferred to Naissus by those 
who were utterly ignorant of the true his- 
tory of St. Helena. The story was man- 
ufactured long after the death of every 
person whose life was concerned in it. But 
the only early written authority we have 
on the subject is that taken from the obit- 
uary eulogium of Constantine the Great: 
'■'■ Britanias illic oriendo nobilies fecisti." 
And this has always, until Gibbon's time, 
been applied to the emperor's birth; and it 
required Gibbon's partiality or prejudice to 
say that it applied as well to his acces 
sion. 

It is true, that the birth-place and nation- 
ality of Helena are not positively estab- 
lished by history ; but the stories of Drep- 
anum and Naissus are inconsistent in them- 
selves, with each other, and with other 
historical facts. The course of argument 
here pursued, the writer hopes, is fair, con- 
sistent, and truthful; and .f it is not so he 
has been honestly deceived himself. It has 
been said that a writer of history should be 
so impartial as not to disclose his partiality 
or nationality. But this rule must neces- 
sarily be violated in an advocacy of this 



kind; but it is hoped that this partiality has 
not been manifested greater than called for 
by the words of Gibbon. 

The truth of history gives us the assu- 
rance of these facts of St. Helena. She was 
born A. D. 247; was married to the Empe- 
ror Constantine Chlorus, in 273, while he 
wasgeneral-in-chief and governor of Gaul. 
In 274, Constantius was governor of Moesia, 
on the Danube, and made Naissus his 
headquarters; and then Constantine the 
Great was born, either in Britain or at 
Naissus. Soon after that. Helena and her 
son were sent to Drepanum, in Bithynia, 
in Asia Minor, among the Ionian Greeks, 
for the education of the son; where they 
lived until the divorce in 292, when Con- 
stantine was eighteen years of age. And 
she continued to live there until the death 
of her husband, Constantius the Emperor, 
in 307, and was succeeded by his son Con- 
stantine in Britain. Helena was then sent 
for by her son, the emperor, a^ lived with 
him at Trieves, in Gaul, a few years; then 
at Rome; and then was engaged in her 
travels and pilgrimage in the East, in 325, 
where she expended in the most magnifi- 
cent manner, at Jerusalem and Bethlehein, 
in building churches and other monuments 
in commemoration of early facts in the his- 
tory of Christianity. Of these, the Church 
of the Nativity, and that of the Sepulchre 
were particularly distinguished, and have 
endured to the present day. It was as- 
sumed that she then found the true cross. 
But it was the place of the Nativity, and 
the stable, and the manger which recei\'ed 
her special attention and veneration. This 
gave opportunity to the Greek heathens of 
her day to reproach her with the term, 
stabularia (cattle- tender), and to invent the 
story, that she was the daughter of an inn- 
keeper of Drepanum, and attended her 
father's stable; in which condition she was 
found by Constantius, on a casual journey 
through that place, and there married her. 
Helena returned from her pilgrimage in 
327; and on her way to Constantinople, met 
her great son, the emperor, at Nicomedia, 
but a short distance from Drepanum, in 
Bithynia, and died in his arms, in the 
eightieth or eighty-first year of her age. 



462 

All the established events in Helena's 
life forbid that the stories of Drepanum 
and Naissus should be true. In person 
and acquirements, she alvv^ays received the 
consideration of a person of personal dis- 
tinction, which she could not have re- 
ceived if, at the time of her marriage, 
— twenty- seven years of age, — she had 
been an inn-keeper's daughter, and an at- 
tendant on the horses of the inn. At that 
time of life such an employment would 
have stamped upon her tliat humble char- 
acteristic for life. She was the acknowl- 
edged wife of a great and distinguished 
general, which, in the opinion of the Em- 
peror Diocletian, required a divorce, in or- 
der that Constantius might marry the 
daughter of his colleague, Galerius; and 
Constantius himself always treated her as 
a mother worthy of his distinguished son. 
But the mother of no sovereign was ever 
more honored than Helena was by her il- 
lustrious son. Upon his accession she was 
sent for, and at Trieves and at Rome evexy 
distinction, consideration, and bounty were 
conferred upon her, and she was entitled, 
Augusta. He confen'ed upon her all desi- 
rable wealth and distinction, which, in after 
life enabled her to gratify her Christian 
piety, her taste, and mimificence at Jerusa- 
lem and Bethlehem. Tliis could not have 
been if her manners and habits had been 
those of a rustic stahidaria. In all history, 
Helena is generally made the native 
of the ,same place that gave birth to 
her distinguished son. Gibbon says that 
three places have been assigned to that 
honor: i, Britain; 2, Drepanum; and 3, 
Naissus. Now, as history shows that du- 
ring the year 273, Constantius was in Gaul, 
as governor, the story of their nativity of 
either of the latter places, must be false; 
and the>logical conclusion is that the former 
must be true. That the birth of Constan- 
tine may have been at Naissus, is here ad- 
mitted, but the marriage of Constantius 
and Helena must have been in Gaul or 
Britain, and that she was a native of one 
or the other countries is equally evident; 
and it is as probable tJiat the marriage took 
place in Britain as Gaul, for Constantius as 
governor of Gaul governed also Britain 



APPENDIX. [Note i. 

and Spain. As it has never been claimed 
that slie was a native ot Gaul, we may as- 
sert that she was a native of Britain, which 
has been claimed by so many historians.6 
This article, up to the last paragraph but 
one, was wiitten previous to 1S71, when I 
received from Liverpool, a cop}^ of Miss 
Jane Wilfiams's History of Wales. That 
history was written with great care and 
truthfulness; with accuracy' of citation to 
her authorities hardly to be found in any 
other history, which renders it a very desir- 
able and most acceptable history of Wales. 
Upon reading it I found that Miss Williams, 
had avoided laying any claim to Helena as 
a Briton ; and I took that occasion to write 
to her my \it-ws of the question, and soon 
afterwards had the pleasure of receiving 
from her a very kind letter, written at Lon- 
don, where she then had her residence, ac- 
companied by a manu.^cript of her views 
and authorities on tlie smbject. This letter 
and manuscript are given below. They 
are, in hand-writing and compostion, a' 
masterly specimen of literary and scholarly 
attainments. In the composition of the 
manuscript she took the pains of a thorough 
examination of the books in the British 
Museum, on the subject of our "inquiry; 
and the result of it is her ver_)- scholarly 
manuscript on the subject. It seems that 
this investigation again satisfied her that 
there was nothing in history that positively 
proved that Helena was a native Briton ; 
and, giving away to the authoi ity of Gib- 
bon, her vivid regard for the truth forbade 
her liberal spirit to claim it as a fact, how- 
ever strongly and repeatedly asserted in 
British history. But she overlooked the 
fact, as Gibbon himself had done, that du- 
ring the years 271, '2, and 3 Constantius 



6. Henr)' of Hunting-don, Geoftn^y of Monmouth, 
Richard of'Cirincester, Spenser's Fairy Queen. La- 
ter Enjj-lish historians, both lay and eccesiastic, 
adopt the British nativity of Helena with zeal_ and 
force, and among them are several disting:uished 
Eng-li>:h bishops, until Gibbon's great authority- 
silenced it, which rests princi]Killy upon a story told 
by Socrates, a historian who flourished about a cen- 
tury after Helena. The probability is, that he 
made but little or no inquiry about Helena's nativity. 
The language of Miss Jane Williams, in her manu- 
script, is certainly true: "Probably the terms, 'inn- 
keeper's daughter' and 'cattle-tender,' were oppro- 
brious epithets used bv the indignant heathen to vil- 
ify the Christian mother of the first Christian empe- 
ror." 



ERRORS IN HISTORY. 



463 



was actively engayed in Gaul; the first 
two years in a vigorous war for the recov- 
ery of Gaul, and the last year as governor 
of that province, to which Britain and 
Spain were attached. The marriage, there- 
fore, must have been in 273, and the birth 
of Constantine in 274 may have been in 
Britain or in Gaul; or it may have been 
at Naissus, where his father had be'en, just 
then, transferred as governor of Mcesia. 
This effectually contradicts the theories in 
relation to Drepanum and Naissus, and 
renders them ridiculoush' improbable; that 
a great general, as Constantius then really 
was, would, upon a casual journey, as Gib- 
bon tells the story, stop at an inn and marry 
the inn-keeper's daughter; — but history 
proves that he could not have been there : 
and that he had not at that time made any 
journey upon a Persian embassy, or other- 
wise, as Gibbon suggests it. If, at the 
probable time of the marriage it were 
shown that Constantius had such a journey 
to perlorm, instead of the contrary appear 
ing, there might be some shadow of possi- 
bility that such improbable a story might 
be- true; otherwise, the repeated claims 
made by the old historians, down to Gib- 
bon's contradiction that Helena was a Brit- 
ish princess, is historically true, and con- 
sistent with all known facts. 

In the letter and manuscript of Miss 
Williams, there are a few suggestions as to 
the evidence in this matter, which deserve 
notice. The fact that Constantius and his 
son were very popular rulers with the 
Britons, is as strong evidence in favor of 
their claim that Helena was a true Briton, 
as that it was founded upon a false as- 
sumption. 

That the older poets and historians do 
not notice Helena, is not in the least 
strange, under the circumstances. If she 
"was the daughter of King Coel, she was 
only nominally a princess; for her father 
was only a stipendiary king; a mere mag- 
istrate under the Roman government. The 
Britons of that day were divided into two 
nominally distinct people, and, under the 
Romans, in two distinct provinces: the 
Cymry people of the west, and the Lloe- 
grian-Cymry of the east. The country of 



the former was called Cymric, and that of 
the latter, Llo-gyr. The dill'erence between 
them was about that between the people of 
New England and those of Virginia; bu 
the intercourse between them, under the 
Romans, w-as infinitely less. The great 
learning of the Ancient Britons — poetry 
and history were with the Cymry; and 
none of the Lloegrian literature has come 
down to us. It probably all disappeared in 
the early barbarous times of the Saxons, 
which began soon after Helena's time. It 
is, therefore, not at all strange that her 
name does not appear in the poetry and 
history of the Ancient Cymry. They, 
p.ipbably, knew nothing of her, who to 
them would have been then considered as 
a foreigner. 

At the ripe age of twenty-seven, Helena 
became the legitimate wife of Constantius. 
The next year she resided with her hus- 
band at Naissus, but whether her son was 
born there, or in Britain, before she emi- 
grated, we do not know; for both countries 
claim the honor of his birth. 

When Helena emigrated to Naissus, her 
father, Coel, may have been dead, and in 
those days of war, and the commencement 
of the Dark Ages, she may have bade 
Britain an eternal farewell ; may have been 
and likely was forgotten by every one there. 
Soon therafter her residence was fixed at 
Drepanum; and, having received a Roman 
education at Colchester, in Britain, was re- 
ceived by the Greeks of Asia Minor, as a 
fair Roman lady, and the wife of a great 
general, without inquiry as to her parent- 
age, or the birth-place of her son : for 
Britain then was as unknown and strange 
a land to them as Nova Zembla is to us. 
During almost the whole of the eighteen 
years, from the birth of her son to her di- 
vorce, Helena resided with her son at 
Drepanum, as the legitimate wife of Con- 
stantius, the great Roman general, with all 
the appliances due to her position and rank. 
Though, probably, more a Roman, by edu- 
cation, she had now become a Greek in 
habits and manners ; and all reference to 
her nativity, by herself, was neglected and 
unknown to all about her The two joint 
emperors, Diocletian and Galerius, now 



464 

proposed to add another colleague to their 
number, and for that purpose, Constantius 
was acknowledged as worthy their choice. 
But Galerius insisted that he should first 
marry his daughter Theodosia, as means of 
securing him to his interest. Diocletian 
insisted that if the marriage should take 
place, there should be first a divorce pro- 
cured from his lawful wife, Helena, as a 
decent respect to law and custom. Thus 
was „the case of Josephine prefigured, in 
every respect, — as founded in political con- 
sideration, and its selfishness and reckless- 
ness. If it had not been for the literature 
of the day, and its rapid intercourse, Jo- 
sephine's nativity in Martinique, a West 
India island, her parentage might be as ob- 
scure as that of Helena. 

After the divorce, Helena continued to re- 
side at Drepanum thirteen years longer, un- 
til the accession of her son as emperor, upon 
the death of his father. During these long 
years she was under a cloud, suffeaing every 
indignity from the new court; traduced by 
eveVy invention; the history of her nativity 
neglected and forgotten ; and became even 
indifierent to herself. The first allusion to 
her in history, that has svu-vived to the 
present day, is found in the Life of Con- 
stantine, by Eusebius, written soon after 
the death of Constantine, which was about 
nine years after that of his distinguished 
mother. Eusebius there, without intend- 
ing to say anj'thing about her, merely says, 
in the most concise and unsatisfactory 
manner, that the mother of Constantine 
was born of obscure parents, in the village 
of Drepanum. This Eusebius was a coh- 
temporary, but considerably younger than 
Constantine. He was, probably, informed 
that Const^tine and his mother resided at 
Drepanum, when the former was a mere 
child, and her nativity was unknown to 
him, it was said she was born of obscure 
parents. But later Latin historins positively 
deny their nativity at Drepanum, and with 
as little evidence, transfer the whole story 
of their nativity to Naissiis. Gibbon, 
feigning to believe those unfounded and 
improbable stories, rejects the British na- 
tivity of Constantine and his mother, and 
overlooks the fact that Constantius, the 



APPENDIX. [Note i. 

father, was in Gaul, as governor, during 
the year before the birth of his son; and 
could not have been at Drepanum or Nais- 
sus at the time of his marriage. 

Miss Jane Williams is overpowered by 
the authority and judgment of Gibbon, in 
claiming Britain as the birth-place of Hel- 
ena ; and by her love of truth and candor, 
was induced to abandon it, without observ- 
ing that Gibbon, in his own history, shows 
that Constantius .was so engaged in Gaul 
that he could not have been at either of the 
places in the East, as the places of the 
marriage. If it could be proved that Con- 
stantius, instead of being engaged in Gaul 
during the years 271 and '73, was engaged 
in an embassy to Persia, and therefore, may 
have (as Gibbon says,) cas'ually passed 
through Drepanum or Naissus, and mar- 
ried an inn-keeper's daughter, with whom 
he temporarily sojourned (an assumption 
both at once improbable and scandalous, to 
say the least of it), I admit that the strength 
of my argument is taken from me, but not 
overturned; and so thought all the great 
English historiauh previous to Gibbon's 
time, both ecclesiastical and lay, with great 
force and zeal. 

The discrepancy pointed out by Miss 
Williams, between the Latin text of Henry 
of Huntingdon and its translation, will be 
satisfactorily understood by reading the 
translation in Bohn's edition, which gives 
the name of the village or city built by 
Constantius in Normandy (then Armorica), 
as Constances, which was their pronuncia- 
tion of his name: which city was built by 
him in the year 273, the year of the mar- 
riage. The fact that this city, now in 
France, was built by Constantius, and so 
named after him, is a well-known and rec- 
ognized historical truth; and these facts, 
in connection with others in relation to 
Helena's nativity, are important. 

Upon a review of all the evidence within 
my reach, I am constrained to affirm that 
the weight of evidence is greatly in favor 
of Helena's Britanic birth, as a historical 
fact, independent of the fact that Constan- 
tius was a resident of Gaul, as its governor, 
during the year 273, the year before Con- 
stantine's bii'th. 



ERRORS IN HISTORY- 



465 



The numerous errors suggested and de- 
veloped in this history of St. Helena, all 
in the like manner followed by Gibbon in 
relation to other distinguished persons of 
British birth. It would seem that all 
claimed by the Britons as conferring dis- 
tinction on their race, is either denied or 
ti'aduced by him, where it was possible to 
do so; where the subject was not conclu- 
sively supported by the Greek and Latin 
historians ; and all their errors were accep- 
ted as true. It is true that Gibbon highly 
eulogizes Britain ; but in this respect great 
distinction is made in relation to truth and 
justice between what transpired before or 
aftei- the Saxon conquest. As a special in- 
stance of this kind, we may mention that 
of Clemens Maximus, who eventually be- 
came a Roman emperor. Gibbon asserts 
that he was a Spaniard, and in no manner 
a Briton. The facts and histoiy of the 
matter show beyond a historical doubt, that 
Maximus was born at Rome of British 
parents on both sides. When quite a 
young man he was placed in military ser- 
vice, under the great general Theodosiiis, in 
Spain. After serving there a longtime, he 
returned and settled among his kindred in 
Britain, and married a princess in North 
Wales; whe.ie for a long time he resided, 
and raised - a family ; and many families 
there claim descent from him. While thus 
residing in Britrin, he was chosen emperor 
of Rome. Other similar errors must be 
delayed for some future occasion. 

The following is apartof the lettor from 
Miss Jane Williams, so far as it refers to 
the subject under consideration : 

"51 coleshill street, 1 

London, S. W. v 

April iS, 1S72. ) 

'Dear' Sir: 

Your interesting letter dated March 27, 
together with the papers enclosed, reached 
me on the i6th of April. It gave me very 
great pleasure to find that my History of 
Wales had traveled so far and had met 
with so kind a welcome, and I derived 
scarcely less satisfaction from the assur- 
ance that at Delaware, Ohio, after an ab- 
sence of three score years aud ten, the true 
heart of a Cymro is still beating waimly 



towards the hen gvjlad — 

'Of fair Ghunorj^an, ocean's band, 
Sweet margin ot the sea; * * * 
The beauieous shore, whose harvest lies 
All sheltered from inclement skies. 
Radiant wiih corn and vineyards sweet, 
And lakes offish and mansions neat.' 

"These lines were translated by my 
friend, the late Mr. A. J. Johnes, of Garth- 
myl, Montgomeryshire, from Dafydd ab 
Gwilym's Address to the Summer, which 
was written about Chaucer's time. 

"It is a pleasure also to me to communi- 
cate with a person of so much intelligence 
and information upon any historical topic 
connected with our common country. My 
father was a Cymro of the Cymry. I have 
spent the greater part of my life in Wales, 
and my nearest relatives reside there, but 
in historical researches I seek for truth 
alone, not for the glory of my race, though 
I love that dearly too. I live almost alone 
with iny books around me, and my time is 
at any one's disposal to whom I can be 
useful. 

"I should be very glad if the discovery 
of some old MS. or unknown, medal, or 
forgotten monument or memorial of any 
sort, could prove the British birth of Hel- 
ena and of Constantine. I was fond of the 
h^'pothesis, and resigned it with regret, 
not to the argument of a prejudiced "cavil- 
ler," but to the silent evidence of my 
friendly and truthful books. 

"The testimony of contemporary and 
nearly contemporary historians must, of 
course, prevail against the unsupported 
or ill supported assertions of the chroni- 
clers of the twelfth and following centuries. 
I have access to the London Library, 
where any books can be had ; and I pos- 
sess a good collection of historical, poeti- 
cal and religious works, besides others on 
botany, science and general literature, hav- 
ing taken delight from infancy in the ac- 
quisition of knowledge. 

"Inclination would lead me to welcome 
fresh evidence on the subject we are now 
discussing; but, judging by the proofs now 
available, I believe that any candid and 
judicial mind must arrive at the decision 
which I have formed. 

"The enclosed papers are the result of a 
survey of authorities made since the re- 



466 

ceipt of your interesting communication. 
I could quote many other books on both 
sides, but they would add nothing of real 
value either to testimony or judgment upon 
testimony. Indeed the Monumenta His- 
torica Britannica comprises all the extant 
authorities on British subjects preceding 
the Norman Conquest, and, thanks to Lord 
Romilly's kindness, I possess that admira- 
ble work. * * * * " 

The following is Miss Williams' manu- 
script, which accompanied her letter: 

"Spencer, in his Fairy Queen, justly 
praises the author of the Brittaniaas 'Cam- 
den the nourrice of antiquity and lantern un- 
to late succeeding time;' and Camden, in 
his account of the Romans in Britain, hav- 
ing mentioned Constantius Chlorus, adds: 
'While he was a soldier in Britain under 
Aurelian he married Helena, the daughter 
of Coelus or Cselius, a petty prince here, 
and by her had Constantine the Great in 
Britain. For in this all writers agree with 
the great Baronius, (Hist. Eccl.) except one 
or two modern Greeks, who ai-e inconsid- 
erable and vary from one another ; and a cer- 
tain learned person, who grounds his dis- 
sent upon a faulty passage of J. Firmicus. 
Chlorus was compelled by Mecimian to 
divorce his wife and marry his daughter 
Theodora.' Gibson's Ed., 1773, Vol. i, p. 
49. Camden quotes the words of St. Am- 
brose in praise of Helena in the same para- 
graph, and in various other passages 
throughout the Brittania he admits as a 
fact the British birth of Helena. Baronius 
■wrote his Annales Acclesiastici A. D. 
158S — 1607. It appears from the words of 
St. Ambrose that stabiilaria was a term of 
reproach applied to Helena on account of 
her erecting an edifice upon the supposed 
site of the sacred stable at Bethlehem. 
Probably the terms inn-heefer' s daughters 
and cattle keefer were also opprobrious epi- 
thets used by indignant heathens to villify 
the Christian mother of the first Christian 
emperor. 

"William of Malmesbury discreetly says : 
'I vouch nothing for the truth of long past 
transactions but the consonance of the 
time; the veracity of the relation must 



rest with its autl: 



Preface in the first 



APPENDIX. [Note i- 

chapter of his first book calls Helena> 
the mother of Constantine, 'a tender of cat- 
tle' (stabularia). Bohn's Ed., p. 5. Matthew 
of Westminster repeats the particulars re- 
lated by Socrates. Bohn's Trans., Vol. i, 
pp. 191, 192. 

"Whence Richard of Cirencester, alias 
Bertram, derived his Helenic information, 
it is not difficult to conjecture, but an inti- 
mation of doubt may be traced as an ac- 
companiment to many of his assertions 
concerning this princess. 

"The series of facts — that Constantius 
Chlorus was a popular ruler in Britain and 
died in Britain, that his illustrious son Con- 
stantine was here proclaimed emperor and 
hence proceeded on his conquering career, 
that Constantine's mother was highly hon- 
ored by him, that she distinguished herself 
by signal acts of religious munificence 
shown more especially at Jerusalem, that 
she was canonized after death, and that 
several Cambrian princesses were called 
after her name, particularly Ellen, the wife 
of king Howel Daa, tends, I think, to show 
how easily the erroneous belief of Helena's 
British birth obtained acceptance in the 
Middle Ages, and how carelessly that be- ' 
lief was suftered to prevail until Gibbon 
dispelled it by passing judgment upon the 
evidence. The flippant sneers of Wood- 
ward are unworthy of notice. 

"None of the early Welsh bards mention 
Helena in their poems, none of the old 
Welsh catalogues of saints enroll her name, 
none of the ancient pedigrees claim her as 
a Cymraes, and out of many hundred na- 
tive triads only one alludes to her as born 
in the country, and that one is of monkish 
origin. Gildas, Nennius and Bede ^now 
nothing of her British blood, and the An- 
nales Cambriae are equally ignorant. 

The Rev. Rees Rees, in his able work 
on the Welsh Saints, has deliberately re- 
jected the claims of Helena and Constan- 
tine to British birth. The Rev. Robert 
Williams omits their names from his 
Enwogion Cymru. 

"The chronological abstract prefixed to 
the Monumenta Historica Britannica, un- 
der the date of A. D. 373, says: 'Constan- 
tius, afterwards emperor, surnamed Chlo- 



ERRORS IN HISTORY. 



467 



rus, married Helena Ixxii, 2 ; she is said to 
have been the daughter of Coel, king of 
Colchester, 702, n.' Under date of A. D. 
275 : 'Constantine, son of Constantius and 
Helena, is born about this time, Ixix, i, 2, 
Ixxx, I, &c.' And under date of A. D. 292 : 
'Constantius repudiates Helena and es- 
pouses Theodora,' &c. 

"Ex Panegjricis Veteribus, M. II. B., p. 
Ixix : 'O fortunata, et nunc omnibus beatior 
terris Britannia, quae Constantinum Ca;sar- 
emprima vidisti.' 

"Another Rhetorician hailed the ascen- 
sion of Constantine in words which have 
been misunderstood as descriptive of Brit- 
ish origin. The very same orator, how- 
ever, used similar terms when celebrating 
the accession of Constantius Chlorus, who 
was of Illyrian birth : 'Britannias illic ori- 
endo nobiles fecisti.' 

"At p. Ixxii, 'Ex Eutropio,' Lib. vi, ch. 17 : 
'Verum Constaiitio mortuo Constantinus, 
ex obscuriori matrimonio ejus filius, in 
Britannia creatus est imperator, et in locum 
patris exoptatissimus moderator accessit.' 

"P. 702 gives that part of the first book 
of Henry of Huntingdon's Histora; Anglo- 
rum which relates to Helena, with the fol- 
lowing note 3 appended to the name of 
Coel : 'Unde hauserit Henricus tam haec, 
quam quae p. 703 de Londonia, et de Col- 
cestria habet, baud constat.' Mem. For- 
ester's translation. 

"Bohn's Ed., 1853, i^ evidently corrupt 
regarding the names, for the text in the 
M. H.B.is: 'Condidit antem Constantiam 
in ea parte Galliae quae nunc vocatur Nor- 
mennia, accepitquc filiam regis Britannici 
de Colcestre,' cui nomen erat Coel scilicet 
Helenam, quam sanetam dicimus, et genuit 
ex ea Constantinum magnum.' 

•'Ex Paulo Orosio. Lib. v, c. 22, p. Ixxx. 

" 'Constantius vero Augustus summae 
mansuetudinis et civilitatis, in Britannia 
mortem obiit, qui Constantinum filium ex 
concubina Helena creatum imperatorum 
Galliarum reliquit. Igitur mortuo, ut di- 
xi, Constantio in Britanniis, Constantinus 
imperator est creatus.' 

"Lxxxi and Ixxxii 

"Ex Eusebio sive Hieronymo: 'Constan- 

30 



tius SLxtodccimo imperii anno diem obiit in 
Britannia Eboraci. Post quem filius ejus 
Constantinus ex concubina Helena pro- 
creatus regnum invadit.' 

"Lxxxvii. 

"Zonaras mentions the mother of Con- 
stantine merely as 'a former wife af Con- 
stantius. Beade Chronicon sive de sex 
^tatibus Steculi: 'Constantinus Constan- 
tii ex concubina Helena filius, in Britan- 
nia creatus imperator, regnavit annis xxx 
et mensibus x.' 

xVI. H. B., 90 D. 

"B. H. Ecc. Gentis Anglorum, Liber i,. 
c. xii: 'Histemporibus Constantius qui 
vivente Diocletiano Galliam Hispaniam- 
que regebat, vir summre mansuetudinis et 
civilitatis in Britannia morte obiit. Hie Con- 
stantinum filium ex concubina Helena 
creatum imperatorum Galliarum reliquit. 
Scribit autem Eutropius quod Constantin- 
us in Brittania creatus imperator patri in 
regnum successerit.' . M. H. B. 115, E. 

"Bede Hist. Eccl. Gentes Ang., Liber v, 

cap. xvi: 'Hanc Constantinus imperator eo 

quod ibi crux Domini ab Helena matre 

reperta sit, magnifico et regio construxit.' 

"M. H. B., 266, C. 

"The two passages from Henry of Hunt- 
ingdon's History are given in the original 
Latin at p. 702 D. and p. 703 B. of the M. 
H. B. Throughout the Monumenta His- 
torica Britannica no other mention is made 
of the mother of Constantine. Geoffrey of 
Monmouth's Chronicle is exiled from that 
invaluable treasury. 

"In his Ecclesiastical History, Eusebius 
mentions and Eulogizes the father of Con- 
stantine, but avoids mentioning Helena. 
Socrates, who wrote in or about the year 
445) gives a very particular account of her, 
and relates that Drepanum, once a village, 
having been made a city by the emperor, 
"was called Helenopolis after her name. — 
Eccl. Hist, Lib. i, c. xvii. 

"Bohn's Translated Ed., pp. 47, 48: 'Val- 
esius, in a note on the passage, p. 395, says 
that Socrates borrowed the story from 
Eusebius' Life of Constantine, L. iii, c. 
xxxiii.' Theodoret, who wrote soon alter 
Socrates, about A. D. 450, devotes the xviii 



468 



chapter of his first book to her proceedings 
at Jerusalem, but: he does not allude to her 
parentage or the place of her birth. Eva- 
grius begins his history after her time. So- 
zomen, the contemporary of Socrates, says 
much of Constantine, but nothing of Hel- 
ena. Philostorgius, epitomised by Photius, 
does not mention her. 

"Beside-- the extracts in the M. H. B., I 
have carefully looked through the above 
which I possess in the edition published by 
Bohn. I have likewise e.vamined the fol- 
lowing various other works bearing upon 
the subject. Eutropius was the contem- 
porary of Julian, and he says: "Galerius, a 
man of excellent moral character and skill- 
ful in militai-y afiairs, finding that Italy, hv 
Constantius' permission, was put under his 
government, created two Caesars — Maxim- 
in, whom he appointed over the East, and 
Severus, to whom he committed Italy. He 
himself resided in Illyricum. But after 
the death of Constantius, Constantine, his 
son by a wife of obsciu-e birth, was made 
emperor in Britain, and succeeded his fath- 
er as a most desirable rulei".' — Watson's 
Translation, L,. x, §2. Ammianus Mar- 
celinus, the soldier, and friend as well as 
the historian of the- emperor Julian, men- 
tions 'the town formerly known as Dre- 
panum, but now as Helenopolis.' — Yonge's 
Trans., L. xxvi, c. vii, p. 425. 

"The writers in Knight's English Cyclo- 
paedia weigh evidence very carefully, and 
their 'Biography,' Vol. iii, 'St. Helena,' on 
the authority of Eusebius' Life of Constan- 
tine and Hubner's De Cruci's Dominicae 
per Helenam inventione, states that the 
first wife of Constantius Chlorus 'was born 
of obscure parents in a village called Dre- 
panum in Bithynia, which was afterwards 
raised by her son Constantine to the rank 
of a city, under the name of Helenopolis.' 
— p. 342. Eusebius was the contemporary 
of the first Christian emperor, and would 
gladly have assigned royal birth to Helena 
Augusta if he could, for she was royal in 
munificence. 

Jane William.s, 
56 Coleshill street, London, S. W. 
April 18, 1S72. 



APPENDIX. 

NOTE II. 

DATES BETWEEN 3S8 AND 42O- 



[Note II. 



There is some conflict of opinion as to 
the true dates of events between A. D. 
3S8, the date of the death of Maxim us, and 
that of A. D. 420, when it is assumed that 
Britain had hecome independent of the Ro- 
man government, and that resumed by its 
own people. 

Mr. Sharon Turner, in his History of the 
Anglo-Saxons, who is, on account of his 
learning and his impartial fairness, entitled 
to a great deal of confidence and respect, 
places the date of the acknowledgment of 
the indef)endence of Britain by Honorius, 
and the assumption of the government by 
the Britons themselves, following the death 
of Maxim us; and previous to A. D. 410, 
and attempts to show that Giidas is erro- 
neous in his chronology ; and that Bede, in 
following him, is likewise in error. He 
says (B. II, Ch. VII, p. 119, n. o.): "Bede 
without any authority, and contrary to the 
literal meaning of Giidas, postpones it for 
about twenty years, lib. i., c. 12, and thus 
lays a foundation for his subsequent mis- 
takes." 

Now, I most respectfully dissent from 
Mr. Turner's assertion that Bede, contrary 
to the literal meaning of Giidas, and with- 
out any authority, postpones the events al- 
luded to for twenty years. It is believed 
that the events alluded to, transpired after 
the death of Constantine (the Usurper), 
in A. D. 411, and, not depending upon the 
death of Maximus in 388, a period of twen- 
ty-three years. Between those two periods 
there are too many known events that did 
transpire, to admit those claimed by Tur- 
ner, to have also transpired previous to A. 
D. 410; as he has done in his history. 

The government of Maximus, from A. 
D. 383 to 388, was a strong one, until he 
passed over into Italy, and soon afterwards 
lost his life. During his reign of five years, 
his capital and seat of government was at 
Trieves. in Belgic-Gaul, much more con- 
venient to Britain than to Spain and South- 
ern Gaul, his southern dominion. We 
learn of no special complaint during Max- 
imvis's time that the northern invaders were 



ERRORS IN HISTORY. 



469 



not well kept down. Whenever there was a 
strong government existing over Britain, 
these northern invaders were kept quiet 
for some time after it; but as soon as tliej 
ascertained that there was a weak or feeble 
government in Britain, they became trou- 
blesome, and that just in proportion as they 
found that government more or less feeble. 
After a strong government, which had for- 
cibly repelled their invasions, they usually 
remained quiet for some time, until they 
could ascertain how feeble or inefficient the 
government was. Some time after the 
death of Maxim us, the invaders from Cale- 
donia became troublesome, and we learn 
that Theodosius the Great, who came into 
power in the West after the death of Max- 
im us, sent Chrysanthus as his vicarius and 
governor of Britain.i He was an able and 
experienced administrator of public affairs, 
and we learn he expelled the invaders, and 
restored a time of peace and prosperity. 
Soon after this, in A. D. 395, Theodosius 
died, and left the empire to his two sons; 
to Honorius, the West, and to Arcadius, 
the East. Honorius was then an infant of 
only eleven years of age. Stilicho, the 
very able and successful general against the 
Goths, under their leader Alaric, was his 
guardian; who soon went to Gaul, repelling 
the barbarians on the Rhine, and sent an 
efficient force into Britain, to restore peace 
and order against their enemies. But in 
A. D. 403, Stilicho was recalled to Italy to 
meet another invasion of the Goths under 
Alaric. With him was recalled the princi- 
pal part of the army in Britain. Italy was 
now attempted to be overrun by the uni- 
ted armies of the Goths and Germans, but 
was relieved by the victory of Stilicho at 
the battle of Pollentia, in A. D. 403; and 
the deliverance of Florence in A. D. 406. 
During this time the government in Gaul 
and Britain was neglected, and the rem- 
nant of the Roman army left there to hold 



I. Mr. Turner assumes that Chrysanthus, as the 
vicarius of the emperor, had no rig'ht lo control the 
military force in Britain, but was confined to the civil 
department. The law separatins;' the military from 
the civil department did not operate on the emperor 
or his vicarius. The vicarius had all the powers of 
the emperor, and was, therefore, in this case fully 

fovernor-in-chief of Britain. The exception taken 
y Mr. Turner to tlie powers of Chrysanthus, is, 
therefore, believed not to be well taken. 



possession of their military posts, and to 
do police duty, became disorderly and re- 
bellious. Notwithstanding the great body 
of the Roman army having been called to 
Italy, yet the Britons having been so long 
and completely under the control and gov- 
ernment of the Romans, they did not yet 
dare to think of their independence, under 
the threatening clouds of the barbarian in- 
vasions. They deemed it at present more 
prudent to submit to the control of the Ro- 
man army than to incur at once the enmity 
and hostility of both the army and their 
northern enemies. They, therefore, permit- 
ted the army, as a Roman army, to control 
and lead without any change in the civil ad- 
ministration ; to elect and set up a new empe- 
ror, not of Britain, but of the empire. This 
was in A. D. 406. " The spirit of revolt," 
says Gibbon, "which had formerly disturbed 
the age of Gallienus, was revived in the 
capricious violence of the soldiers; and the 
unfortunate, perhaps, the ambitious, candi- 
dates, who were the objects of their choice, 
were the instruments, and at length the 
victims of their passions." Their first 
choice was that of an officer in the army, 
said to have been their general, whose name 
"was Marcus; but finding his ability not 
equal to his task, they soon deposed him, 
and elected another, by the name of Gra- 
tian, equally unknown; and who was 
equally unceremoniously deposed, and 
murdered. Within four months thereafter 
they proceeded to another election, and 
made choice of an officer of low grade in 
the ranks, by the name of Constantine, 
whom they elevated to the honors and dig- 
nity of Emperor of the Western Empire, 
as has been already stated. This man, 
however humble his former position may 
have been, proved himself to have been 
M'orthy of this choice ; and proceeded with 
energy to discharge the duties of the posi- 
tion to which he had been elevated, — not 
as emperor, or as pendragon, or wledig of 
Britain, but as emperor, by the Roman 
soldiers, as one of the emperors of the Ro- 
man Empire. Here, probably, there was a 
great mistake committed; but could the 
people of Britain help themselves.'' Thej 
were not then independent ; they were still 



470 APPENDIX 

under the control of Roman officers and 
soldiers, and they did not desire to elect an 
emperor of Britain, but of the Roman Em- 
pire; to bring Rome, if possible, under 
their control, and to their aid. As such 
Con Stan tine proceeded to regulate the af- 
fairs of what he and his constituent sol- 
diery claimed to be their dominion- -the 
Western Empire. He first put the aftairs 
of Britain in order, and the most important 
part of that was to put the northern fron- 
tiers in a proper state of defense, in order 
to secure the country from an attack from 
that quarter. His next object was to collect 
and secure a sufficient army to render his 
crossing over safely to Gaul ; and to en- 
force obedience to his command while there. 
He collected together as many as he could 
of the Roman soldiers left at the various 
military stations in Britain; and calling to 
his service, as Roman soldiers, as many 
foreign adventurers and soldiers of fortune 
as possible : he then added to his ranks as 
many of the young men of Britain as it 
was possible for him to command. Having 
arranged for the defense and protection of 
Britain, he passed oyer the Channel to Bo- 
logne, A. D. 407, with a considerable army, 
calling upon the cities of Gaul to submit 
and wbserve his authority. He soon re- 
ceived the submission of Gaul, and ob- 
tained a decided victory over the Germans 
on the frontier, so as to confine them to 
the east side of the Rhine. He was soon 
able to obtain the recognition of his right 
and authority in Britain, Gaul and Spain ; 
making Aries his capital and imperial res- 
dence, before A. D. 410, the year in which 
Alaricand his Goths sacked Rome. His suc- 
cess was great,2 and his rule and authority 
as emperor was acknowledged and obeyed 
from the Friths of Albion to the Pillars of 
Hercules. But in 411, he had the misfor- 
tune to incur the enmity of both Honorius 
and his ablest general, Gerontius. The 
latter was a Briton and had been Constan- 
tine's most efficient ally in establishing his 
reign, and supporting his authority ; but 
had taken irreconcilable offense because 
Oonstans, the son who had been made Cse- 



2. I Gibbon's Decline and Fall, ch. xxxi, p. 434. 
Pictorial History of England p. 50, B. 1, ch. i. 



[Note II 

sar and ruler of Spain, had taken a favor- 
ite and i.ext in command, instead of Geron- 
tius, who had been the most efficient instru- 
ment in acquiring for them the possession 
and control of Spain. This slight and in- 
justice was more than the gallant soldier 
could bear; and, possibly, they, the father 
and son, wer^ convinced that their obliga- 
tion to the general was greater than they 
were willing to sustain, and had deter- 
mined that the cheapest way to pay the 
debt of gratitude was to dispose of him. 
It may, therefore, have been a question of 
life or death between them. Gerontius was, 
therefore, determined on revenge, if not on 
the safety of his life. He might have as- 
sumed the government of Spain himself, 
but he chose to place the diadem upon the 
head of a friend and countryman by the 
name of Maximus, as another emperor of 
that name, amidst the usurpers of that day. 
He then proceeded to dethrone Constantine 
and the son. The latter he captured and 
put to death, and the former he besieged at 
Aries. This was relieved by the appear- 
ance of the imperial forces, under the gen- 
eral Constantius, and the army of Geron- 
tius declaring in favor of adhering to Rome 
and Honorius. This led to his romantic 
death in the manner already stated. 

While Gerontius was besieging Aries, he 
negotiated with the barbarians on the 
Rhine to come to his aid as allies. This 
has been laid to his charge by vinfriendly 
historians, as a confederation with the bar- 
barians against Britain, his own country: 
but this was not so. At Aries it was doing 
no more than Rome and all powers at that 
time were doing, in employing the bar- 
barians as allies. Whatever may be said of 
his conduct toward Constantine and his 
son, his negotiation with the barbarians 
could not be charged against him as ti-ea- 
son against his own country; for it was no 
more than the Roman government was 
then in the constant practice of doing, 
whenever they could engage the barbarians 
in their service, instead of fighting them. 

After Aries and Constantine were surren- 
dered to Constantius, the most efficient Ro- 
man general, he received from Honorius 
and the court at Ravenna, says 



ERRORS IN HISTORY. 



471 



"the important commission of extirpating 
rebellion in the West."3 He, undoubtedly, 
proceeded to restore the government of 
Honorius in Gaul and Britain. In consid- 
ering the situation ot those countries at 
that time it is proper to remember that 
Rome did not release her grasp upon these 
important provinces until the last moment 
they -were able to hold on to them; nor 
were these provinces willing to dispense 
with the majesty of the Roman name and 
the protection of her army as long as it 
could be retained. This was not done in 
Britain until after A. D. 420, and in Gaul 
until A. D. 4815, when Clovis, the Frank, 
took possession of the whole of Gaul, and 
the Roman army was finally withdrawn. 
Previous to these times whenever we learn 
that the Roman army was withdrawn to go 
where they were elsewhere demanded, it 
was only the great bulk of the army that 
could be spared; there were always enough 
retained to keep possession of the military 
stations, and to do police duty. So that 
when the Germans, under Radagaisus, 
and the Goths, under Alaric, in A. D. 406, 
invaded Italy,* and the army in Britain 
was recalled, there were sufficient troops 
still left to preserve Roman rule, and sol- 
diers enough in the name of the Roman 
army to elect Constantine emperor; and to 
install him in his majesty as emperor of 
Rome in Britain, Gaul, and Spain. In the 
name of Rome, Constantine and Gerontius 
in A. D. 4oS-'[0 restored Roman rule in 
Britain and Gaul; beat back the barbarians, 
and regained the dominion in Spain. After 
the fall of Constantine, late in A. D. 411, 
the general Constantius proceeded to exe- 
cute the commission he received from 
Honorius, by reclaiming northern Gaul 
and Britain, in A. D. 4i2-'i4. In the latter 
year, the Goth, Adolphus, who had, with 
more than romantic fortune, married Pla- 
cida, the sister of Honorius, and daughter 
of Theodosius the Great, was installed at 
Narbonne in Gaul, as the faithful allj' of 
Honorius ;* commissioned with Constan- 
tius to preserve the western provinces to 

3. Gibbon, ch. xxxi, p. 435. 

4. Gibbon, ch. xxx, p. 410. 

5. Gibbon, p, 433, etc. 



the Roman Empire. In A. D. 414, Adol- 
phus, in good fiiith to Rome, repelled the 
invasion of Gaul ; presented the heads of 
the two rebel tyrants of Gaul, Jovinus and 
Sabastian, to Honorius at Ravenna, as tro- 
phies and evidence at once of his faithful- 
ness to the emperor, and the restoration of 
Gaul to its obedience to his brother-in-law, 
Honorius. He then readily accepted the 
proposal, says Gibbon, "of turning his vic- 
torious arms against the barbarians of 
Spain; the troops of Constantius inter- 
cepting his communication with the sea- 
ports of Gaul, and greatly pressing his 
march towards the Pyrenees," on his way 
to Spain. This was in A. D. 414, with 
Constantius and the Roman troops in pos- 
session of the seaports of northwestern 
Gaul and Britain; and Gibbon assures us: 
"The remainder of the reign of Honorius 
was undisturbed by rebellion; and in the 
space of five years, seven usurpers had 
yielded to the fortune of a pi-ince, who was 
himself incapable either of counsel or ac- 
tion." 

This agrees with the assertion of the 
British historians, that Britain was aided 
and relieved from the invasion of her ene- 
mies by the Roman army, in A. D. 414, 
again in 416, and finally in 4i8-'i9. In the 
first of these three dates, the Roman army 
of relief was, undoubtedly under the gen- 
eral Constantius, who, it is said, had served 
much in Britain.<J 

After the death of Adolphus in Spain, 
in A. D. 415-, he was succeeded by Wallia, 
another Gothic hero, as the head of these 
barbarian allies of Rome, in protecting 
their rule and dominion in Spain and Gaul. 
For that purpose he was established as, the 
faithful ally of the Romans, and bound to 
preserve Gaul, — in Narbonne and Aqui- 
tania, in A. D. 4i6-'i9, and so continued in 
this position, at least during the reign of 
Honorius, who died in 423. And Gibbon 
continues to assert: "The title of Hono- 
rius and his successors, their laws, and their 
civil magistrates, were still respected in the 
provinces of Gaul, of which they had re- 

6. Nennius, § 27, where Consfcintius is referred to 
as one of those who had served much in Britain, but 
his numbers are very erroneous. 



472 

signed possession to tlieir barbarian allies ; 
and the kings, who exercised a supreme 
and independent authority over their native 
subjects, ambitiously solicited the more 
honorable rank of master-general of the 
imperial armies. Such was the involuntary 
reverence which the Roman name still im- 
pressed on the minds of those warriors, 
who had borne away in triumph the spoils 
of the capital." 

It is impossible to draw any accurate in- 
formation as to the chronolgy of events in 
these times, as stated by Gildas anj^ Nen- 
nius. Though treating of the difficulties 
of these unfortunate times, they confound 
and transpose events so that it is impossible, 
from them, to fix the precise time when an 
event happened, or their relative position. 
Still, we may, .by the aid of other histories, 
fix the time when some of these events 
did happen. They both pass over the 
time from Maximus to Constantius — whom 
Bade calls "Count Constantius, "7 — and 
then speak of events which must have hap- 
pened after that event. They appear to in- 
dicate that the country "groaned for many 
years under the cruelty of two foreign na- 
tions, the Scots and Picts;"^ and "thrice 
were they relieved by the Romans."9 At 
one time the Roman legions came in strong 
force, to aid the Britons in punishing and 
driving away the enemy. It appears from 
Bede that the Romans came several times 
to the rescue of the country, and aided the 
Britons to recover the northern province, 
and rebuild the wall from the Frith of 
Forth to the Clyde. This was probably 
during the year 414, and again in 416, un- 
der the command and direction of Count 
Constantius. 10 

Bede describes the last of the Romans in 
Britain and their former relief thus: "But 
the former enemies, when they perceived 



7. Bede, Eccl. Hist., B. i, ch. xi. 

8. Gildas, §14. 

9. Nennius, §30, 

10. About the latter date this Constantius returned 
to the covirt at Ravenna, was married to the empe- 
ror's sister, Placidia, the widow of Adolphus, and 
became by her Ih^ father of him who was afterwards 
Valentinian III. About A. D. 421 or '22 Honorius 
created Constantius Aug'ustus, hut he lived only 
about Seven months after that to enjov his honors. 
See Gibbon, p. 452, ch. xxxiii. Historians say he 
was the last emperor who had visited Britain. 



APPENDIX. [Note ii- 

that the Roman soldiers were gone, imme' 
diately broke into the borders, and overran 
all places, and, like men mowing ripe corn, 
bore down all before them. Hereupon 
messengers are sent again to Rome, im- 
ploring aid, lest their wretched country 
should be utterly extirpated, and the name 
of a Roman 'province, so long renowned 
among them, overthrown by the cruelties 
of barberous Ibreigners, might become ut- 
terly contemptible. A legion is according- 
ly sent again, and, arriving unexpectedly 
in autumn, made great slaughter of the 
enemy, obliging all those that could escape 
to flee beyond the sea. * * * * Then 
the Romans declared to the Britons that 
they could not for the future undertake 
such troublsome expeditions for their sake, 
advising them rather to undertake for them- 
selves, like men, the charge of engaging 
their enemies, who would not prove too 
powerful for them, unles»s ther were de- 
terred by cowardice."'! This is extracted 
from Gildas and Nennius, the latter of 
whom says : "Once more the Romans un- 
dertook the governinent of the Britons and 
assisted them in repelling their neighbors; 
and after having exhausted the country of 
its gold, silver, brass, honey and costly 
vestments, and having besides received 
rich gifts, they eeturned in great triumph 
to Rome."i2 

The British (Cymric) historians say in 
confirmation of Bede's Chronology, that 
after the death of Constantine, the Briton, 
the Roman forces returned to Britain three 
times, i. e., in A. D. 414, 416 and 419. In 
an ancient book, abstracted from all the 
best authorities, after stating the difficulties 
of the times after Constantine the Briton 
was dethroned in Gaul, and the repeated 
attacks of the Picts and their allies, the 
Franks and Saxons, it is stated : "A coun- 
cil of the leading Britons was held, at 
which it was determined to invoke once 
more the interposition of the Romans, and 
off'er them tribute and the entire submis- 
sion of the country. The names of those 
who were deputed to carry this resolution 



11. Bede, Eccl. Hist. b. i, ch. iz. 

12. Nennius, §30. 



DR. NICIIOLAb' LETTER. 



473 



into effect were Peryf Ap Cadifor and 
Gronw Dda Ap Elnion LygHw. Notwith- 
standing the affairs of Rome could scarcely 
justify any expectation of assistance, yet, 
by the importunities of these men, they 
obtained a legion of troops, who returned 
with tliem to Britain, and soon destroyed 
or dispersed their enemies. This occurred 
in the year 42o."'3 

This authority states the assistance ren- 
dered by the Roman army in expelling the 
enemy, in repairing the defenses, and en- 
couraging the people to make arrangements 
to defend themselves, informing them they 
would be able to aid them no more, they 
then bade the country and people a final 
adieu and separation. 

It was then, upon this final departure, 
that Honorius sent his letter to the cities of 
Britain, absolving them from allegiance to 
Rome, acknowledging their independence, 
and exhorting them to provide for their 
own defense. It was after that the Britons 
deemed themselves at liberty to act inde- 
pendent of Rome. Up to this time it was 
the Roman soldiers and their officers who 
controlled the political affairs of the coun- 
try, and were in possession of the military 
stations. It was them who elected and 
set up the last emperor, or tyrant as they 
were called, Constantine, and he ruled the 
country as a Roman emperor until he was 
dethroned at Aries in A. D. 411, by the 
Roman general Constantius. It was after 
all these events and the acknowledgment 
of their independence by the emperor 
Honorius in A. D. 420, that the people 
of Britain made that noble effort in their 
own defense, as stated by the ancient 
historians and repeated by Mr. Tur- 
ner. 1* This agrees with Bede's Chronolo- 
gy, and accords with all the dates and in- 
formation we have upon the subject. Still 
Turner and Gibbon endeavor to place the 
the latter fact— the effort made by the Brit- 
ons themselves — before 410 instead of after 
420, when their independence had been ac- 
knowledged and the Roman army and all 



its influences were withdrawn. This ef- 
fort of Turner and Gibbon thus to estab- 
lish a new chronology is contrary to Bede 
and all the old historians,i5 anc} inconsist- 
ent with many of the facts narrated by 
Gibbon himself Mr. Turner is a very fair 
and impartial historian, and there can be 
no question as to his honesty and truthful- 
ness. He may be right, but the weight of 
evidence arising from the circumstantial 
facts renders the probabilities very strong 
against his conclusion. It is deemed that 
a fair and reasonable construction of the 
old authorities will accord with the venera- 
ble Bede. 

NOTE III. 
DR. THOM.\s Nicholas' letter. . 

The following letter of Dr. Thomas 
Nicholas, M. A., Ph. D., F. G. S., of London, 
was first publishedin the Cardiff Principality, 
which sufficiently explains itself, and the 
author's views and hopes of this history. Dr. 
Nicholas was the author of "The Pedigree of 
he English People " and several other his- 
torical works of much scientific repute. 
Greatly lamented, Dr. N. departed this life, 
May 1 2th, 187S, while actively engaged in 
making arrangements to have this history 
simultaneously published on both sides of 
the Atlantic: 

London, February, 1S78. 

I am anxious to bring before the notice 
of the readers of the Principality what 
promises to be a remarkable work by a re- 
markable man, who has spent a long 
life and ri.sen to great distinction in Amer- 
ica, but as will be seen from his own narra- 
tive, is a native of the county of Glamor- 
gan, whose "hills" and famous "vale" 
have sent out so many men of worth into 
the world. The author and the work shall 
be described in his own language, taken 
from a letter which I have recently had the 



13. Ti;inslated from Rev. Theo. Evans' Primitive 
Ages, which seems] to have consulted the axithors, 
Roman and native. 

14. I Turner's Anglo-Saxons, p. iz6, B. 2, ch. 7. 



ij. Bede, Whilaker's Hist, of Manchester. Smith's 
Vindication of Bede's Chronology. The author of 
the Pictorial Hist, of England, b. i, ch. 1, p. 51., 
states the separation to be A. D. 420, after much ex- 
amination of authorities. See also The Anglo- 
Saxo-i Chronicle, A, 418; "The Romans left Britain." 
It is also said by Richard of Cirincester, p 450, B i , 
ch 6, §42, that the wall of Antonius, "was repaired 
and strengthened with eleven towers, by the general 
Aetius." It so it must have been as late as A I) 



474 

gratification of receiving from him. Lord 
Aberdare, always on the alert, I imagine, 
to discover greatness in Welshmen of the 
last one hundred years, will be pleased to 
rcognize in our author none other than the 
distinguished American lawyer, the Hon. T- 
W. Powell, the writer of "Analysis of Amer- 
ican Law," and other works of authority in 
the United States. He was born eighty -one 
years ago, near Cowbridge, Glamorgan- 
shire, removed to America with his parents 
when four years of age, and has been a res- 
ident of Delaware, Ohio, since 1820. This 
is one of those cases we frequently meet 
with where Welshmen, subjected to new 
conditions and the stimulus of new ideas 
and impulses, exhibit great power of men- 
tal growth, and rise to celebrity. The Uni- 
ted States is the very land where the quick- 
ening influence of education, of surround- 
ing personal energy, of inviting opportu- 
nity, of vast fields, schemes and prizes, are 
fitted to seize and inspire the Celtic mind, 
and carry it on to culture, enterprise, and 
success; and one could hardly conceive of 
a more interesting subject for inquiry than 
the proportion of prominent men in Amer- 
ica whose origin may be traced to a Celtic 
ancestry. Mi". Powell, in one part of his 
letter, has made more than an indirect allu- 
sion to this very point. 

The occasion of his writing to me is thus 
explained:—"! hope I may be pardoned 
for the liberty I take in addressing you this 
letter, stranger to you as I am. Having 
recently obtained a copy of your interesting 
and able work, 'The Pedigree of the En- 
glish People,' with Mdiich I have been so 
greatly pleased, I am encouraged to write 
to you with the hope of meeting some sym- 
pathy on the subject of my letter. I am a 
native of Glamorganshire, born at Bwlch- j 
gwyn, a farm near Cowbridge, September 
7th, 1797, came thence with my parents to 
Utica, in the State of New York, in May, 
1801. In 1S20 I settled in this State, and 
have since been residing here in the prac- 
tice of the law. I have thus lived a long 
life among the Americans, without losing 
my attachment to my native land. The 
American people have been very kind to 
me, often conferring upon me positions of 



APPENDIX. [Note in. 

responsibility and trust." Mr. Powell has 
been a member of the Legislature, and his 
forensic works are referred to as authori- 
ties; his "Analysis of American Law" hav 
ing pretty much the status in America, I 
understand, which Blackstone's "Commen- 
taries" have in England. 

Further oh he says: "While engaged in 
the study and practice of the law I was not 
negligent of historj^, and especially of that 
of my native country." And here his Welsh 
nature met with an offence which he de- 
termined to resent. " I soon discovered 
that there was a class of English historians 
who, in the effort of elevating their own 
history, neglected no opportunity of tradu- 
cing or ignoring the Ancient Britons. 
What could not be ignored was calumnia- 
ted. At this I was not only surprised, but 
felt indignant at its injustice and illiberali- 
ty. I do not know when it began, but I 
suppose it began with the Saxon Conquest. 
I first found it in Gibbon, who would speak 
of Britain as the last of the. provinces 
taken, and the first to be thrown away; 
whereas, in truth, it was the most loved and 
cherished of all Rome's distant provinces. 
Of this class of English historians are to be 
arraigned with Gibbon, Hume, Macaulay, 
Green, Wright, and others. On the other 
side we may rank able historians who do 
justice to the Ancient Britons, as Sharon 
Turner, Whitaker, Thierry, M. Arnold, 
and others." As to the hostile side, " the 
vilest of them," he saj's, " is Woodward, 
who pretended to write a history of Wales, 
who calumniates the subject of his history 
on almost every page. Their bitterest ha- 
tred is to the name of Celt — that glorious 
name, which sheds a gloi-y over twenty-five 
centuries." 

This leads to the writing of the history 
in question. "This matter (of injustice) 
has induced me to study for the truth of 
British history, and ascertain whether this 
aspersion was just, or founded in prejudice 
and hatred. As the result of this, about a 
year since, I finished a manuscript history, 
of about the size of your ' Pedigree of the 
English People,' which I entitle 'The His- 
tory of the Ancient Britons and their De- 
scendants.' My history was almost com- 



DR. NICHOLAS' LETTER. 



475 



pleted before I had your book, and I was 
much gratified to find that my book was in 
perfect harmony with your theory and 
ideas. Some four years since Professor J. 
Fiske, of Cambridge, Mass., published a 
number of articles in Appleton's Journal 
(New York), entitled, 'Are We Celt or Teu- 
ton.?' He often referred to your work. 
These articles are very valuable, and did 
the Celt ample justice. My book agrees 
with all this, and with whatever I have seen 
that was not prejudicial against the Celtic 
people. In America the Celts predominate 
The American spirit is theirs. They were 
the authors of the Revolution, and occupy 
a prominent position in all the professions. 
Professor Rawlinson, in his edition of 'Her- 
odotus,' vol. iii, p. 152, &c., suggests that it 
would be interesting to trace the migrations 
of the Cymry, with an antiquity of above 
2,500 years, from the steppes of Asia to the 
mountains of Wales. This I have done in 
my history, by the collection of circum- 
stantial evidence founded upon authorities, 
facts, and history, which leaves no doubt as 
to when and whence they came." 

Now, it is evident that in this work a 
method of treatment has been adopted 
which had never been hitherto pursued in 
dealing with the earlier westward migra- 
tions of the Celtic race. Meyer marked 
their footprints in many places and by dif- 
ferent routes, by means chiefly of local 
names — those almost ineffaceable memen- 
toes — but much was left by him toothers to 
complete a well-established demonstration. 
Powell's " History of the Ancient Brit- 
ons," although written, is not yet published, 
and one of his objects in writing this inter- 
esting letter was to inquire as to the means 
and advantages of its publication in Lon- 
don. I hope that it will be issued simulta- 
neously on both sides of the Atlantic, and 
prove the means of giving a new impulse 
to a study of boundless and absorbing in- 
terest. It is not a history of Wales, be it 
remembered, but rather a history, first, of 
the generic Celtic stock, which long held 



battle with the nations on the Asiatic and 
Eviropean continents, and next, of those 
branches of that stock which at different 
times peopled Britain, and are commemo- 
rated in their inain divisions in the power- 
ful tribes or nations whom the Romans 
conquered and civilized, the Saxons and 
their confederates over-ran and incorpora- 
ted, and a part of whose descendant still 
survive in Wales, not unmixed in blood, 
but prominently Celtic by reason of the 
retention of a Celtic speech. All must 
wish health and good speed to the venera- 
ble author to bring to a full completion his 
arduous and long elaborated work. 

Thos. Nicholas." 



New York, June 3d, 1879. 
Anuerin Jones, Esq., 39 Nassau St. 

Dear Sir: — We have given Judge 
Powell's MSS., " The Ancient Britons," a 
careful reading, and bear willing testimony 
to the ability and painstaking research dis- 
played in it. It is a most thorough and 
comprehensive as well as able work, and 
undoubtedly fills a vacant place. 

Very Respectfully Yours, 
Charles Scribner's Sons. 



Dr. Thomas Nicholas, the eminent En- 
glish scholar and historian, writes me as 
follows, in reference to this history: 

'The wide range of your work, and es- 
pecially the earlier questions you have ta- 
ken in hand to illustrate, viz., the original 
migration of the Cymric-Celt from Central 
Asia, and their arrival in Britain, must give 
the book unusual interest and importance; 
this early period having been left in a state 
of most unsatisfactory obscurity ; and I shall 
look forward to the appearance of your dis- 
quisition upon it with earnest expectation. 
The Germans have alone done anything of 
value as yet, but the field is left almost 
blank for a learned Cymro to fill it up. I 
sincerely hope that your eminence as a 
forensic writer will be equalled by your 
achievement in the difficult branch of An- 
cient History." 



INDEX. 



Abaris, 57,107, 114, 176. 

Aber or Inver, 50, 135. 

Aberconway, Treaty of, 324. 

Adrian, 137. 

Aetius, 150, 156. 

Age of Stone, 37. 

Agricola, 124, 129, 136, 169. 

Agriculture, 136. 

Alban, or Albion. 52, 99. 

Alfred, the Great, 244, 247, 255, 285. 

Allecia, Taken, 94. 

Allectus, 141. 

Allia, Battle of, 67. 

Ancient Britons and Cymry, 44, 97. 

Andredes Caster, Destroyed, 206, 2S1. 

Anglia and Northumbria, 211, 221. 

Anglo-Saxon, 2S3, 291, 347, 352, 399. 

.^nius, 64. 

Antiquities, 60. 

Antonius Pius, 137. 

Ariovistus, defeated, 73. 

Aristotle, 52. 

Armorica, 43, 45, 55, 75. 

Aquitania, 76. 

Arthur, 207, 209, 212. 

Arviragus, 96. 

Aryan Language, 61, 112. 

Asia Minor, 47, 55, 68. 

Asser, 254, 289. 

Athelstan, 257. 

Attilla, 150. 

Augustine, 217 

( ) and the Cymry, 218. 

Avaragus, 133. 
Avebury, 59, 99, 114, 118. 



B 



Barbarians, 145. 
Bards, &c., 105. 
Barter, 54, 120. 
Battles (Great), 



Agincourt, 333, 403. 

Alesia, 93. 

Allia, 67. 

Ariovistus, 73. 

Bambury, 214. 

Bannockburn, 328. 

Bosworth, 338. 

Boyne, 373. 

Camlan, 210. 

Caractacus, last, 126. 

Cottraeth, 214 

Cressey, 328. 

Dagratan, 222. 

Danish Battles, 245, 246, 249. 

Flodden, 361,. 

Galgacus, 135. 

Hastings, 305. 

Herold, at Battle Bridge, York, 303. 

Ivry, description, 68. 

Longborth and Badon Hill, 207-'8. 

Lyons (A. D. 197), 138. 

Venetian, Naval, 76, 117. 

Verneuil, 334. 
Becket, Archbishop, 317. 
Belgium and Belgae, 53, 74, 90, 97. 
Boadicea, 130. 

Brenhin, or Brennus, 68, 72, 109. 
Bretwalder, 225, 239, 244. 
Britain, 46, 52, 78, So, 88, 96. 
Britain, after Caesar's invasion, 95. 
Britain, Division of, 62, 99, 100, 163. 
Brittany, see Armorica. 
British and Saxon People, 2o6-'7, 224, 292. 
British Church, 294. 
British Laws, 173, 294. 
British Union, 25. 
British Works, Acts, &c., 174. 
Britons, became Romans, 172. 
Britons, History of, 51, 63, 85. 
Britons, under Saxon Rule, 275,-'6, 286, 293 
Brutus, 76, 117. 
Burke, 376. 



478 



INDEX. 



C 



Cade, Jack, 404-'6. 

Cadwallader, 231. 

Cadwallon, 223, 226, 231. 

Caesar, 41, 72, 78, 88. 

CcEsar's Commentaries, 59, 116. 

Caesar's Conquest of Gaul, 72, 78, 88, 97. 

Caledonia, 25, 135. 

Caligula, 121. 

Cambria, 213. 

Cambrian and Saxon Territory, 224. 

Camelford, Battle of, 240. 

Canterbury, 215. 

Caracal la, confers citizenship, 179. 

Caractacus, loi, 122, 125, 183. 

Carausius, 141 and N. 2, 174, 180. 

Carmac, Armorica, 114. 

Carthage, 53. 

Cartismandua, 127. 

Cassivalinus, 84, 86. 

Cerdic-Wessex, 206. 

Celtic Clothing, i 20. 

Celtic Race, ;o, 32, 40, 46, 51,61, 97, 2:19. 

Celtic Race, Their Characteristics, 411, 420. 

Chariots, 47, 69, 126, 135. 

Charter, Great, 317, 350. 

Christianity, 143, 168, 182,219,230,288, 143. 

Christianity, among the Saxons, 216. 

Church of England, 366. 

Cimbria, 261, 298, 319. 

Cimbri against the Romans, 65, 70. 

Cimbri and Teutons, 69. 

Cimbrici Chersonesus, 45. 

Cimmarians, 44. 

Cities, 280. 

Cities, Roman, 153, lyS, 279. 

Civilization, 35^ 108, 113, 120, 136, 158, 174, 

279 295. 
Claudius, i2i-'4. 
Clergy, 262. 
Colonies, 165, 177. 

Coke, Lord, Laws of England, 102, 181. 
Commerce, Ancient, 53. 
Commons, See House of Commons. 
Constantius, 141. 
Conslanfine, 142, 148. 
Constantinople, 144. 
Constantius, the General, i:;7. 
Council of Aries (A. D. 416), 184. 
Constitutional Government, 171. 
Cradle of Mankind, 20, 29, 31, 41, 44, 46. 



Cradle of the Human Race, 29, 33, 38. 

Crida, 215. 

Cromwell, Oliver, 870. 

Cymbeline, 90, 122, 149. 

Cymry, 20, 21, 43, 51,61,65,71, 97, 114,120. 

254, 267, 287, 33S, 342, 359, 379, 414, 

440. 
Cymry and'Lloegrians, 213. 
Cynan, of Cambria, 241. 

D 

Danes, 240, 242, 247, 251, 255, 263, 285. 

Dark Age, 175, 186, 361. 

Devon and Cornwall, 240. 

Diocletian. 139, 158, 175. 

Diodorus, 54. 

Druids, 47, loi, 104, 129, 133, 144, 168, 182, 

185. 
Dustan, Archbishop, 261. 



Edgar, 261. 

Edward, the Black Prince, 329. 

Edwin, Humbra, 221, 226. 

Egbert, 41, 239, 242. 

Ella and South Saxons, 205. 

Elbe River, 45. 

Empire, East and West, 145. 

Enemies of the Britons, 207. 

England, 242, 258, 260. 

England, Kings of from Alfred to Victoria. 

A. D. S72, Alfred, 244. 

901, Edward the Elder, 256. 

92t,, Alhelstane, 256. 

941, Edward I, 260. 

948, Eldred, 261. 

955. Edwy, 261. 

959, Edgar, 261. 

976, Edward the Martyr, 262. 

97S, Ethelred II, 263. 

1013, Sweyn, 264. 

1015, Canute the Great 264 

1017, Edmund II, 265. 

1039, Harold & Hardi-Canute, 265. 

1042, EdM^ard the Confessor, 272. 

1066, Harold (son of Godwin), 27_i), 
300. 

1066, William the Conqueror, 299. 

1087, "yV^illiam Rufus, 316. 

HOC, Henry I, 316. 

1135, Stephen, 316. 

1 1 54, Henry II, 316. 

1 189, Richard I, 317. 



INDEX. 



479 



1199, John, 317. 

1216, Henry III, 31S 

1276, Edward I, 318. 

1307, Edward II, 328. 

1327, Edward III, 328. 

1377, Richard II, 330. 

1399, Henry IV, 330. 

1413, Henry V, 333. 

1422, Henry VI, 334. 

I461, Edward IV, 336. 

14S3, Edward V, 336. 

1483, Richard III, 336. 

1485, Henry VII, 361. 

1509, Henry VIII, 364. 

1547, Edward VI, 367. 

1553. Mary, 367. 

1558, Elizabeth, 367. 

1603, James I, 398. 

1625, Charles I, 369. 

1649, Commonwealth. 370. 
Cromwell, 370. 

1660, Charles II, 370. 

1685, James II, 371. 

1689, William III and Mary, 372 

1702, Anne, 317. 

(1707, Great Britain.) 

1714, George I, 374. 

1727, George II, 375. 

1760, George III, 376. 

1820, George IV, 377. 

1830, William, IV, 377. 

1830, Victoria, 37S. 
English Language, Origin of, 390, 446. 
Erkemvin Essex, 211. 
Ethelbert, 217, 220. 
Ethnology, 387. 
Euxine, or Black Sea, 46. 
Evidence in History, 44, 51. 
Extension of Saxon Territory, 220. 



Feudal System, 307, 339, 354, 409. 

Foreigners, 273. 

France, 328, 333. 

Franks, 139, 176. 

Freedom of Conscience, 104. 



G 



Gael, 135, 229. 
Galatians 48 68 72. 
Galgacus 134-5. 
Gaul 57 67 73. 



Geoffrey of Monmouth 20. 

Geology, 32. 

Germans, Bishops 152 188. 

Gerontius 148. 

Gildas 157 210. „„_- 

Giraldus Cambrensis 211. 

Glendower, Owen 330. 

Gladiators 106. 

Godwin, the Great Earl 266 272. 

Gomer 30. 

Goths 176. 

Government of the Britons 100 163 170 172. 

Government, Saxon and English, 308 310 

347- 
Grecian Account of Britain 57. 
Greeks of Asia Minor 45. 
Griffith Ap. Llewellyn 269 272 31S. 

H 

Helena, St. 180, See Appedix. 

Helvetia, 73. 

Hengist and Horsa, 197 200. 

Heptarchy 176 212 223 229 242 256. 

Herodotus 20 44 58. 

History of Britons 52 6z 116 120. 

History falsified 20 25 290. 

History should be true 19 276. 

Honorius 147 150. 

House of Commons 322 355 362 376 398. 

Howel Da 256 258 261 26S. 

Huns and Goths 176. 

Hj'perboreans 57. 

I 

Immortality of the Soul 106. 
Inhabitants of Western Europe 29. 
Ireland United with England and Scotland 

377 437- 
Irish 429. 



J 



Jeffrey, Judge 371. 
Joan of Arc 334. 
Josephus 51 72. 
Judiciary 102 181. 
Jutes 197. 

Kent 233 236- 



K 



L 



Language 62 112 280 291 389 445. 
Language, Development of English 389 



480 

Laws 100 103 no 167 294 315 342 393. 

Law of Howel Da 259 260. 

Liberty and Slavery 102. 

Literature 279 286 322 341 344 425. 

Livv, battle in 68 69. 

Lloegrians 62 99 100. 

Loire River 53 56 76 117 158. 

Loadoai3i 145 166 179 215 219 280 291 

343- 
London, never taken 215. 

Ljdia 44. 

M 

Marius in Gaul 70. 

Massacre (St. Brice) 264. 

Maxinius 146. 

Media 44. 

Menakia 140. 

Mercia 211 214 223 291. 

Michelet 46 61. 

Mistletoe 106. 

Money 11 8. 

Monks of Bangor 222. 

Monmouth, Duke of 371. 

Morbeham in Armorica 53 76. 

Mounds and relics 56 60 159. 

Municipal Law 172 iSi. 

N 

Names of British People 224. 

Navy 117. 

Nennius 63. 

Nineveh 44. 

Normans 297. 

Norman Conquest 305. 

Neustria 297. 

o 

Offa 236. 

Origin of Human Race, See Cradle of 

Mankind. 
Oswald 227. 



Paris 91. 

Parliaments, See House of Commons. 

Patrick St. 186 249. 

Peculation 170. 

Pelagian Theory 152 186 279. 

Penda 212 215 223 226. 

Pendragon 96 112 163 224 225 244. 

People 47 56 99 167 292 398 407. 



INDEX. 

People, Amalgamation of, 236, 283. 
People, Condition of, see Progress and 

People. 
People of Britain, 19, 167, 175, 346. 
Petrarch, 24, 26, 135, 230. 
Phoenecians, 52. 
Picts, see S;;ots and Picts. 
Pirates, 243, 2S9. 
Pitt, Earl of Chatham, 376. 
Pitt, William, 437. 
Polybus, 54. 

Population of Great Britain, 380. 
Population of the World, 34. 
Porta, Portsmouth, 206. 
Priest (Saxon), 284. 
Probus, 139. 
Progress in Arts and Civilization, 78 82 97 

113 120 136 149 158 161 172 283 285 

295 315 385- 
Protestantism, 365 383. 
Provinces, 144 163 169 186. 
Pythagoris, 47. 

R 

Races of Western Europe, 39. 

Ragner, 245. 

Rebellion, 330 403. 

Reformation, 356. 

Retaliation on Rome, 175. 

Revolution, Amt. and French, 377. 

Rhodri Mowr, 246. 

Rhuddlan, Battle of, 237. 

Richai-d II, see Rebellion. 

Roads, 162. 

Rollo of Normandy, 297. 

Roman Conquest, 121, &c. 

Roman Departure, 190. 

Roman Period, 124 194. 

Roman Rule Ended, i "jo 169. 

Roman Sovereignty, 179. 

Rome, 175. 

Rome Taken, 67 143. 

Rowena, Vortigern, Hengist, 200 

s 

Sardis, 44. 

Saxons, 139 144 176 280 283 289 308 340. 

Saxons and Cymry, 230 loS. 

Saxon Falsification of History, 20 25 49 59 

116 162 167 169 230. 
Saxon Period, begins (A. D. 449), 195. 
Sax©n Pirates, 198 289. 
Saxon Shores, 182 195. 



INDEX. 



481 



Saxon States, (A. D. 530—600), 211. 

Schools, 186 279. 

Scotland, 230 233 272. 

Scots, 421. 

Scots and Picts, 24—6 135 152. 

Seneca, 167. 

Senones, 68 98. 

Severus, Septimus, 138 165. 

Sidon and Tyre, 33. 

Sinigaglia, 66 98. 

Somme Valley, 31 37- 

Stilicho, 147 150. 

Stipendaries, 145 168 170. 

Stonehenge, 57 99 118 277. 

Strabo, 54. 

Strath-Clyde, 213 222, 230 261 

Suetonius, 129 169. 

Sythians, 44. 

T 

Tacitus, 65 177. 

Teutons, 24 41. 

Teutons, Their Characteristics, 410 440. 

Tewdric, King Recalled, 223. 

Theodosius, 14. 

Tin, 52. 

Titus, 122 124. 

Treachery of the Saxons, 202 238. 



Triads, 63 190. 

Turanian Race, 32 36 40 55 60. 

Tyler, Wat, 404. 

Tyris River, 44. 

V 

Vandals, 176. 

Vanity of Ambition and War, 22S. 

Vaughan, 55. 

Vercingetorix, 73 92 94. 

Vespasian, 122 124. 

Vor tiger n, 196. 

Vortimer, 200. 

w 

Wales, 246 255 261 269 2S8 313 324 341 353 

357 3S0. 
Wales, Division of, 224 267. 
Walls, Roman, 137 — 8. 
War, 244 2S8. 
War, Private, 356. 

War between the Britons and Saxons, 202. 
War of the Roses, 334 — 5. 
War of the Saxon Heptarchy, 220. 
Welsh, 27 414. 

Wentworth, Earl of Stafford, 434. 
Woden, 198 229 242. 
Woodward's History, 62. 

X 

Xenophon, 52. 



;^^. 



1^ 



~r 



